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English:  From  page  i  to  page  338. 

Italian:  From  page  339  to  page  673. 

Inglese:  Da  pagina  i  a  pagina  338. 

Italiano:  Da  pagina  339  a  pagina  673. 


Why  Italy  Entered  Into 
the  Great  War 


Why  Italy  Entered  Into 
the  Great  War 


By 

Luigi  Carnovale 


Author  of  "A  Visit  to  the  Artist  Andrea  Cefaly,"  "My  Mother," 

"The  Dream  of  Francesco,"  "Journalism  of  the 

Italian  Emigrants  in  America." 


/  speak  to  utter  the  truth, 

Not  out  of  hate  nor  scorn  for  others. 

— Petrarch. 


Italian-American  Publishing  Company 

Chicago,  Illinois 

United  States  of  America 

1917 


Copyright,  1917,  by  Luigi  Carnovale. 
All  rights  reserved. 


This  labor  of  love  written  in  exile 
I  dedicate  to  the  memory  of 

the  fallen  and 

to  the  sorrows  of  the  survivors 

with  thoughts  reaching  out 

toward  the  highest  human  ideals 

to  vindicate  the  honor  of  the 

Italian  people 

in  the  minds  of  those  who 

are  in  ignorance 

of  the  truth. 


LuiGi  Carnovale. 


Chicago,  Illinois 

United  States  of  America 

July,  1917 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Dedication 5 

Introduction — A  Question.     An  Insinuation.     A  Premise.     19 

FIRST  PART 

I.  The  beginning  of  Austria's  military  violence  in  Italy. 
The  stoning  of  the  boy  Balilla  (1746) 23 

II.  The  dismembering  and  repartition  of  Italy  in  1815. 
The  "lion's  share"  to  Austria.     The  Carbonari.     ...      25 

III.  The  Revolutions  in  the  Kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies 
in  1820.  Austria,  with  the  brutal  force  of  her  soldiery, 
imposes  the  tyranny  of  the  Bourbons  on  the  Italian 
patriots  who  are  fighting  for  liberty.  Persecutions  and 
condemnations  (1821) 27 

IV.  The  Revolution  of  Piedmont  in  1821.  Austria,  with 
the  brutal  force  of  her  soldiery,  imposes  the  tyranny  of 
the  house  of  Savoy  on  the  patriots  who  were  fighting  for 
liberty.     Persecutions  and  condemnations 31 

V.  Austria,  with  the  brutal  force  of  her  soldiery,  imposes 
her  own  tyranny  on  the  patriots  of  Lombardo-Veneto, 
who  are  fighting  for  liberty.  Persecutions  and  condem- 
nations (1820-1821) 33 

VI.  The  Revolutions  of  the  Duchies  of  Modena  and  Reggio 
and  in  the  Roman  State  (183 1).  Austria,  with  the  brutal 
force  of  her  soldiery,  imposes  the  tyranny  of  one  of  her 
princes  and  the  tyranny  of  the  Pope  on  the  Italian  pa- 
triots who  are  fighting  for  liberty.  Persecutions  and  con- 
demnations  35 

VII.  A  new  national  conscience  is  formed  by  the  forceful 
teachings  of  Mazzini,  Gioberti,  and  other  great  Italians, 
impelling  the  people  to  thought  and  action.  The  tyrants, 
both  big  and  little,  are  obliged  to  concede  the  benefits  of 
liberty  to  the  oppressed  people.  Only  Austria,  despising 
and  challenging  them,  continues  to  oppress  the  Italians 

of  Lombardo-Veneto 37 

7 


8  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

VIII.  The  Revolutions  of  1848  in  Italy.  Milan  rises  up 
against  Austrian  tyranny  and  fights  epically  for  five 
days.  The  troops  of  Field  Marshal  Radetzky  (20,000 
men,  infantry  and  cavalry,  with  sixty  field  cannon) 
slaughter  the  innocents;  burn  alive  men,  women  and  chil- 
dren; nail  nursing  babes  to  the  walls  of  houses;  they  string 
infants  on  stacked  bayonets  and  carry  them  around  as 
trophies;  outrage  women,  kill  them,  cut  off  and  put  in 
their  pockets  the  ringed  hands  from  the  dead  bodies;  rob, 
pollute,  massacre,  burn;  commit  numberless  and  un- 
speakable crimes.  And  the  Milanese  —  heroic  and  vic- 
torious —  respond  with  civil  generosity  for  the  evil 
which  they  had  received.  Venice  also  rises  up,  drives 
out  the  Austrian  oppressors,  and  re-establishes  the  an- 
cient Republic  of  St.  Mark 41 

IX.  The  Hymn  of  Mameli.     The  first  War  of  Liberation  — 
The   Italians   are   defeated    because   of  the   defection   of 
Pope  Pius  IX  and  of  the  Bourbon  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies. 
The  Austrians  are  again  rulers  of  Lombardy  (1848).      .      .     50 

X.  The  Austrian  soldiers  re-enter  Milan,  giving  them- 
selves up  to  rapine  and  vandalism.  Field  Marshal  Ra- 
detzky extorts  the  extraordinary  tax  of  20,000,000  lire 
from  185  "noble  and  prominent  citizens"  (1848).        .      .     53 

XI.  The  insurrection  at  Rome.  The  Papal  Prime  Min- 
ister Pellegrino  Rossi  is  killed.  Pius  IX  flees  in  the  night 
to  Gaeta.  The  Roman  Republic  is  proclaimed  with  Maz- 
zini,  Saflfi,  and  Armellini  at  the  head.  The  second  War 
of  Liberation  against  Austria.  The  Italians  are  defeated 
because  of  their  commanders.  Carlo  Alberto  is  obliged  to 
abdicate  in  favor  of  his  son  Victor  Emanuel.  The  Aus- 
trians, emboldened,  extend  their  tyranny  to  Piedmont 
(1849) 55 

XII.  The  "Lioness  of  Italy."  At  Brescia  the  Austrian 
soldiers  "throw  the  heads  of  infants,  torn  from  their 
bodies,  the  arms  of  women  and  children,  and  burned 
human  flesh  on  the  barricades  of  the  citizens  as  if  they 
were  throwing  the  remnants  of  a  dinner  to  dogs,  and  com- 
mit other  unbelievable  villainies."     The  tragic  revenge 

of  a  young  Brescian  who  was  burned  alive  (1849).  57 

XIII.  The  Austrian  soldiers  in  Tuscany  in  Bologna,  and  in 


CONTENTS  9 

PAGE 

Ancona.  The  tyrants  crush  the  Roman  Republic,  which 
had  been  so  gloriously  ruled  by  Mazzini  and  defended  by 
Garibaldi,  and  re-establish  the  temporal  power  of  the 
Popes  (1849) 61 

XIV.  The  Austrian  soldiers  pursue  Garibaldi  and  Anita 
(the  loved  consort  of  the  Hero)  who  is  pregnant.  The 
sad  ending  of  the  heroine,  who  is  buried  nude!  "The 
abandoned  wandering  dog"  (1849) 63 

XV.  The  Austrians  besiege  and  bombard  Venice,  continu- 
ously, for  three  months.  Field  Marshal  Radetzky  apes 
Nero.  The  Queen  of  the  Adriatic  Sea  is  obliged  to  sur- 
render, because  of  famine  and  cholera  more  than  because 
of  the  army  of  the  enemy.  The  elegy  of  the  poet 
(i849).' 67 

XVI.  Field  Marshal  Radetzky  and  his  graceless  officers 
celebrate  the  birthday  of  their  Emperor  (Francis  Joseph) 
in  Milan  by  hectoring  the  unarmed  people,  brutally 
charging  upon  them  with  cavalry  and  infantry,  beating 
patriots  and  whipping  the  young  boys  and  girls  on  their 
bare  backs  (1849) 70 

XVII.  "The  Emperor  of  Hangmen"  (1851-1853).      ...     73 

XVIII.  The  Bersaglieri  in  the  Crimean  War  (1855).  Cavour 
at  the  Congress  of  Paris  (1856).  The  Alliance  with 
Napoleon  III  (1858).  The  memorable  words  of  Victor 
Emanuel  II  at  the  opening  of  the  Sub-Alpine  Parlia- 
ment. Austria's  ultimatum  to  Piedmont.  The  Hymn 
of  Garibadli.  The  Austrian  soldiers  massacre  the  family 
of  Cignoli.  The  papal  soldiers  massacre  the  patriots  of 
Perugia.  Pius  IX  and  Cardinal  Pecci  (later  Pope  Leo 
XIII)  praise  the  assassination.  The  third  War  of  Libera- 
tion won  by  the  Italians  with  the  aid  of  the  French 
(1859) 75 

XIX.  Garibaldi  and  The  Thousand  gloriously  conquer  the 
Two  Sicilies  (i860).  Proclamation  of  the  Kingdom  of 
Italy  (1861).  The  Fourth  War  of  Liberation  against 
Austria  is  lost  owing  to  the  inefficiency  of  commanders. 
The  annexation  of  Veneto  (1866).  Villa  Glori.  The  hired 
soldiers  of  Pius  IX  massacre  the  Roman  heroine  Giuditta 
Arquati-Tavani   with   her  husband   and   son.     Mentana 


10  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

(1867).  The  taking  of  Rome  and  the  final  fall  of  the 
temporal  power  of  the  Popes  (1870).  The  Nation  one 
and  independent 83 


SECOND  PART 

I.  How  ancient  Rome,  during  the  Republic  and  also  dur- 
ing the  Empire,  conquered  and  latinized  Friuli,  Istria, 
Trieste,  Trentino,  Trent  and  Dalmatia  and  how  she  made 
of  the  Adriatic  Sea  a  great  Roman  Lake.  "The  Tavola 
Clesiana." 91 

II.  The  barbarian  invasion  into  Italy.  Attila,  flagelhim 
Dei,  destroys  (452  A.  D.)  the  beautiful  city  of  Acquileia, 
founded  by  the  Romans  in  181-182  B.  C.  In  a  mass 
meeting,  presided  over  by  the  Emperor  Charlemagne, 
the  Italians  of  Istria  protest  against  the  Slavic  immi- 
gration (804  A.  D.).  The  Republic  of  the  Doges  liberates 
the  Adriatic  sea  from  foreign  pirates.  The  marriage  of 
Venice  with  the  sea.  The  spontaneous  submission  of 
Dalmatia  (999  A.  D.)  after  eight  centuries  of  fidelity. 
The  "honorable  burial"  of  the  standard  of  St.  Mark.  98 

III.  The  Communes.  Frederick  Barbarossa,  Emperor  of 
Germany,  descends  upon  Italy  (1154)  massacres,  sacks 
and  burns;  captures  the  celebrated  reformer,  Arnold 
of  Brescia,  and  delivers  him  into  the  hands  of  Adrian  IV, 
who  burns  him  alive.  The  subservient  Diet  of  Roncaglia, 
Milan,  Crema  and  Piacenza  rebels.  Barbarossa  takes  a 
frightful  revenge,  besieges  the  smallest  town,  Crema. 
But  not  being  able  to  conquer  by  force  of  arms,  he  takes 
children  of  Crema  and  Milan  whom  he  holds  in  hostage, 
ties  them  to  movable  wooden  towers  and  exposes  them 
to  the  shots  of  the  besieged  citizens.  Love  of  Country 
overcomes  paternal  love  in  the  Italians.  The  destruction 
of  Crema  and  Milan.  The  Veronese  League.  An  ener- 
getic Pope.  The  Lomhardian  League.  The  Archbishop 
Cristiano  of  Magonza,  plenipotentiary  of  Barbarossa  in 
Italy,  besieges  Ancona  and  forces  the  citizens  to  eat  net- 
tles and  leather.  The  heroism  of  the  women.  The  union 
of  the  communes  produces  the  epopee.  The  Carrocio. 
The  Covipany  of  Death.  Barbarossa  is  defeated  by  the 
Italians  at  Legnano  (1176).     He  is  defeated  also  on  the 


CONTENTS  11 


PAGE 


sea  by  the  combined  fleets  of  Venice  and  Trieste.  He 
suffers  the  humiliation  of  kissing  the  foot  of  his  enemy 
(Pope  Alexander  III).  He  sues  for  peace  and  leaves 
Italy  forever  without  having  put  it  under  the  yoke.    .      .    104 

IV.  The  struggle  of  the  Triestians  for  their  municipal 
independence  and  for  the  maintenance  of  their  Itali- 
anity  from  the  Peace  of  Constance  (1183),  Against  the 
Bishop-barons  (1295  to  1349).  Against  Venice  (1368 
to  1381).  "The  surrender"  to  Austria  (1382).  The 
Anti-Austrian  party,  its  rebellions  and  martyrology. 
"The  pride  of  their  Roman  heritage."  Triestine  history 
from  Fifteenth  to  Eighteenth  Century 112 

V.  The  struggle  for  Italianity  sustained  with  perseverance 
by  the  Triestians,  Istrians,  Dalmatians  and  Trentini 
against  Austria,  from  the  time  of  the  treaty  of  Vienna 

18 15,  until  the  Italian  revolutions  of  1848 120 

VI.  The  Trentini,  the  Triestians,  the  Istrians  and  the  Dal- 
matians battle  for  the  Roman  Republic,  which  is  under 
the  leadership  of  the  Triumvirate  Mazzini,  Saffi  and 
Armellini,  and  is  defended  by  Garibaldi  against  the  Pope, 
and  for  the  Republic  of  Venice  which  is  led  by  Manin  and 
Tommaseo  and  is  defended  by  General  Guglielmo  Pepe 
against  Austria  (1849) 131 

VII.  The  Trentini,  Triestians,  Istrians  and  Dalmatians  in 
defense  of  their  Italianity  from  1850  to  1858.  Their 
filial  contribution  of  blood  to  the  Second  War  of  Libera- 
tion of  Italy  against  Austria  (1859) 133 

VIII.  The  Trentini,  the  Triestians,  the  Istrians  in  the  cam- 
paign of  The  Thousand.  Their  filial  contribution  of 
blood  during  the  entire  War  for  the  Liberation  of  Southern 
and  Central  Italy  (i860).  The  fierce  reaction  of  the 
Austrians.  The  sums  of  money  gathered  from  the  Istrians 
for  the  national  cause.  The  Triestian  women  present  an 
Italian  flag  to  Garibaldi  (i860) 138 

IX.  The  struggle  for  Italianity,  sustained  with  indomitable 
pride  by  the  Trentini,  Triestians,  Istrians,  and  Dalma- 
tians against  Austria  from  1861  to  1865 145 

X.  The  filial  contribution  of  blood  by  the  Trentini,  the 
Triestians,  the  Istrians  and  Dalmatians,  who  battle  for 


12  CONTENTS 


PAGE 


the  independence  and  unity  of  Italy  against  the  Austrians 
in  the  war  of  1866.  Trieste  and  Istria  fight  for  their 
annexation  to  the  Mother  Country  (1866) 150 

XL  The  filial  contributions  of  blood  by  the  Triestians, 
Istri^ns,  Trentini  and  Dalmatians  to  Italy  in  the  taking 
ofRome(i867-i87o) 158 

XII.  Triestians  are  found  among  the  Garibaldian  volunteers 
in  defense  of  France  against  Prussia  in  the  war  of  1870. 
Continued  demonstrations  of  Italianity  in  the  Irredentist 
regions  (1872-1882).  The  young  Triestian  William 
Oberdan,  university  student  at  Rome,  ardent  apostle  of 
Italianity,  is  hanged  at  Trieste  for  attempting  to  take  the 
life  of  Francis  Joseph.  Tremendous  Italian  demonstra- 
tions against  Austria  (December  1882) 163 

XIII.  The  monument  to  Dante  in  the  city  of  Trent  (1896). 
Manifestations  of  Italianity  at  Trieste  and  Istria  (1897- 
1903).  The  elementary  and  intermediate  Italian  schools 
in  Goritz  and  Gradisca,  Trieste,  Istria  and  in  Dalmatia. 
The  eternal  lamp  placed  by  the  Irredentist  Italians  at 
the  tomb  of  Dante  in  Ravenna  (1908).  The  Italian 
Irredentist  students  of  the  University  of  Vienna  assaulted 
by  the  Austrian  students  of  the  same  University  and  fired 
upon  by  the  police.  Tremendous  Italian  demonstrations 
of  protest  against  Austria  (1908).  The  incessant  con- 
spiracies of  Italian  Trieste  against  the  Austrian  govern- 
ment until  1915 176 

XIV.  A  proclamation  inciting  Italy  to  war  against  Austria, 
sent  by  the  Triestians  to  each  socialist  deputy  of  the 
Italian  National  Parliament  on  the  day  when  the  new 
Legislature  opened  in  Rome,  February  1914 188 

XV.  A  proclamation  inciting  Italy  to  war  against  Austria, 
sent  by  the  Triestians  to  each  non-socialist  deputy  of  the 
Italian  National  Parliament  on  the  day  when  the  new 
legislature  opened  in  Rome,  February  1914 190 

XVI.  A  proclamation  inciting  Italy  to  war  against  Austria 
by  the  Italians  of  the  Irredentist  provinces  of  Gradisca, 
Goritz,  Trieste  and  Istria  (Julian  Venice)  and  the  Tren- 
tino  during  the  month  of  April  1914,  "for  the  Unity  of 
the  Patria." 191 


CONTENTS  13 

PAGE 

XVII.  The  Italian  banner  is  hoisted  at  Trieste  on  the  tower 
of  San  Giusto  and  over  the  harbor  of  Muggia  in  Decem- 
ber, 1914.  Thousands  of  Irredentist  Itahans  rush  to 
offer  themselves  to  the  Patria  in  the  present  great  war 
against  Austria,  1914-1915 195 

XVIII.  Gabriele  d'Annunzio  reaffirms  and  exalts  the  Ital- 
ianity  of  Trieste  in  the  garden  of  the  Palace  of  Andrea 
Doria,  at  Genoa  (May  6,  1915),  upon  receiving  a  gift  in 
plaster  of  the  Triestian  Lion,  the  original  of  which  is  in  the 
wall  of  one  of  the  houses  of  the  Guistiniani 196 

XIX.  Words  spoken  by  Gabriele  d'Annunzio  in  Genoa, 
May  7,  191 5,  to  the  exiles  of  Dalmatia,  upon  receiving 
from  them  the  gift  of  a  book,  printed  in  Genoa,  in  which 
the  Dalmatians  affirm,  demonstrate  and  defend  the  Itali- 
anity  of  Dalmatia 197 

THIRD  PART 

I.  The  assassination  of  the  Archduke  Francis  Ferdinand,  heir 
to  the  Austro-Hungarian  throne,  by  the  Serbian  student 
Gabrilo  Princip  on  June  28,  1914 201 

II.  The  fatal  note  —  ultimatum  of  the  Austro-Hungarian 
government  to  the  government  of  Serbia  (July  23, 
1914) 202 

III.  The  partisan  attitude  of  Germany.  The  conciliatory 
attitude  of  Russia.  The  beseeching  telegram  of  Prince 
Alexander,  regent  of  Serbia,  to  Czar  Nicholas  II.  An 
eloquent  telegram  from  the  English  Ambassador,  Buch- 
anan. The  obstinacy  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  govern- 
ment  205 

IV.  The  reply  of  the  Serbian  government  to  the  ultimatum 
note  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  government  was  given 
July  25,  1914 208 

V.  An  eloquent  telegram  from  the  English  ambassador  in 
Vienna,  Maurice  di  Bunsen,  to  Sir  Edward  Grey  (July 
27,  1914).  An  official  communication  from  the  Russian 
government,  pubHshed  by  the  Courrier  de  la  Bourse,  of 
Petrograd  (July  27,  1914),  the  reply  of  Czar  Nicholas  II  to 
Prince  Alexander,  regent  of  Serbia  (July  27,  1914).     The 


14  CONTENTS 


PAGE 


grateful   acknowledgment  of  Prince  Alexander  to  Czar 
Nicholas  II 213 

VI.  The  declaration  of  war  by  Austro-Hungary  against 
Serbia  (July  27,  1914).  The  proclamation  of  the  Em- 
peror Francis  Joseph  to  his  people  (July  28th).  Czar 
Nicholas  sends  an  urgent  telegram  to  the  Kaiser,  begging 
of  him  to  discourage  war  (July  29th).     The  reply  and 

the  declaration  of  war  (July  31st) 214 

VII.  The  treaty  of  the  Triple  Alliance  between  the  govern- 
ments of  Italy,  Austria,  and  Germany  (1882-1912).  The 
articles  III,  IV,  and  VII  of  that  same  treaty 217 

VIII.  How  the  government  of  Austria,  in  its  fatal  ultimatum 
of  July  23,  1914,  and  the  consequent  declaration  of  war 
against  Serbia,  of  July  27,  1914,  violated  the  treaty  of 
the  Triple  Alliance  to  the  injury  of  Italy 218 

IX.  The  declaration  of  Italian  neutrality  (August  4,  1914).      220 

X.  The  Italian  Government,  on  May  3,  191 5,  denounces 
the  treaty  of  the  Triple  Alliance 221 

XI.  Antonio  Salandra,  president  of  the  ministerial  council 
of  Italy,  in  the  historical  session  of  the  National  Italian 
parliament  in  Rome,  May  20,  1915,  explains  the  reasons 
which  forced  the  Italian  government  to  declare  war  on 
Austria-Hungary 223 

XII.  Italy  declares  war  against  Austria-Hungary  (May  23, 
1915) 225 

XIII.  The  Emperor  Francis  Joseph  in  a  proclamation  ad- 
dressed to  his  people  on  May  24,  1915,  accuses  Victor 
Emanuel  III,  King  of  Italy,  of  treachery 226 

XIV.  The  "violent  and  false"  speech  of  von  Bethmann- 
Hollweg,  the  German  chancellor,  to  the  Reichstag  in 
Berlin,  against  Italy  (May  28,  1915) 227 

XV.  Antonio  Salandra,  president  of  the  Italian  cabinet,  in 
a  solemn  and  detailed  speech  delivered  in  the  Campido- 
glio  of  Rome,  June  2,  191 5,  defends  Italy  from  the  accusa- 
tions of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Emperor  and  the  German 
Chancellor 229 


CONTENTS  15 
FOURTH  PART 

PAGE 

I.  First  reason:   Patriotism 243 

II.  Second  reason:   Irredentism 245 

III.  Third  reason:  An  unreturned  visit.     .      .      .      .      .      .  246 

IV.  Fourth  reason:  National  cohesion;  mihtary  efficiency,   .  247 

V.  Fifth  reason:  Fear  of  isolation 250 

VI.  Sixth  reason:  The  right  to  travel 251 

VII.  Seventh  reason:   Human  solidarity 253 

VIII.  The  betrayal 278 

IX.  English  and  French  gold 289 

X.  Territorial  cupidity 301 

XI.  The  Omnipotents 303 

Index 307 

ILLUSTRATIONS 

The  "Tavola  Clesiana." 96 

Map  of  the  unredeemed  Italian  regions 338-339 


Press  and  individual  opinions  on  the  book,  Journalism  of  the 

Italian  Emigrants  in  America  by  Luigi  Carnovale      .      .317 


Why  Italy  Entered  Into 
the  Great  War 


INTRODUCTION 

A  Question.     An  Insinuation.     A  Premise. 

Soon  after  Victor  Emanuel  III  declared  war  upon 
Francis  Joseph,  May  23,  1915,  I  was  frequently  plied  with 
questions  by  thoughtful  Americans  as  to  why  Italy  had 
entered  into  the  great  European  conflict.^  These  questions 
always  carried  with  them  a  note  of  affection  and  regret  that 

The  beautiful  country 
Traversed  by  the  Apennines,  bounded  by  the  Alps,  and  bathed 
by  the  sea, 

should  be  imperiled,  and  it  also  proves  that  up  to  the 
above  date  nothing  which  has  been  published  regarding 
this  extraordinary  event  has  been  sufficient  to  give  to  the 
greater  part  of  the  American  public  an  exact  or  even  an 
approximate  explanation  of  the  causes  which  determined 
the  intervention  of  Italy  into  the  butchery  which  has  been 
terrorizing  and  ruining  the  world. 

I  therefore  believe  it  to  be  my  duty  to  set  forth  in  detail, 
as  succinctly  as  possible  and  in  a  volume  (for  this  cannot  be 
done  by  word  of  mouth,  in  a  simple  newspaper  article,  or 
in  a  pamphlet),  the  causes  for  this  much  discussed  inter- 
vention. I  shall  attempt  to  tell  this  not  in  justification  nor 
condemnation  of  the  Monarchical  Government  of  Savoy,  for 
this  is  not  the  time  for  redde  rationeniy  but  to  reply  exhaus- 
tively to  the  questions  which  have  been  asked  me;  and 
above  all  to  vindicate  truth  and  justice,  which  have  been 
outraged  by  the  charges  wrongfully  made  (pardon  my 
frankness)  by  many  American  friends  that  a  people  so 
honest,  so  proud,  and  so  generous  as  the  Italians  have  been 
guilty  of  infamous  treachery  in  declaring  void  the  treaty  of 
the  Triple  Alliance  and  consequently  deserting  the  side  of 
Austria  and  Germany,  and  have  rushed  wildly  into  a  war 

'  Today  I  could  well  say:  until  yesterday,  that  is,  on  the  eve  of  the  publication 
of  this  volume. 

19 


20  INTRODUCTION 

against  the  two  allied  nations,  because  they  (the  Italian 
people)  were  bought  by  English  and  French  gold,  and  be- 
cause they  were  eager  to  acquire  territory  such  as  Trent 
and  Trieste,  which  by  hereditary  divine  right  was  the  pos- 
session of  the  Hapsburgs!^ 

I  wish  further  to  assert  and  to  repudiate,  a  priori,  the 
charges  that  I  may  be  in  any  way  actuated,  either  selfishly 
or  militarily,  by  a  spirit  of  chauvinisme .  I  adore  Italy,  the 
land  of  my  birth,  for  her  glorious  contributions  of  thought 
and  of  blood,  which  she  has  always  given,  and  gives  even 
now  so  freely  in  this  ceaseless  battle  of  civilization  against 
barbarism.  But  in  the  meantime  I  admire  other  countries 
and  love  as  brothers  men  of  all  races,  and  I  will  defend  with 
the  best  forces  of  my  nature  the  principle  of  universal  peace, 
having  for  its  basis  equality,  liberty,  prosperity,  and  happi- 
ness for  all  of  the  peoples  of  the  earth. 

In  the  development  of  my  present  task,  I  shall  use  only 
the  most  positive  elements  based  upon  facts  which  history 

^  The  World  (the  well  known  daily  paper  of  New  York)  on  January  12,  1917, 
that  is  after  twenty  months  of  the  war  between  Italy  and  Austria,  commenting 
on  the  terms  contained  in  the  reply  of  the  Allies  to  President  Wilson,  expressed 
itself,  in  regard  to  Italy's  Irredentist  aspirations  on  the  eastern  coast  of  the  Adriatic 
sea,  in  the  following  terms: 

In  at  least  two  minor  respects  they  [the  conditions]  are  wholly  immoral,  in  that 
they  contemplate  the  seizure  of  territory  that  never  belonged  to  Italy  and  Roumania 
in  order  to  pay  the  bribes  that  those  two  eminently  sordid  governments  exacted  as 
their  price  for  entering  the  war  on  the  side  of  the  Allies. 

The  Italian  papers  in  the  United  States  and  of  Italy,  and  the  Government  of 
Rome  itself  by  means  of  its  ministers,  Ruffini  and  Bissolati,  protested  against  such 
statements. 

But  The  World,  on  January  30,  1917,  imperturbably  repeated  its  original  state- 
ment, publishing  in  its  editorial  columns  the  following  article: 

Italy's  claims. — In  spite  of  the  protests  of  the  Italian  Commissioner  of  war  against 
a  recent  editorial  in  The  World,  we  shall  continue  to  think  that  Italy's  motives  in  this 
war  are  as  little  defensible  as  Bulgaria's  and  Roumania' s. 

Minister  Bissolati  is  appalled  by  the  colossal  ignorance  on  the  part  of  The  World 
which  would  deny  to  Italy  her  right  to  vindicate  the  Italian  character  of  Trieste  and 
which  takes  no  account  of  Italy's  fifty  years  of  heroic  resistance  against  the  brutal 
Austrian  domination. 

Austria's  domination  is  neither  more  nor  less  brutal  than  it  was  during  the  thirty- 
three  years  in  which  Italy  zvas  allied  to  Austria  in  the  Triple  Alliance. 

Trieste  is  no  more  Italian  now  than  when  Italy  was  availing  itself  of  the  benefits 
of  its  alliance  with  Austria  and  Germany.  Nor  is  Europe  likely  to  compel  another 
war  by  shutting  of  A  us  tro- Hungary  from  the  sea  in  order  to  give  Italy  territory,  to 
which  it  is  no  more  entitled  racially  than  it  is  to  a  third  of  Switzerland,  and  to  Nice 
and  to  Corsica,  which  are  now  held  by  France. 

Many  other  American  newspapers  and  magazines  have  repeated  and  continue 
to  repeat  the  same  refrain. 


INTRODUCTION  21 

has  already  written  upon  her  eternal  pages:  facts  which 
the  press  —  that  foster-mother  and  forerunner  of  history 
—  has  already  recognized  and  verified,  and  the  absolute 
truth  of  which  no  one  can  doubt. 

Naturally,  for  logical  reasons  I  must  give  these  facts 
with  illustrative  notes,  which  must  be  more  or  less  brief. 
But  these  notes  will  be  only  the  limited  expression  of  my 
own  personal  judgment  and  sentiments.  A  complete  ex- 
pression of  the  latter  would  include  the  enunciation  of  those 
principles  which  inspire  me  to  hold  as  brothers  all  victims 
of  social  injustice. 

The  notes  which  I  shall  make  will  give  the  reasons  for 
the  sentiments  which,  in  the  spring  of  191 5,  irresistibly 
pushed  the  Italians  to  war  against  Austria  —  sentiments 
in  which  vibrated,  at  the  same  time,  the  higher  and  more 
sympathetic  note  of  human  solidarity  for  the  humble,  the 
innocent,  and  the  weak,  whose  liberty,  whose  honor,  and 
substance,  and  all  the  sacred  rights  of  whose  being  have  been 
cruelly  struck  by  bestial  libidinous  satraps  placed  by  God 
Almighty  on  the  thrones  of  Europe  —  satraps  who  impu- 
dently proclaimed  themselves  Christlike  shepherds,  while 
they  were  not  other  than  ferocious  wolves,  whose  present 
crimes  would  terrify  the  troglodytes  of  a  darkest  Africa. 

The  difficulties  of  this  task  will  be  manifold,  but  I  hope 
to  overcome  them. 


FIRST  PART 
I 

The  beginning  of  Austria's  military  violence  in  Italy. 
The  stoning  of  the  boy  Balilla  (1746). 

Charles  VI,  Emperor  of  Austria  (1711-1740),  sometime 
before  his  death  violated  the  Salic  Law,  publishing  an 
ordinance  giving  pragmatic  sanction  to  his  appointing  his 
daughter,  Maria  Theresa,  heir  to  the  throne. 

The  European  Powers  —  France,  Spain,  Prussia,  and 
Bavaria  —  which  sustained  the  Salic  Law,  did  not  at  that 
time  oppose  this  arbitrary  and  autocratic  ruling  of  the 
king.  They  opposed  it  only  after  his  death,  saying  clearly 
that  Maria  Theresa  could  not  and  must  not  usurp  a  right 
belonging  to  the  masculine  sex. 

The  daughter  of  Charles  VI  feigned  not  to  understand 
her  position  and  continued  to  execute  the  will  of  her 
august  parent.  Then  the  four  powers  resorted  to  extreme 
measures:  they  proclaimed  as  Emperor  of  Austria  one  of 
the  legitimate  pretenders  to  the  throne — Charles  Albert,  of 
Bavaria,  who  assumed  the  name  of  Charles  VII — and  they 
sent  him,  accompanied  by  a  great  army,  to  Vienna  to  take 
possession  of  the  crown  "in  the  presence  of  God  and  the 
above  mentioned." 

With  the  approach  of  her  rivals,  Maria  Theresa  became 
frightened  and  fled,  and  took  refuge  in  Hungary.  The 
Hungarians  received  her  gallantly  and  off'ered  her  the  armed 
support  of  the  Austrians  who  remained  faithful  to  her  in 
order  to  recover  the  Kingdom.  The  Hungarians  and  the 
Austrians  were  soon  supported  by  England  and  Holland, 
and  a  little  later  by  Charles  Emanuel  HI  of  Savoy. 

Between  the  two  groups  a  war  was  started,  which  lasted 
for  some  time.     After  many  battles,  favorable  first  to  one 

23 


24  FIRST   PART 

side  and  then  to  the  other,  the  decisive  victory  finally  was 
given  to  the  allies  of  Maria  Theresa.  The  French  and  Span- 
iards, discomfited  near  Piacenza,  could  not  do  other  than 
leave  Italy.  The  daughter  of  Charles  VI  could  thus  con- 
fidently and  triumphantly  ascend  the  throne. 

The  Austrian  army,  emboldened  by  such  success,  made 
war  upon  Genoa  to  punish  it  for  having  taken  the  part  of 
the  enemy.  The  city  was  not  in  a  condition  to  defend  it- 
self. Taken  thus  suddenly  and  menaced  with  shot  and  shell, 
she  found  it  prudent  to  consign  the  keys  of  her  city  to  the 
assailing  army. 

The  drunken  troops,  mad  for  gold  and  vengeance, 
entered,  sacking,  insulting,  committing  such  crimes  as 
have  never  been  equaled  in  history.  As  if  this  were  not 
enough,  they  demanded  twenty-one  millions  of  lire  for 
war  indemnity.  The  citizens  begged  for  clemency  from 
the  merciless  general,  who  responded  that  the  invaders 
merited  more  than  they  had  received  — ^^that  they  should 
have  demanded  their  shirts  —  adding,  "We  will  leave  you 
nothing  except  your  eyes  with  which  to  weep." 

Such  persecutions  lasted  for  three  months.  In  the 
afternoon  of  December  5,  1746,  while  the  troops  were 
dragging  some  pieces  of  artillery  into  the  most  thickly 
populated  quarters  of  Portoria,  the  street  gave  way  in  cer- 
tain places  under  the  weight  of  the  great  mortars. 

Not  being  able  to  continue  unaided,  the  infuriated 
soldiers  commanded  the  people  to  help  them.  This  the 
citizens  refused  to  do,  whereupon  the  soldiers  fell  savagely 
upon  them  in  a  hand-to-hand  struggle,  beating  everyone 
regardless  of  age  or  sex. 

A  young  boy, —  Giovan  Battista  Perasso,  surnamed 
Balilla, —  furious  at  having  been  seriously  wounded  by  a 
trooper,  seized  a  stone,  exclaiming,  "I'll  kill  you!'*  and 
threw  it  at  his  assailant,  felling  him  to  the  ground.  This 
daring  act  of  the  youth  inspired  his  elders  with  new  courage, 
and  in  an  instant  the  air  was  filled  with  flying  missiles  aimed 
at  their  enemies. 

The  bells  sounded  the  tocsin.  The  citizens,  who  were 
in    their    homes,    understood    its    meaning.     They    armed 


THE   DISMEMBERING  OF   ITALY  25 

themselves,  crying,  **Viva  la  Liberta!"  and  threw  them- 
selves upon  their  enemies  in  a  fierce,  stubborn  and  bloody 
fight,  which  lasted  five  days. 

Their  oppressors  were  finally  overcome  and  took  flight. 
They  were  pursued  and  dispersed.  Shortly  after  this  an 
artisan,  Giovanni  Carbone,  recovered  the  keys  of  the  city, 
and  returned  them  to  the  Doge  and  other  officials  of  the 
city  with  the  following  memorable  words: 

Gentlemen,  here  are  the  keys  which  you  so  lightly  gave  to  our 
enemies.  Guard  them  well  in  the  future,  for  they  have  been 
recovered  with  our  blood. 


II 

The  dismembering  and  repartition  of  Italy  in  1815. 
The  "  lion's  share  "  to  Austria.    The  Carbonari. 

After  Napoleon  was  conquered  at  Waterloo,  June  i8, 
1815,  and  after  the  treaty  with  Vienna,  dictated  by  the 
Monarchs  of  Europe,  Italy  was  dismembered  and  repar- 
titioned  in  the  following  manner: 

The  Kingdom  of  Sardinia  (Sardinia,  Piedmont,  and 
Liguria)  to  Victor  Emanuel  I  of  Savoy; 

The  State  of  Lombardo-Veneto  (Lombardy,  Venice,  in- 
cluding all  of  the  territory  between  the  Po,  Ticino,  and  the 
Adriatic,  the  ancient  Republic  of  Ragusa,  the  valleys  of 
Val  Tellina,  of  Chiavenna  and  Bormio)  to  Austria; 

The  Grand  Duchy  of  Tuscany  to  the  Austrian  Prince 
Ferdinand  III  of  Lorraine; 

The  Duchy  of  Modena  and  Reggie  to  the  Archduke 
Francesco  II,  cousin  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria; 

The  Duchy  of  Lucca  to  Maria  Louisa  of  Bourbon; 

The  Duchies  of  Parma,  Piacenza,  and  Guastalla,  to  Maria 
Louisa,  daughter  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria  and  second  wife 
of  Napoleon; 

The  Roman  State  to  the  Pope; 

The  Kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies  (Southern  Italy)  to 
Ferdinand  I  of  Bourbon; 


26  FIRST  PART 

The  Republic  of  San  Marino,  under  the  protection  and 
rule  of  the  Pope; 

The  Canton  of  Ticino  to  the  Confederation  of  Switzer- 
land; 

The  Principality  of  Monaco  to  the  Grimaldi-Montignon, 
under  the  protection  of  the  King  of  Sardinia; 

The  Island  of  Malta  to  England; 

Corsica  to  France. 

Austria,  who  directly  and  indirectly  demanded  the 
lion's  share,  reserved  for  herself  the  right  to  the  military 
occupation  of  Ferrara  and  Comacchio. 

One  can  easily  imagine  the  effect  of  such  dismember- 
ment and  repartition  in  the  beautiful  and  unfortunate 
peninsula;  iniquitous  laws,  additional  taxes,  despoliation, 
and  injustice  of  every  kind;  every  crime  was  committed, 
as  even  today  is  characteristic  of  Monarchical  Government, 
which,  without  scruple,  places  dynastic  interests  before 
the  well-being  of  its  people. 

Fortunately,  the  Italians  were  not  led  like  sheep  as  in 
the  past,  but  they  were  roused,  their  minds  having  been 
awakened  and  quickened  by  the  ideas  propagated  by  the 
French  Revolution  and  the  extraordinary  events  of  the 
Napoleonic  era.  Their  consciences,  which  had  been  dor- 
mant because  of  centuries  of  servitude,  were  awakened  and 
quickened. 

In  the  rugged,  kindly,  and  generous  mountain  regions 
of  Calabria  and  the  Abruzzi,  there  had  been  for  some  time 
past  a  secret  society  known  as  the  Carbonari,  consisting 
of  the  ablest  men  in  that  part  of  the  country.  The 
society  had  for  its  purposes  the  defense,  the  independence, 
and  the  unity  of  the  mother  country  by  any  means  and  at 
any  sacrifice. 

The  day  before  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  the  Carbonari 
had  800,000  members  —  both  men  and  women.  A  few 
days  after  the  congress,  it  counted  double  that  number. 
Citizens  of  every  class  and  social  condition  continued  to 
be  enrolled. 

During  the  first  years  of  the  Carbonari  it  limited  it- 
self to  patient  and  cautious  preparatory  training.     It  was 


THE  AUSTRIANS   IN  NAPLES   (1821)  27 

not  until  1820  that  the  society  became  formidable,  more 
because  of  its  harmony  and  discipline,  its  moral  and  intel- 
lectual strength,  than  because  of  its  numbers.  It  then  be- 
gan a  series  of  practical  and  arduous  issues  which,  after 
fifty  years  of  heroism  and  martyrdom,  culminated  in  the 
greatest  civil  conquest  of  the  century;  namely,  the  taking 
of  Rome  and  the  abolition  of  the  temporal  power  of  the 
Popes. 

Ill 

The  Revolutions  in  the  Kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies 
in  1820.  Austria,  with  the  brutal  force  of  her  soldiery, 
imposes  the  tyranny  of  the  Bourbons  on  the  ItaUan 
patriots  who  are  fighting  for  liberty.  Persecutions  and 
condemnations  (1821). 

In  the  year  1820,  the  revolution  burst  out  in  the  Kingdom 
of  the  Two  Sicilies,  where  tyranny  reigned,  plotting,  and 
restricting  and  strangling  every  breath  of  liberty.  On  the 
morning  of  July  2d,  a  detachment  of  soldiers  with  their 
officers  from  Nola  and  Avellino  rose  up,  crying,  "Give  us  the 
Constitution!  Long  live  the  Constitution!"  (The  Car- 
bonari had  permeated  even  the  ranks  of  the  army.) 

This  cry  of  rebellion  was  taken  up  and  ran  like  lightning 
throughout  the  entire  Kingdom,  rousing  and  electrifying  the 
people.  It  seemed  like  the  roar  of  an  angry  ocean.  On  the 
evening  of  July  6th,  it  was  reported  that  the  patriotic, 
energetic,  and  universally  esteemed  General  Guglielmo  Pepe 
had  assumed  the  leadership  of  the  revolution.  This  un- 
expected news  added  fuel  to  the  fire.  This  same  night  the 
leaders  of  the  Carbonari  of  Naples  presented  themselves 
at  the  royal  palace  and  daringly  demanded  the  Constitution 
in  the  name  of  the  people  and  of  the  army. 

The  King  refused  with  the  typical  arrogance  of  tyrants. 
The  Carbonari  listened  to  him  in  silence.  When  he  had 
finished,  they  left  his  presence  in  dignified  silence.  A  few 
moments  later  an  immense  crowd  of  civilians  and  soldiers, 
flocking  together  as  brothers,  ran  roaring  like  lions  through 


28  FIRST  PART 

the  streets  of  the  city.  The  Bourbon  heard  the  cry.  He 
trembled  Hke  a  rabbit.  He  could  not  sleep.  Before  the 
dawn  he  published  the  following  proclamation: 

As  it  has  been  manifested  that  it  is  the  general  wish  of  the  na- 
tion to  have  a  constitutional  government,  it  is  our  earnest  desire  to 
comply  with  this,  and  therefore  we  promise,  in  the  course  of  a 
week,  to  publish  the  basis  of  it. 

But  the  insurrectionists  were  not  so  easily  satisfied. 
They  knew  that  in  1812  Ferdinand  had  conceded  a  Constitu- 
tion, and  had  afterward  abrogated  it  in  secret.  They  de- 
manded a  more  concrete  and  positive  guarantee  from  him, 
namely,  to  swear  on  the  gospels  to  give  them  the  constitu- 
tion, and  to  give  to  General  Pepe  the  command  of  the  entire 
military  forces  of  the  state;  to  name  a  committee,  which 
should  arrange  the  meeting  of  the  congress. 

The  Bourbon  made  a  virtue  of  necessity  and  yielded. 

General  Pepe,  who  was  in  Monteforte,  on  July  9th 
made  his  triumphal  entrance  into  Naples.  It  was  in  the 
evening  of  the  same  day  that  the  poet  Gabriel  Rossetti  sang: 

At  last  you  have  come  —  you  have  come, 

0  longed-for  day! 
Everything  around  us  shines 
With  new  joy; 
Redemption  of  our  country 
On  every  brow  is  written. 
This  time  I  do  not  dream, — 

1  dream  no  more,  O  Liberty! 

On  the  13th  of  the  month,  in  the  private  chapel  of  the 
royal  palace,  and  in  the  presence  of  General  Pepe,  the  pro- 
visional commission,  ministers,  and  dignitaries  of  the  court, 
Ferdinand  swore  solemnly  to  support  the  Constitution, 
which  was  similar  to  the  Spanish  Constitution  of  1812.  On 
that  occasion  the  king  emphasized  and  ended  his  speech 
in  the  following  impressive  words: 

Omnipotent  and  all  powerful  God,  who  with  infinite  wisdom 
canst  read  the  hearts  and  the  future  of  finite  men,  if  I  lie,  or  fail 
in  my  oath,  thou,  at  that  instant,  direct  upon  my  head  the  light- 
ning of  thy  vengeance! 


THE   AUSTRIANS   IN   NAPLES   (1821)  29 

The  scene  was  deeply  impressive.  Gabriel  Rossetti, 
who  had  sung  in  verse  "The  Promised  Constitution, "  now 
saluted  "The  Sworn  Constitution"  with  a  hymn  of  thirty 
strophes  of  which  the  following  are  the  most  prophetic: 

Citizens,  we  can  now  rest  secure 
Under  the  shade  of  our  gathered  laurels, 
But  with  one  hand  on  our  dreaded  sword 
We  are  guarding  our  mother  country. 

The  wise,  unlike  the  foolish. 
Prepare  for  war  in  time  of  peace. 
Yes,  peace  shines  on  our  faces, 
But  war,  war  is  brewing  in  our  hearts. 

These  events,  however,  had  the  effect  of  worrying  the 
monarchs  of  Europe.  The  Emperor  of  Austria,  Francis  I, 
and  his  colleagues  of  Russia  and  Prussia  met  in  a  congress 
at  Troppau,  a  city  of  Silesia,  to  discuss  the  grave  situation. 
They  were  not  long  in  coming  to  an  agreement,  and  they 
decided  to  enjoin  Ferdinand  to  abrogate  by  conciliation  the 
constitution  which  he  had  promulgated.  Ferdinand  gave 
them  to  understand  that  this  would  be  impossible  by  such 
means.  Then  the  three  monarchs  met  again  in  December 
at  Laibach  the  capital  of  Carniola  (this  time  with  representa- 
tives of  the  other  Powers),  "to  ameliorate,"  said  Prince 
Metternich,  Prime  Minister  of  Austria,  "the  internal  con- 
dition of  the  Two  Sicilies^ 

Ferdinand,  the  Bourbon,  secretly  wrote  to  the  kings,  beg- 
ging them  to  invite  him  to  the  congress,  when  he  would  ex- 
plain his  conduct  and  at  the  same  time  suggest  the  most 
efficacious  means  of  suppressing  the  liberal  spirit  of  the 
Neapolitans.  He  was  invited.  But  the  Constitution  which 
he  had  promulgated  forbade  his  leaving  the  Kingdom  without 
the  permission  of  Parliament;  consequently,  he  was  obliged 
to  swear  that  if  he  were  permitted  to  go  he  would  defend 
the  cause  of  the  people.  "I  will  defend,"  he  said,  "the 
position  taken  by  us  last  July.  I  wish  for  my  Kingdom  the 
Spanish  Constitution,  and  I  will  demand  peace,  because  my 
conscience  and  my  honor  demand  it." 

This  new  vow  gave  to  him  the  wished-for  permission  to 


30  FIRST   PART 

go,  but  before  going  he  named  his  son,  Francis,  regent  to 
the  throne,  with  the  title  of  Vicar.  When  he  arrived 
at  the  Congress,  however,  he  explained  that  the  reason  why 
he  had  given  the  Constitution  was  because  it  had  been 
wrested  from  him  by  force;  that  he  considered  as  nothing 
his  obligations  toward  the  revolutionists,  and  that  military 
occupation  was  the  only  means  of  re-establishing  and 
consolidating  the  sovereignty  of  the  monarchy. 

The  anointed  of  the  Lord  listened  to  him  and  approved, 
and  February  9th,  1821,  they  ordered  the  immediate  re- 
establishment  of  the  absolute  government  in  Southern  Italy 
by  means  of  their  minister,  Metternich,  who  loved  Italians  as 
one  loves  smoke  in  the  eyes. 

The  Neapolitan  Parliament  replied  by  preparing  for  war. 
An  Austrian  army  was  not  long  in  appearing  on  the  border. 
Gabriel  Rossetti^  incited  Italy  to  rise  up  against  her  invad- 
ing enemies  in  the  following  lines: 

Arise!  Why  delay? 
^  You  sleep,  Italy!  Ah,  no! 
The  aurora  of  Liberty 
Has  risen  on  your  hills. 

Arise!  Bridle  the  course 
Of  the  invading  foe. 
O,  slave  of  your  slaves. 
You  were  at  one  time  queen. 

Unsheath  your  sabre  like  a  goddess, 
Replace  your  helmet  on  your  brow; 
At  last  the  time  has  come 
For  your  escape  from  servitude! 

But  thanks  to  the  treason  of  the  Vicar,  that  prince 
to  whom  had  been  ingenuously  given  the  direction  of  the 
war,  the  Austrian  forces  did  not  meet  with  much  resistance. 
They  easily  entered  the  city  on  March  13,  1821,  and  with 
great  pomp  re-consigned  the  scepter  of  despotism  to  Fer- 
dinand. 

^Gabriel  Rossetti,  born  at  Vasto  (Abruzzi)  in  1783,  died  in  London  in  1854; 
was  the  father  of  Dante  Gabriel  Rossetti,  celebrated  English  poet  and  painter, 
founder  of  the  pre-Raphaelite  school. 


THE   AUSTRIANS   IN   PIEDMONT   (1821)  31 

The  perjurer  made  use  of  his  power  by  immediately 
wreaking  his  vengeance  on  the  revolutionists.  By  means  of 
corrupt  judges  the  best  citizens  were  condemned  to  death, 
to  life  servitude,  and  to  exile,  and  their  property  was  con- 
fiscated. Then,  fearing  new  military  insurrections,  he  dis- 
solved the  army  and  confided  the  care  of  his  person  to  sev- 
eral battalions  of  Swiss  mercenaries  and  to  35,000  Austrian 
soldiers,  who  were  in  the  capital.  These  newly  made  police 
completed  the  disastrous  work  of  the  tyrant  by  committing 
indescribable  depredations  and  brutalities. 

Ferdinand  retained  these  protectors  in  the  Kingdom  of 
Naples  until  one  fine  day  in  1825  he  departed  this  world,  ex- 
ecrated by  all.  His  successor,  Francis  I,  who  was  equally 
iniquitous  and  short-sighted,  could  not  long  bear  the  ex- 
pense of  their  support.  They  despoiled  the  people  and  emp- 
tied the  public  treasury.  He  consequently  sent  them  away, 
comforting  himself  with  the  hope  that  they  could  be  re- 
turned if  the  Carbonari  should  become  troublesome. 


IV 

The  Revolution  of  Piedmont  in  1821.  Austria,  with 
the  brutal  force  of  her  soldiery,  imposes  the  tyranny  of 
the  House  of  Savoy  on  the  Itahan  patriots  who  were 
fighting  for  liberty.    Persecutions  and  condemnations. 

The  example  of  the  Neapolitan  Carbonari  was  followed 
by  their  brothers  of  Piedmont. 

In  January,  1821,  the  students  of  the  University  of 
Turin  placed  on  their  breasts  the  badge  of  the  Constitution 
of  Naples,  and  appeared  suddenly  in  the  streets  in  a  demon- 
stration exalting  liberty. 

The  police  made  an  assault  upon  them.  All  of  the 
young  men  were  unarmed,  and  the  police  beat  them,  and 
forced  them  to  retreat.  But  such  coercion,  instead  of 
restraining,  excited  them  the  more.  The  demonstration 
was  repeated  in  Turin  and  in  other  cities  of  Piedmont,  and 
assumed  a  character  conspicuously  revolutionary  at  Ales- 


32  FIRST  PART 

sandria,  where'the  citizens  and  soldiers  rose  up  (March  loth) 
crying,  "Long  live  Italy!     Long  live  the  Constitution!" 

Victor  Emanuel  I,  King  of  Savoy,  Sardinia,  Piedmont 
and  Liguria,  and  "an  enemy  of  liberal  ideas,"  rather  than 
accede  to  their  demands,  preferred  to  abdicate  (March  13th) 
in  favor  of  his  brother  Carlo  Felice,  who  at  that  moment 
was  in  Modena  acting  as  regent  for  the  cadet  Prince  Carlo 
Alberto  of  Savoy-Carignano.  The  latter,  that  same  night 
(March  13th),  conceded  the  Constitution,  and  formed  a 
provisional  ministry  at  the  head  of  which  was  Count 
Santorre  of  Santarosa,  who  was  one  of  the  principal  leaders 
of  the  revolution  and  who  promised  to  maintain  all  of  the 
concessions  which  had  been  made. 

But  Carlo  Felice,  bitter  enemy  of  every  liberty  —  even 
worse  than  his  brother — as  soon  as  he  knew  of  this,  was 
enraged,  and  made  an  energetic  protest  in  which  he  declared 
void  the  conceded  Constitution.  He  ordered  Carlo  Alberto 
to  resign  the  regency  immediately  and  go  to  Novara, 
where,  under  the  orders  of  General  Sallier  della  Torre,  the 
troops  who  had  remained  faithful  to  the  absolute  monarchy 
would  be  assembled.  The  prince  obeyed,  and  the  Car- 
bonari, who  ingenuously  expected  from  him  an  act  of 
resistance  against  the  despotic  impositions  of  the  king, 
cried  "Traitor!"  to  him. 

An  army  of  30,000  men  —  a  majority  of  whom  were 
Austrians  —  invaded  Piedmont,  defeated  the  Constitu- 
tionalists and  re-established  the  reactionary  dynastic  gov- 
ernment. 

Carlo  Felice,  like  the  Bourbon  of  Naples,  began  to 
persecute  the  Constitutionalists.  Two  partisan  tribunals, 
which  he  especially  appointed  (one  for  civilians  and  one  for 
the  military),  condemned  more  than  1,000  persons  to  the 
extreme  penalty  of  the  law.  Santorre  of  Santarosa  saved 
himself  by  running  away.  He  died  in  exile  at  Sfacteria, 
generously  fighting  for  the  independence  of  Greece. 

Carlo  Alberto  went  first  to  Tuscany,  and  then  to  Spain, 
where  he  took  part  against  that  people,  who  like  the  Ital- 
ians were  fighting  to  liberate  themselves  from  the  yoke  of 
oppression.     He  took  part  in  the  assault  of  the  Trocadero 


THE  AUSTRIANS   IN   LOMBARDY   (1821)  33 

(with  the  fall  of  which  fort  the  Spanish  Constitution  was 
also  destroyed).  He  distinguished  himself  and  thus  entered 
again  into  the  good  graces  of  Carlo  Felice. 

The  occupation  of  Piedmont  by  the  Austrians  lasted 
until  September,  1823,  and  cost  the  public  treasury 
18,000,000  lire,  besides  the  over-taxations,  extortions,  and 
humiliations  which  the  depraved  troops  imposed  privately 
on  the  citizens,  guilty  only  of  having  offered  their  lives  for 
their  love  of  country  and  for  liberty. 


Austria,  with  the  brutal  force  of  her  soldiery,  imposes 
her  own  tjrranny  on  the  patriots  of  Lombardo-Veneto, 
who  are  fighting  for  liberty.  Persecutions  and  condem- 
nations (1820-1821). 

If  Austria  was  cruel  to  the  Italians  who  were  governed 
and  supposedly  protected  by  her,  it  is  easy  to  imagine  her 
brutality,  after  the  short-sighted  treaty  of  Vienna  had 
thrown  them  into  the  rapacious  claws  of  the  double-headed 
eagle. 

The  Carbonari  of  Lombardo-Veneto,  in  the  year  1818, 
founded  a  journal  called  //  Conciliatore;  the  director  of 
it  was  Silvio  Pellico,  a  pleasing  writer,  an  educator  in  the 
highest  sense  of  the  word,  and  a  patriot,  gentle  but  forceful. 
The  apparent  object  of  the  paper  was  "to  conciliate  in 
the  literary  field,  not  the  loyal  with  the  false,  but  all  of  the 
lovers  of  truth;  the  scope  of  the  journal  is  to  point  to 
Italians  the  way  to  redeem  their  country." 

But  they  counted  without  their  host.  The  Austrian 
Government  had,  besides  an  enormous  contingent  of  troops 
armed  to  the  teeth,  a  special  service  of  police  in  which  pre- 
dominated, in  number,  in  knavery,  and  in  villainy,  secret 
agents  and  spies  of  every  kind. 

The  Government,  however,  was  not  long  in  discovering 
the  thing  which  //  Conciliatore  was  hiding  under  its  literary 
discussions.  In  September,  1819,  the  publication  was  pro- 
hibited, and  then  the  government  began  the  persecution  of 


34  FIRST  PART 

its  founders,  its  editors,  its  contributors  and  supporters,  and 
all  those  who  were  suspected  of  having  had  any  relation  with 
the  suppressed  journal. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Neapolitan  Revolution  burst  out. 
The  Carbonari  of  Lombardo-Veneto  could  not  long  remain 
inactive;  the  most  daring  openly  expressed  their  sympathy 
for,  and  solidarity  with,  their  brothers  of  the  south;  but 
they  were  quickly  overcome  by  the  preponderating  and 
all-powerful  force  of  the  tyrants. 

Hundreds  of  citizens,  among  whom  were  Pellico  and 
many  of  his  friends,  were  arrested,  insulted,  condemned  to 
death,  dragged  in  chains  to  Spielberg  (a  remote  fortress  in 
Moravia),  thrown  into  dark  and  dirty  cells,  and  left  in  the 
custody  of  ignorant  and  cruel  keepers,  who  snapped  at 
them  like  snarling  mastiffs.  Others  escaped  to  free  and 
hospitable  countries. 

The  death  sentence,  which  had  been  imposed  upon  those 
who  were  thrown  into  Spielberg,  was  commuted  to  ten, 
fifteen,  and  twenty  years  each  in  prison. 

The  poet  Giovanni  Berchet,  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
writers  on  //  Conciliatorey  and  one  of  the  most  ardent 
conspirators,  justly  exclaimed  from  his  exile: 

Infinite  are  the  griefs  of  Italy, 

Immeasurable  are  her  sorrows! 

She  longs  for  liberty;  but,  foolish. 

She  believed  in  her  princes,  and  confided 

Her  destiny  to  their  promises; 

Her  princes  traduced  her. 

They  surrounded  her  by  perfidy, 

They  sold  her  to  strangers. 

They  broke  her  legions, 

And  closed  the  lips  of  her  sages, 

And  manacled  the  feet  of  the  just! 

The  tortures  which  they  suffered  were  met  with  heroic 
resignation.  They  were  described  ** dispassionately"  by 
Pellico  in  his  admirable  book,  called  My  Prisons,  which 
cost  Austria  the  condemnation  of  the  world,  while  the 
victims  of  her  tyranny  were  given  immortal  fame  as  martyrs 
of  the  Italian  Risorgimento. 


THE  AUSTRIANS   IN   EMILIA   (1831)  35 


VI 

The  Revolutions  of  the  Duchies  of  Modena  and  Reggio 
and  in  the  Roman  State  (1831).  Austria,  with  the  brutal 
force  of  her  soldiery,  imposes  the  tjrranny  of  one  of  her 
princes  and  the  tyranny  of  the  Pope  on  the  Italian 
patriots  who  are  fighting  for  liberty.  Persecutions  and 
condemnations. 

The  reaction  raged  for  ten  years,  but  it  could  not  ex- 
tinguish the  fires  of  liberty  which  burned  in  the  volcanic 
breasts  of  the  Italians. 

The  revolution,  crushed  in  the  south  and  north,  burst 
out  in  the  center  of  the  peninsula.  Giro  Menotti,  a  patriot 
of  noble  and  determined  purpose,  led  a  group  of  daring  and 
faithful  companions  to  prepare  for  the  revolution  in  the 
Duchies  of  Modena  and  Reggio,  w^here  the  Austrian, 
Francis  IV,  tyrannized  barbarously  over  the  people. 
History  records  that  he  nailed  the  political  prisoners  to  the 
floors  of  their  vile  dungeons  in  fetters,  in  manacles,  and 
with  collars  of  iron. 

The  revolution  was  to  have  commenced  about  the  4th 
or  5th  of  February,  183 1.  But,  on  February  3d,  the  ducal 
police,  having  been  advised  by  spies,  arrested  every  suspected 
person. 

Giro  Menotti  understood  that  there  was  no  time  to 
lose;  he  had  to  act  carefully  and  energetically.  That  same 
evening,  February  3d,  he  called  together  the  chief  con- 
spirators to  make  their  final  plans.  But  Francis  IV  com- 
manded eight  hundred  soldiers  and  two  guns.  They  sur- 
rounded the  house  and  attacked  it  with  shot  and  shell.  The 
conspirators  defended  themselves  herocially  for  a  time,  but 
were  finally  overcome  by  force  of  arms  and  numbers,  and 
with  his  companions.  Giro  Menotti,  wounded  and  bleeding, 
was  made  a  prisoner. 

Francis  IV,  crazed  with  joy  at  his  victory,  the  next 
morning  sent  a  special  courier  to  the  governor  of  Reggio 
with  the  following  letter: 


36  FIRST  PART 

To-night  the  revolution  broke  out.     Send  me  the  hangman. 

Francis. 

This  laconic  cynicism  showed  the  idiotic  depravity  of 
the  man  whom  the  potentates  of  Europe  had  believed 
worthy  of  governing  such  a  people  as  the  Italians. 

In  the  meantime  the  revolution  burst  out  also  in  Bologna. 
The  populace  attacked  and  destroyed  the  city  hall  and  the 
pontifical  coat  of  arms,  substituting  in  its  place  the  white, 
red,  and  green  flag  of  Italy.  They  expelled  the  representa- 
tives of  the  sacred  chair,  declaring  the  temporal  power  of  the 
popes  abolished.  They  named  a  provisional  commission 
whose  duty  should  be  to  prepare  and  announce  elections  and 
to  form  a  definite  constitutional  government. 

The  vehement  impetus  given  by  "learned  Bologna" 
was  followed  in  a  flash  by  other  cities  of  central  Italy. 
The  Romagna,  the  Marches,  and  Umbria  proclaimed  them- 
selves free. 

Francis  IV  trembled  —  he  did  not  feel  safe  in  Modena  — 
he  fled,  accompanied  by  a  swarm  of  Austrian  soldiers  and 
the  hangman,  dragging  with  them  Ciro  Menotti  "as  host- 
age." He  betook  himself  to  Mantua,  a  city  belonging  to 
the  state  of  Lombardo-Veneto,  where  he  placed  himself 
under  the  direct  protection  of  his  imperial  Austrian  cousin. 

Toward  the  first  of  March,  183 1,  great  Austrian  armies 
invaded  the  Duchies  of  Modena,  Reggio,  and  the  Roman 
State.  They  encountered  the  Revolutionists,  who  were 
relatively  few  in  numbers,  badly  disciplined,  and  poorly 
armed,  therefore,  they  were  defeated  effort,  and  they  fell 
again  under  the  power  of  the  tyrants. 

Francis  IV  re-entered  his  dominions  on  March  9,  183 1, 
determined  upon  revenge.  He  immediately  created  a  special 
tribunal,  charged  with  the  duty  of  judging  all  of  those 
"who  were  armed,  or  who  with  secret  conspiracies  had  taken 
part  in  the  revolt." 

The  first  to  be  condemned  to  death  was  Ciro  Menotti, 
who  was  executed  on  the  ramparts  May  26,  183 1.  He  bore 
the  extreme  penalty  of  the  law  with  the  stoicism  of  a  great 
soul.  The  same  day,  Vincenzo  Borelli,  a  lawyer,  was  also 
hanged   for  having  compiled   the   act  which   declared   the 


A  NEW  NATIONAL  CONSCIENCE  37 

government  of  Francis  IV  overthrown.  More  than  five 
hundred  patriots,  faUing  into  the  hands  of  the  tribunal,  were 
condemned,  some  to  death  and  some  to  the  galleys.  More 
than  a  thousand  saved  themselves  by  taking  the  sad  road 
of  the  exile. 

Not  less  cruel  was  the  fate  of  the  Revolutionists  of  the 
Roman  State.  Gregory  XVI  (Mauro  Cappellari),  irascible 
and  obstinate,  and  enemy  of  every  human  liberty,  "filled 
up  the  prisons  with  honest  citizens  and  used  the  gallows 
without  stint;"  and  to  sustain  the  tyranny  which  he  repre- 
sented, he  maintained  in  the  Roman  State  for  seven  years 
at  public  expense,  several  thousand  soldiers  who  did  not 
fail  to  commit  their  usual  outrages,  even  more  ferociously 
than  usual  because  they  were  fanatically  certain  that  they 
were  fighting  for  worldly  honor,  for  the  glory  of  the  vicar 
of  God  on  earth,  and  for  an  Austrian  prince. 

Thus  Italy  fell  again,  more  servile,  more  abject,  and 
more  divided,  under  the  rule  of  the  tyrants. 

Thus  the  Carbonari  brought  to  an  unhappy  ending  its 
active  labor,  but  its  glorious  cycle  of  history  was  not  with- 
out fruition. 

VII 

A  new  national  conscience  is  formed  by  the  forceful 
teachings  of  Mazzini,  Gioberti,  and  other  great  Italians, 
impelling  the  people  to  thought  and  action.  The  tyrants, 
both  big  and  little,  are  obliged  to  concede  the  benefits  of 
liberty  to  the  oppressed  people.  Only  Austria,  despising 
and  challenging  them,  continues  to  oppress  the  people  of 
Lombardo-Veneto. 

Not  in  vain  was  the  magic  word  liberty  resounded  along 
the  shores  of  the  Tyrrhenian,  the  Ionian,  and  the  Adriatic 
seas  and  carried  to  the  heights  of  the  Apennines  and  the 
Alps,  reawakening  and  inspiring  the  people.  Not  in  vain 
had  thousands  of  chosen  souls  bravely  suffered  martyrdom 
for  their  country. 

From  the  sacred  revolutionary  ruins  of  1 820-21  and 
183 1,  there  rose  up  a  leader  —  powerful,  austere  and  serious 


38  FIRST   PART 

Giuseppe  Mazzini,  founder  of  Young  Italy  in  Marseilles  in 
1832,  with  the  prophetic  motto:  God  and  the  Peophy 
Liberty,  Equality,  Humanity,  Independence  and  Unity! 
There  also  came  Vincenzo  Gioberti,  Alessandro  Manzoni, 
Cesare  Balbo,  Massimo  D'Azeglio,  Francesco  Domenico 
Guerrazzi,  Giovan  Battista  Niccolini,  Terenzio  Mamiani, 
Antonio  Rosmini,  Giuseppe  Giusti,  Gino  Capponi,  Cesare 
Cantii,  Niccolo  Tommaseo,  Giuseppe  Montanelli,  Federico 
Sclopis,  Ignazio  Petitti,  Giacomo  Durando,  Carlo  Cat- 
taneo,  Giuseppe  Ferrari,  Daniele  Manin,  Ruggiero  Settimo, 
Camillo  Benso  di  Cavour,  Alessandro  Poerio,  Giuseppe  Gari- 
baldi, and  many  others  —  philosophers,  poets,  scholars, 
jurists,  economists,  statesmen,  heroes, —  all  offering  to 
their  mother  country,  which  they  found  in  a  pitiful  condition, 
the  light  of  their  minds  and  the  loving  impulses  of  their 
faithful  hearts;  that  devotion  which  Giacomo  Leopardi, 
the  poet  of  sorrows,  had  already  seen  and  engraved  with 
dazzhng  strophes  in  one  of  his  typical  poetical  rhapsodies: 

0  country  mine,  I  see  thy  walls  and  arches 
And  columns,  and  the  relics,  and  the  lonely 
Towers  of  our  ancestors; 

But  the  glory  I  do  not  see: 

1  do  not  see  the  laurels,  and  the  arms  with  which  our  ancient 

fathers 
Were  adorned,  now  disarmed, 
Showing  bare  their  heads  and  breasts, — 
Alas,  what  bruises! 
What  pallor!  what  bloody  wounds!  Oh!  in  what  state  I  see 

thee, 
Majestic  creature!  I  demand  of  high  heaven 
And  of  the  world,  tell  me,  tell  me, 
Who  has  reduced  thee  to  this?     And  worse  still, 
Thine  arms  have  been  chained. 
Thus,  with  disheveled  hair  and  naked, 
She  sits  upon  the  ground,  neglected  and  disconsolate, 
Hiding  her  face 

Between  her  knees,  and  weeps. 
Thou  weepest  and  with  good  reason,  Italy  mine, 
Born  to  conquer  all 
In  prosperous  and  in  evil  times. 


A  NEW  NATIONAL   CONSCIENCE  39 

If  thine  eyes  were  two  living  fountains, 

Thou  couldst  not  weep  enough 

For  all  thy  sorrow  and  all  thy  shame; 

Because  once  thou  wert  Queen,  but  now  a  miserable  slave. 

All  who  speak  and  write  of  thee. 

Remembering  the  glory  of  thy  past, 

Say,  "She  was  great  who  now  is  fallen." 

Where,  where  is  thine  ancient  strength.'* 

Where  are  thine  arms,  thy  valor,  thy  constancy? 

Who  has  ungirded  thy  sabre? 

Who  has  traduced  thee?     By  what  arts,  what  works. 

Or  by  what  power 

Have  they  been  able  to  despoil  thee  of  thy  regal  robes? 

How  hast  thou  fallen 

From  such  heights  to  such  base  depths? 

No  one  to  battle  for  thee?     No  sons 

To  defend  thee?     Give  me  arms!  Give  me  arms!     I  alone 

Will  fight  and  fall  for  thee! 

Grant,  O  heaven,  that  my  blood 

Shall  be  as  fire  in  the  veins  of  Italians. 

They,  the  giants  just  mentioned,  notw^ithstanding  their 
differences  in  certain  fundamental  points  of  their  ideals 
(Mazzini,  for  example,  w^anted  a  republic  with  Rome  as  the 
capital;  Gioberti  wished  a  federation  of  princes  with  the 
Pope  as  chief;  others  wanted  a  monarchy  with  Carlo  Alberto 
as  king),  came  with  their  vigorous  and  persistent  protests 
against  tyranny,  reawakened  faith  and  formed  a  new  na- 
tional conscience  which  forced  the  tyrants  to  concede  cer- 
tain liberal  reforms,  and  hurried  the  epopee  of  the  Italian 
Risorgimento. 

In  1846  Giuseppe  Giusti,  the  greatest  satirical  poet  of 
the  century,  synthesized  the  united  desire  of  all  Italians 
in  the  following  lines: 

We  want  each  son  of  Adam 

To  count  as  one  man,  without  Teutons; 

We  want  Heads  with  heads;  we  want 

Laws  and  governments,  without  Teutons; 
We  all  want 

Italy  to  be  Italy,  without  Teutons; 

We  want  to  pay  in  money  and  in  brains. 

But  without  Teutons. 


40  FIRST  PART 

On  June,  i6,  1846,  Cardinal  Giovanni  Mastai  Ferretti 
was  elected  Pope.  He  assumed  the  name  of  Pius  IX  and 
began  his  reign  by  pardoning  all  condemned  political  pris- 
oners. He  named  Cardinal  Gizzi,  a  man  known  to  be  a 
liberal,  secretary  of  state;  mitigated  the  vigor  of  the  cen- 
sorship of  the  press;  instituted  the  office  of  state  council  in 
which  each  province  had  two  representatives;  permitted  the 
formation  of  civic  guards;  and  cried  aloud  from  the  Vatican, 
"God  bless  Italy!" 

The  joy  of  the  patriots  was  without  bounds  and  was 
equaled  only  by  the  stupefaction  of  Austria;  and  Prince 
Metternich  was  heard  muttering,  "We  had  reason  to  expect 
any  evil  except  that  of  a  liberal  Pope." 

The  other  rulers  were  obliged  to  follow  the  example  of 
Rome. 

The  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  Ferdinand  II, —  nicknamed 
"King  Bomba"  because  of  his  bigotry,  suspicious  nature 
ferocity  and  injustice — tried  to  resist;  but  there  followed  a 
general  revolt  of  the  Sicilians,  who  constituted  a  pro- 
visional government  under  the  presidency  of  Ruggiero  Set- 
timo  (January,  1848),  as  well  as  a  revolt  and  uprising  of 
Salerno  and  Naples,  which  forced  the  tyrant  to  consent  to 
a  representative  constitution  on  February  10. 

These  Same  concessions  were  repeated  by  Leopold  II, 
Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  (February  17th),  and  by  Carlo 
Alberto  (March  4th),  who  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  Carlo 
Felice  in  Piedmont.  Even  Pius  IX,  who,  truth  to  tell,  did 
not  intend  to  compromise  himself  too  much,  was  obliged  also 
to  concede  a  constitution  (March  14). 

It  was  only  the  Italians  of  Lombardo-Veneto  who  were 
not  permitted  to  enjoy  the  benefits  of  liberty.  They  were 
treated  with  even  greater  oppression  than  before.  The  Im- 
perial Austrian  Government  stripped  them  to  their  skins  by 
means  of  its  tax-gatherers,  and,  with  its  standing  army  (there 
were  almost  100,000),  intimidated  and  hectored  them.  By 
means  of  spies  and  police  who  were  chosen  from  the  lowest 
class  of  the  underworld,  they  were  plotted  against,  villified 
and  put  without  scruple  into  the  hands  of  the  executioner. 

Life  in  those  two  unfortunate  regions  became  unbearable. 


THE  FIVE  DAYS   (1848)  41 


VIII 

The  Revolutions  of  1848  in  Italy.  Milan  rises  against 
Austrian  tyranny  and  fights  epically  for  five  days. 
The  troops  of  Field  Marshal  Radetzky  (20,000  men, 
infantry  and  cavalry,  with  sixty  field  cannon)  slaughter 
the  innocents;  bum  alive  men,  women  and  children; 
nail  nursing  babes  to  the  walls  of  houses;  they  string 
infants  on  stacked  bayonets  and  carry  them  around  as 
trophies;  outrage  women,  kill  them,  cut  off  and  put  in 
their  pockets  the  ringed  hands  from  the  dead  bodies; 
rob,  pollute,  massacre,  bum;  commit  numberless  and 
unspeakable  crimes.  And  the  Milanese  —  heroic  and 
victorious  —  respond  with  civil  generosity  for  the  evil 
which  they  had  received.  Venice  also  rises  up,  drives 
out  the  Austrian  oppressors,  and  re-establishes  the  an- 
cient Republic  of  St.  Mark. 

On  March  17,  1848,  some  of  the  citizens  of  Milan 
presented  themselves  to  the  Austrian  Field  Marshal,  Josef 
Wenceslaus  Radetzky,  Governor-General  of  Lombardy,  who 
had  full  civil  and  military  powers,  to  beg  of  him  to  treat 
the  people  more  humanely;  but  they  were  received  with 
shots,  many  were  killed,  many  were  wounded,  and  others 
were  dragged  to  prison. 

The  measure  was  full;  was  running  over.  There  ran 
through  the  city  —  which  did  not  contain  more  than 
200,000  inhabitants  —  a  lion-like  growl  of  indignation,  the 
forerunner  of  a  storm. 

Radetzky  saw  the  gathering  of  the  clouds,  the  lightning 
and  the  darkness  which  impended.  He  knitted  his  brows, 
tightened  his  thin  lips,  and  meditated  on  what  his  next  step 
should  be. 

He  had  in  Milan  twenty-four  battalions  of  infantry,  six 
squadrons  of  cavalry  (20,000  men  in  all),  and  sixty  field 
cannon.  He  immediately  ordered  all  of  the  gates  of  the  city 
closed  and  rigorously  watched  to  prevent  the  Revolutionists 


42  FIRST  PART 

from  receiving  re-enforcements  from  the  surrounding  country. 
He  directed  a  large  part  of  the  army  against  them  and  placed 
the  cannons  of  greatest  caliber  in  the  most  central  and  most 
restless  quarters.  He  commanded  the  cavalry  to  search 
obscure  places,  to  prevent  the  assembling  of  groups  of  people 
either  outside  or  inside  the  walls,  and  frustrated  every  at- 
tempt to  make  demonstrations.  He  ordered  and  disposed 
of  everything  as  seemed  best  to  him. 

The  Milanese  on  their  part  did  not  stand  idle.  They 
worked  assiduously  and  rapidly.  First  of  all,  they  named 
a  Committee  of  War  presided  over  by  Carlo  Cattaneo,  an 
ardent  follower  of  Mazzini,  a  man  of  intellect  and  integrity, 
educated  at  the  school  of  the  illustrious  philosopher  Gian 
Domenico  Romagnosi,  whom  Austria  persecuted  in  1821; 
then  the  Milanese,  with  sticks  and  stones,  vehicles,  casks, 
barrels  and  sacks  full  of  sand,  with  doors,  windows,  furni- 
ture, bales  of  cotton,  and  other  stuff,  in  a  few  hours  con- 
structed more  than  700  barricades.  They  armed  them- 
selves with  old  muskets  (the  rifles  of  the  newer  models 
had  been  sequestered  from  the  citizens  by  Radetzky), 
brandishing  sticks  and  pitchforks,  scythes,  axes,  spits, 
knives  and  forks.  At  dawn,  on  the  morning  of  March  18, 
1848,  they  sounded  the  tocsin.  This  was  immediately 
responded  to  by  the  boom  of  cannons. 

The  saddest  feature  of  war  is  that  it  is  without  doubt 
the  result  of  excited  passions:  it  is  life  for  life;  it  is  carnage. 
But  not  always  (so  history  teaches)  are  the  hearts  of  com- 
batants insensible  to  human  impulses.  The  fight  lasted 
for  five  days  (from  the  i8th  to  the  226.  of  March,  1848). 
The  Austrian  soldiers  committed,  or  rather  repeated  with 
diabolic  voluptuousness  (accursed  hereditary  vices!)  the 
atrocities  of  the  ancient  barbaric  hordes.  The  Milanese, 
instead,  performed  acts  of  heroism  in  which  hate  and  fury 
were  more  than  once  forgotten,  to  give  place  to  pity  toward 
the  fallen  enemy. 

On  March  18,  1848  (when  the  hostilities  were  hardly 
begun  and  the  spirits  on  either  side  were  not  yet  roused  to 
a  state  of  excitement),  a  handful  of  Austrian  cavalry, 
skirmishing  between  Porta  Tenaglia  and  Porta  Porcellina, 


THE  FIVE  DAYS   (1848)  43 

saw  three  carriages  taking  away  old  men,  women  and  chil- 
dren, who  were  attempting  to  escape  the  storm  which  was 
beginning  to  rage  in  the  city.  The  soldiers  rushed  upon 
them,  stopped  them,  felled  them  with  their  sabres,  killed 
a  driver,  swore  at,  maltreated  and  terrorized  them,  dragged 
them  to  the  castle  as  if  they  were  "prisoners  of  war";  threw 
them  into  a  deep  dungeon,  massacred  them,  and  set  fire  to 
their  bodies.  "I  entered  to  explore  with  a  crowd  of  people 
on  the  sixth  day"  (March  23,  1848) — says  Salvatore  Mazza 
— "and  there  was  presented  to  my  eyes  in  the  courtyard  a 
spectacle  which  struck  me  with  horror!  In  a  shapeless  mass 
of  ashes  and  rubbish  I  saw  the  remains  of  carriages,  iron 
tires  and  hubs,  skulls  of  horses,  human  legs  and  arms,  de- 
tached from  their  bodies,  which  were  crushed  and  burned." 

Other  Austrian  troopers  broke  into  a  house  in  Via  Ca- 
valchina,  put  everything  in  confusion,  found  a  young 
book-keeper,  who  had  not  had  the  courage  to  take  part  in 
the  offensive  and,  with  his  little  family,  was  timidly  hiding 
in  a  room.  They  killed  him  by  firing  several  shots  at  his 
head.  The  wife  of  the  poor  fellow,  crazed  with  grief,  threw 
herself  on  her  knees  and  sobbingly  implored  pity  at  least 
for  the  babe  which  she  pressed  to  her  breast.  The  cowardly 
ruffians  laughed  contemptuously  at  her  and  fired  their  guns 
in  the  face  of  the  innocent  little  creature! 

Other  Austrian  troopers  broke  into  the  house  of  the 
parish  priest  of  San  Bartolomeo,  destroying  and  ruining 
everything  they  touched,  insulting  and  making  "prisoners" 
of  everyone  whom  they  encountered.  They  found  in  a 
little  room,  silent  and  alone,  the  priest,  who  was  writing  a 
Lenten  sermon  for  his  faithful;  they  reviled  him,  swore  at 
him,  seized  him  by  the  nape  of  the  neck,  shook  him, 
hurled  him  to  the  ground,  and  with  the  butt  ends  of  their 
rifles  and  points  of  their  bayonets  beat  him  and  left  him 
half  dead! 

Other  Austrian  troopers  invaded  the  silk  factories  of 
Fortis,  rummaged  about,  turning  them  upside  down,  spoiled 
the  machinery,  broke  the  looms;  wrested  off,  dirtied  and 
tore  to  pieces  the  silk,  killed  the  workers.  They  passed  into 
the  private  offices  of  the  proprietors,  broke  the  furniture, 


44  FIRST  PART 

smashed  the  safes,  which  were  full  of  money  and  jewels, 
and  robbed  them  of  their  contents;  they  killed  other  per- 
sons, went  to  the  wine  cellars  and  bored  into  the  casks  and 
gorged  themselves  to  drunkenness  with  the  contents.  And 
when  in  the  evening  they  abandoned  the  place,  laden  with 
their  booty,  and  with  hands,  faces,  and  clothing  covered  and 
stiff  with  blood  and  dust,  the  robbers  and  murderers  left 
behind  them  a  mass  of  ruins  and  cadavers! 

On  March  19th,  other  Austrian  troopers,  filled  with 
rage,  broke  into  a  house  from  which  they  suspected  certain 
stones  had  been  hurled  at  them,  and,  cursing  and  roaring 
as  if  possessed,  they  pulled  down  the  doors,  sphntered  the 
furniture,  killed  the  first  innocents  whom  they  encountered, 
declared  "prisoners"  those  who  had  miraculously  escaped 
death,  bound  them,  insulted  them  and  threw  them  down 
the  stairs;  they  broke  down  the  door  of  the  house  of  a  little 
cobbler,  jumped  on  the  back  of  a  poor  paralytic  octogenarian 
(the  mother  of  the  cobbler)  who  had  fainted  from  fright, 
rolled  her  on  the  ground,  stamped  her  underfoot  and 
reduced  her  to  a  rag! 

Other  Austrian  troopers,  also  outside  of  Porta  Tenaglia, 
stopped  a  diligence  which  was  on  its  way  to  Saronno,  shot 
and  killed  the  horses  and  the  driver,  dragged  the  nine 
passengers  into  a  neighboring  orchard,  and  buried  them 
ahve! 

Other  Austrian  troopers,  while  committing  every  sort  of 
destruction  in  Sambuco  and  Scaldasole  streets,  broke  into  a 
miserable  little  house,  found  an  invalid,  a  man,  covered  him 
with  blows  and  kicks,  and  then  crucified  him  by  nailing  him 
to  the  wall! 

Other  Austrian  troopers  entered  a  house  between  the 
streets  of  Porta  Comasina  and  Santa  Theresa,  where  five 
women  had  taken  refuge;  they  plundered  and  set  fire  to  it. 
The  three  oldest  begged  for  their  safety,  and  for  reply  they 
were  brutally  pushed  into  the  flames  and  burned  alive;  the 
soldiers  then  grasped  the  two  youngest,  tied  them  with  their 
arms  behind  them,  dragged  them  to  the  ramparts,  outraged 
them,  hanged  them  from  a  tree,  and  while  thus  hanging,  they 
tormented  them  with  obscene  language  and  derisive  laughter, 


THE  FIVE  DAYS   (1848)  45 

spitting  in  their  faces,  and  finally  riddled  them  with  bullets 
amid  hoarse  hurrahs  of  triumph! 

Other  Austrian  troopers  entered  the  house  of  Giovanna 
Piazza  and  also  into  that  of  the  widow  Caravati,  and 
stabbed  the  son  and  the  brother  of  the  first  and  the  son 
of  the  second. 

Other  Austrian  troopers  entered  a  courtyard  off  the 
little  street  called  "Stretto  Calusca,"  where  many  families 
of  the  working  people  live;  threw  themselves  like  wild 
beasts  on  the  first  persons  they  met,  and  without  regard  for 
age  or  sex,  and  listening  neither  to  cries  nor  prayers,  kicked, 
abused  and  threw  them  on  the  ground.  They  seized 
Giuseppe  Gambaroni,  fifty-eight  years  old  and  married, 
Antonio  Piatti,  twenty-eight  years  old  and  unmarried,  and 
the  sixteen-year-old  boy  Giuseppe  Belloni,  and  dragged 
them  to  a  nearby  orchard.  There  the  Austrian  soldiers 
threw  them  against  one  another  as  if  they  were  playing 
battledore  and  shuttlecock  with  them,  pushing  them  and 
receiving  them  on  the  points  of  their  swords  and  bayonets 
while  the  wife  of  Gambaroni,  and  the  parents  and  sisters  of 
Piatti  and  of  Belloni,  weeping,  begged  them  in  vain  for 
mercy.  Finally,  to  add  to  the  misery  of  the  unfortunates, 
and  better  to  view  and  enjoy  the  spectacle,  several  hussars 
dismounted  and  several  infantrymen  of  the  Baumgarten 
regiment  went  in  search  of  straw,  returning  shortly  with 
several  mattresses  which  they  emptied,  throwing  the 
contents  on  the  three  unfortunates  and  setting  fire  to  them. 
And  when  the  agonized  victims  attempted  with  their  last 
strength  to  free  themselves  from  their  torture,  the  Austrian 
soldiers  with  shouts  of  joy  pushed  them  into  the  flames 
with  the  points  of  their  bayonets  and  forced  the  relatives 
of  the  victims  to  watch  the  horrible  scene! 

Other  Austrian  soldiers  entered  a  house,  heard  the'  wail 
of  a  nursing  babe,  took  it  out  of  the  cradle,  spread  its  little 
arms  and  hands  on  the  wall  and  nailed  it  "as  if  it  were  a 
bat  or  some  other  beast " ;  and  then  with  a  blow  from  a  bayo- 
net theyfelled  the  mother  to  the  ground,  killingher  instantly! 

Others  filed  on  their  stacked  bayonets  nursing  babes, 
and  carried  them  around  as  trophies  of  war! 


46  FIRST  PART 

Other  Austrian  troopers  cut  off  the  dehcate  white  hands 
of  women  on  which  were  precious  rings  and  carried  them 
about  in  their  pockets! 

Other  Austrian  soldiers  murdered  and  burned  entire 
famiHes  of  women  and  children,  committing  horrible 
crimes  not  only  in  the  city  but  also  in  the  suburbs. 

**The  Croatians"  —  thus  runs  a  narrative,  sent  on 
April  lo,  1848,  from  Milan  to  Venice — "were  more  cruel 
to  the  women  and  children  than  to  the  men.  In  one  house 
were  found  murdered  thirteen  persons,  among  whom  was  a 
mother  with  two  babes  in  her  arms,  one  of  which  was 
beheaded  and  the  other  with  the  bayonet  driven  upward 
through  the  jaw.  Another  babe  was  split  entirely  in  two, 
lengthwise,  and  the  two  halves  were  nailed  on  the  wall; 
another  babe  was  saturated  in  resin  and  burned.  A  little 
girl  was  filed  on  a  bayonet  and  carried  about  through  the 
streets.  The  heart  of  a  woman  was  torn  from  her  breast 
and  roasted.  A  babe  of  forty  days  was  cut  into  small  pieces 
and  also  roasted."  ^ 

What  a  difference  on  the  other  side,  worthy  of  the  "gentle 
Latin  blood!"  The  following  episode  (one  could  narrate 
many  such  records,  but  for  reasons  of  brevity  and  delicacy 
easy  to  understand  one  does  not  wish  to  continue)  I  am  sure 
will  be  sufficient  to  give  an  idea  of  the  generosity  with  which 
the  Milanese  replied  to  such  inhuman  treatment. 

The  police  from  the  first  had  worthily  assisted  the  soldiers 
in  their  crimes;  but  one  night,  in  their  central  offices,  they 
"amused"  themselves  by  shooting  from  their  windows  and 
killing  persons  as  they  passed  by.  They  were  notified  that 
the  Revolutionists  were  about  to  descend  upon  them  strong 
and  victorious.  The  scoundrels  trembled  like  rabbits,  took 
to  their  heels  and  fled,  and  in  running  forgot  to  call  their 
chief — a  certain  Bolza  —  who  had  retired  to  an  inner 
room  to  eat  and  to  sleep. 

This  Bolza  —  "the  product  of  the  lowest  class  in  society, 
short,  fat  and  deformed,  who  seemed  to  possess  character- 

*  For  an  account  of  these  incredible  atrocities  see  the  documents  conserved  in 
the  archives  of  Milan,  the  consular  reports,  the  papers  and  pamphlets  of  that 
time  and  The  Five  Days  described  by  the  same  Carlo  Cattaneo  and  by  other  ac- 
credited historians. 


THE  FIVE  DAYS  (1848)  47 

istics  of  the  monkey  and  the  tiger"  —  had  been  for  several 
years  one  of  the  most  zealous,  faithful  and  fierce  bullies 
upon  whom  Austria  depended,  and  as  such  was  the  terror 
of  Lombardy.  He  had  unjustly  condemned  to  death,  to 
life  imprisonment  and  to  exile,  hundreds  of  patriots;  he  had 
thrown  into  misery  and  mourning  hundreds  of  families. 
The  Emperor  Francis  I  for  such  services  bestowed  upon  him 
the  title  of  count.     But  the  people  feared  and  hated  him. 

The  clamor  of  the  insurgents  as  they  invaded  the  offices 
of  the  police,  shouting  *'Viva  I'ltalia,"  roused  the  wretch, 
who  was  dozing.  He  was  startled  and  turned  livid  and  flac- 
cid with  fear,  but  he  lost  no  time.  He  gathered  up  and 
pocketed  the  remains  of  his  lunch,  which  consisted  of  a 
little  bread  and  cheese  (such  creatures  always  seem  to  have 
ready  the  animal-like  instincts  for  their  own  preservation), 
ran  and  hid  himself  under  a  straw-stack.  He  was  quickly 
discovered  and  dragged  out.  He  was  filthy.  He  was  wild- 
eyed.  His  teeth  chattered.  He  was  muttering.  He  wailed 
"I  am  to  blame!"  He  begged  of  them  to  let  him  Hve, 
promising  in  exchange  for  his  life  to  reveal  to  them  secrets 
of  the  greatest  importance. 

This  disgusted  the  Revolutionists.  They  roared  with 
rage,  and  the  most  fiery  of  them  wanted  to  tear  their 
former  tyrant  to  pieces.  The  calmer,  however,  opposed 
this.  Then  for  advice,  they  sent  to  Carlo  Cattaneo,  who 
responded  with  the  following:  "If  you  kill  him  you  will  not 
be  giving  him  justice;  if  you  do  not  kill  him,  you  will  be 
doing  a  holy  thing."  The  members  of  the  war  council  — 
Enrico  Cernuschi,  Giulio  Terzaghi,  and  Giorgio  Clerici  — 
hastened  to  corroborate  the  sentence  of  their  magnanimous 
president  by  publishing  and  spreading  abroad  the  following 
proclamation: 

Brave  Citizens:  We  will  keep  our  victory  clean;  we  will  not 
descend  to  revenge  ourselves  with  the  blood  of  those  miserable 
satellites  which  the  fugitive  powers  have  left  in  our  hands.  It  is 
true  that  for  thirty  years  they  have  been  the  curse  of  our  fami- 
lies. But  you  are  generous  as  you  are  valiant.  Punish  them 
with  your  contempt. 

On  March  22,  1848,  the  Austrian  troops  were  defeated 


48  FIRST  PART 

in  truth,  "carrying  as  hostage  several  citizens  tied  to  the 
mouths  of  cannons  with  the  fuses  Hghted!" 

The  humihating  tyranny  of  the  barbarians  in  Italy  was 
finished.  The  two  hundred  bells  of  the  proud  metropolis 
of  Lombardy  rang  with  joy.  The  national  white,  red,  and 
green  banner  of  Italy  triumphantly  and  gloriously  floated 
from  the  loggias  of  the  public  buildings,  from  the  balconies 
and  windows  of  the  private  houses.  The  citizens  ran  through 
the  streets  shouting,  laughing,  embracing  and  kissing  each 
other,  crying  **Viva  la  Liberta!  Viva  ITtalia!" 

Soon  after  this  the  English  vice-consul  at  Milan,  Robert 
Campbell,  sent  a  detailed  report  of  the  facts  to  Lord  Pal- 
merston.  This  report,  after  a  description  of  the  atroc- 
ities committed  by  the  Austrian  soldiers  and  after  a 
description  of  the  generosity  of  the  Milanese,  closed  thus: 

Up  to  the  present  time  it  is  impossible  to  give  in  any  way 
the  approximate  number  of  dead  and  wounded  in  the  battle 
of  these  five  days.  Here  the  most  perfect  quiet  reigns  because 
of  the  rigorous  orders  and  good  system  of  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment (this  is  the  title  taken  by  the  municipality).  As  one  must 
expect,  the  exuberant  joy  of  the  reported  victory  made  the 
Milanese  almost  delirious.     But  they  committed  no  excesses. 

And  the  Allgemeine  Zeitung  of  April  2,  1848,  published 
the  following  letter  sent  to  it  by  one  of  its  special  German 
correspondents  from  Milan,  March  28,  1848: 

A  tremendous  cannonading  covered  the  Austrian  retreat 
which  could  not  be  prevented.  Then  finally  it  was  possible  for 
me  to  see  with  my  own  eyes  the  horrors  which  the  troops  had 
committed.  In  the  suburbs  there  were  found  entire  families  of 
the  aged,  women,  children  and  nursing  babes,  horribly  massacred 
and  mutilated.  Of  the  citizens,  who  were  imprisoned  in  the  castle 
by  the  Austrians,  some  were  brought  as  hostages,  and  others  were 
shot.  Wherever  one  might  look,  he  saw  blood.  Everywhere 
was  devastation  and  fires.  Many  of  the  details  of  these  horrible 
crimes  I  saw  with  my  own  eyes  —  my  pen  refuses  to  describe  them. 
I  prefer  to  describe  less  than  the  truth,  and  pass  to  the  other  side, 
from  which  there  comes  to  me  a  sweet  comfort.  The  conduct  of 
the  Lombardians  was  noble  and  generous.  The  first  victories 
were  won  by  them  without  arms.     Barehanded  they  wrenched 


THE   FIVE  DAYS   (1848)  49 

the  weapons  from  the  enemy,  and  they  —  the  Lombardians  — 
dared  and  accompHshed  this.  All  honor  to  their  courage!  Their 
conduct  after  the  victory  was  characterized  by  temperance  and 
restraint,  for  it  was  not  blemished  by  a  single  actof  vengeance.  All 
of  the  wounded  Austrians  were  nursed  and  cared  for  like  brothers 
by  the  Lombardians.  All  of  the  prisoners  were  held  in  custody, 
but  were  treated  with  the  greatest  indulgence;  they  lacked  noth- 
ing. The  most  hated  man  in  Milan,  the  commissioner  of  police 
Bolza,  was  taken  by  the  citizens,  but  they  spared  his  life. 

Added  to  their  glory  of  fearlessness  in  the  face  of  death,  the 
Lombardians  showed  a  sublime  magnamimity  after  victory. 

History,  which  passes  judgment,  will  transmit  to  posterity 
the  memory  of  these  deeds. 

The  Venetians  also  were  roused.  They  already  had 
presented  to  the  Austrian  governor  a  demand  for  reforms, 
signed  by  the  statesman  Daniele  Manin  and  the  writer 
Niccolo  Tommaseo,^  men  of  rare  moral  qualities  and  highly 
esteemed  by  the  people.  But  the  governor  responded  by 
having  them  arrested  and  thrown  into  the  dark  secret  dun- 
geons of  the  famous  prison,  the  Piombi,  and  threatened  "the 
audacious  signers"  with  the  extreme  penalty  of  the  law. 

The  citizens  were  infuriated;  they  invaded  the  arsenal, 
provided  themselves  with  arms  and  ammunition,  ran  roar- 
ing to  the  jail,  tore  down  the  door,  took  the  two  illustrious 
prisoners,  put  them  on  their  shoulders,  carried  them  out  in 
triumph,  faced  the  troops  of  their  oppressors,  and  forced  the 
Austrians  to  fly  immediately  from  the  city.  They  re-estab- 
lished (March  22d)  the  ancient  republic  of  St.  Mark,  named 
as  Doge  this  same  Manin,  and  Tommaseo  as  Minister  of 
Public  Instruction.  Again  they,  like  their  brothers  of  Lom- 
bardy,  breathed  the  sweet  air  of  freedom. 

^  Niccolo  Tommaseo,  eminent  Italian  scholar,  critic  and  educator  of  Sebemico 
(Dalmatia),  author  of  a  Dictionary  of  the  Italian  Language,  a  New  Dictionary  of 
Synonyms,  a  Dictionary  of  Esthetics,  a  volume  on  Education  and  other  works 
(1802-1874). 


50  FIRST   PART 


IX 


The  Hymn  of  Mameli.  The  first  War  of  Liberation — 
The  Italians  are  defeated  because  of  the  defection  of 
Pope  Pius  IX  and  of  the  Bourbon  King  of  the  Two 
Sicilies.  The  Austrians  are  again  rulers  of  Lombardy 
(1848). 

Expelled  from  Milan,  from  Venice,  and  from  other  cities 
of  Lombardo-Veneto,  the  Austrians  took  refuge  in  the  forti- 
fications formed  by  the  "Quadrilateral"  Verona-Peschiera- 
Mantua-Legnago,  and  there  prepared  to  reconquer  them; 
that  is,  they  prepared  to  repress  with  new  violence  the  poht- 
ical  spirit  of  independence  and  unity  which  fired  the  Italians, 
but  instead  they  succeeded  in  increasing  the  latter's  ac- 
tivity and  power  of  resistance. 

But  Carlo  Alberto,  pressed  upon  from  every  side,  hurried 
with  twenty-five  thousand  men  in  aid  of  his  brethren,  who 
were  threatened  again  by  powerful  outside  imperialism. 
While  crossing  the  river  Ticino  (the  latter  part  of  March, 
1848),  he  invited  the  princes  of  the  other  states  of  Italy  to 
participate  with  him  in  this  "holy  war." 

Meanwhile  the  twenty-one-year-old  poet  GofFredo  Ma- 
meli fired  souls  with  the  following  hymn: 

Brothers  of  Italy, 

Italy  has  wakened; 

The  helmet  of  Scipio^ 

Encircles  her  brow. 

Where  now  is  victory? 

Let  her  advance  her  crest; 

For  God  created  her  the  servant  of  Rome. 

Let  our  cohorts  stand  close, 

Ready  to  face  death, 

Italy  has  called  us. 

We  through  the  centuries, 
Downtrodden  and  scorned, 

^  Scipio,    the    great    Roman    warrior    who    conquered    Hannibal    at     Zama 
(202    B.    C). 


THE   AUSTRO-ITALIAN   WAR   OF   1848  51 

Because  not  one  nation, 

But  scattered,  divided: 

Now  we  must  rally 

Round  one  flag  and  one  hope; 

The  hour  has  come 

For  our  fusion. 

Let  our  cohorts  stand  close, 

Ready  to  face  death, 

Italy  has  called  us. 

Let  us  unite! 
Union  and  love 
Reveal  to  the  people 
The  ways  of  God; 
Let  us  bow  to  free 
Our  native  land; 
If  we're  united 
Who  can  defeat  us? 

Let  our  cohorts  stand  close, 

Ready  to  face  death, 

Italy  has  called  us. 

From  the  Alps  to  Sicily, 
Everywhere  is  Legnano;  ^ 
Every  man  has  the  heart 
And  hand  of  Ferruccio;  ^ 
The  boys  of  Italy 
Are  called  Balilla; 
Every  bugle  is  a  call  to 
"The  Vespers."  ^ 

Let  our  cohorts  stand  close. 

Ready  to  face  death, 

Italy  has  called  us. 

The  hireling  swords 
Bend  like  a  bulrush; 

*  The  battle  of  Legnano,  in  which  the  Italians  surrounding  the  Carroccio  and 
crying,  "Victory  or  death!"  defeated  the  armies  of  Barbarossa,  May  29,  1176. 

^The  defense  of  the  Florentine  Republic  against  the  armies  of  the  Emperor 
Charles  V  and  Pope  Clement  VII  heroically  sustained  by  Francesco  Fer- 
ruccio   (1530). 

'  The  liberation  of  Sicily  from  the  insolent  tyranny  of  the  French  on  the  evening 
of  March  31,  1282,  has  passed  into  history  under  the  name  of  The  Sicilian 
Vespers. 


52  FIRST  PART 

The  eagle  of  Austria 

Is  stripped  of  her  plumage; 

The  blood  of  Italy, 

With  the  blood  of  Poland, 

Which  she  has  drunk  with  the  Cossack, 

Has  burned  to  her  soul. 

Let  our  cohorts  stand  close. 

Ready  to  face  death, 

Italy  has  called  us. 

The  peninsula  became  a  volcano  in  eruption.  Only  one 
cry  was  heard:   "Out  with  the  Austrians!" 

The  Grand  Duke  Leopold  of  Tuscany  was  constrained 
by  such  popular  enthusiasm  to  send  8,000  regulars  and 
volunteers  to  the  battlefields  of  the  north.  Pius  IX  was 
forced  to  send  10,000.  Ferdinand  II  of  the  Two  Sicilies 
sent  16,000  under  the  guidance  of  the  venerable  General 
Guglielmo  Pepe,  who  had  returned  to  Naples  after  twenty- 
seven  years  of  exile.  The  minor  Italian  potentates  were 
obliged  to  send  in  proportion  to  their  dominions.  Those 
who  left  for  the  fields  of  battle  wore  the  tri-colored  badges  on 
their  breasts  and  sang  the  hymn  of  Mameli  and  other  war- 
like songs,  exalting  their  Patria  and  execrating  their  enemies. 
The  women  scattered  flowers  before  them,  and  showered 
blessings  upon  them  as  they  departed. 

They  won  the  first  battles.  They  won  the  battle  of 
Goito  (May  3,  1848).  The  same  evening  they  took  the 
stronghold  of  Peschiera.  The  god  of  war  seemed  to  smile 
on  all  their  efforts.  Lombardy  and  Venice,  in  the  height 
of  their  joy,  voted  their  annexation  to  Piedmont. 

These  extraordinary  and  unforeseen  successes  dis- 
turbed the  tyrants.  Pius  IX  hurried  to  recall  his  troops 
under  the  pretext  that  he,  in  his  capacity  as  head  of  the 
Church,  could  not  participate  in  a  war  between  Christians. 
The  king  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  infuriated  against  the  citizens, 
abolished  the  Constitution  and  also  commanded  his  soldiers 
to  return.  These  cowardly  creatures  (unfortunately  not 
a  few)  obeyed  him.  The  pontifical  generals,  Giovanni 
Durando  and  Pepe,  however,  with  their  men  who  remained 
faithful,  went  boldly  on.     But  one  could  foresee  that  the 


AUSTRIAN  OPPRESSION   IN  MILAN   (1848)         53 

defection  of  the  Pope  and  the  Bourbon  would  produce  a 
certain  demoraHzation  in  the  rank  and  file  of  the  liberating 
army.  Radetzky  profited  by  it,  and  aided  by  Generals 
Nugent  and  Welden,  arrived  on  the  battlefields  of  Lom- 
bardy  with  strong  re-enforcements,  took  the  ofi^ensive,  de- 
feated the  Italians  at  Custozza  on  July  20,  1848,  re-entered 
as  proud  conquerors  the  city  of  Milan  (August  6,  1848), 
obliged  Carlo  Alberto  to  call  an  armistice  and  to  recross  the 
Ticino,  and  again  imposed  the  yoke  of  servitude  upon  the 
people. 

Venice  alone  would  not  yield  quickly  to  such  humiliation. 
She  reconstituted  her  republic  and  confided  the  dogate 
again  to  Manin.  General  Pepe,  with  the  remnants  of  the 
southern  army,  entrenched  himself  inside  the  confines  of 
the  lagoons,  and  prepared  a  glorious  defense. 

The  Viennese,  however,  after  a  bloody  revolution  (Octo- 
ber, 1848),  forced  Emperor  Ferdinand  I  to  cede  the  crown 
to  his  nephew,  Francis  Joseph. 


X 

The  Austrian  soldiers  re-enter  Milan,  giving  them- 
selves up  to  rapine  and  vandalism.  Field  Marshal 
Radetzky  extorts  the  extraordinary  tax  of  20,000,000  lire 
from  185  "  noble  and  prominent  citizens"  (1848). 

Radetzky,  at  Milan,  immediately  announced  that  he  had 
concentrated  all  the  civil  and  military  powers  of  adminis- 
tration and  declared  the  city  in  a  state  of  siege;  he  ordered 
all  of  the  prominent  patriots  who  had  not  already  had  the 
time  nor  recognized  the  necessity  of  escaping  from  the  city 
to  be  beaten  and  shot;  he  ordered  the  women  and  children  to 
be  whipped;  in  short,  he  displayed  his  usual  arrogance  and 
committed  crimes  of  every  sort. 

The  barbarous  marshal  "re-established  order"  in  this 
manner  and  afterward  left  the  field  free  to  his  troops. 
These  showed  themselves  worthy  of  their  high  commander. 
Officers   and   soldiers,   who  were  in   large   part   Croatians 


54  FIRST  PART 

and  Bohemians,  occupied  the  houses  of  the  fugitives,  pref- 
erably those  of  the  patricians  who  were,  more  distinguished 
than  the  others  in  the  days  of  the  Revolution;  they  robbed 
and  destroyed  them  from  cellar  to  roof;  they  dug  up  the 
marble  floors,  smashed  the  mirrors  and  vases,  threw  the 
archives  into  the  courtyards;  they  tore  the  tapestries,  dirtied 
the  paintings,  made  kitchens  of  the  art  galleries,  burned 
furniture,  books,  and  parchments  of  inestimable  value, 
presented  the  silk  garments  and  the  fine  linens  of  the  ladies 
to  the  women  of  the  street  and  pocketed  everything  possible. 
Sacking,  vandalism,  and  other  orgies  followed  which  were 
worse  than  bestial.  They  were  not  satisfied  with  this.  They 
wanted  money.  Radetzky  thought  to  extort  it  by  imposing 
the  extraordinary  tax  of  20,000,000  lire  (burdening  the 
noble  and  prominent  citizens),  after  he  had  exacted  from  the 
people  the  payment  of  redoubled  tributes  and  hundreds  of 
other  burdens. 

"I  have  determined,"  commanded  the  tyrannical  mar- 
shal in  writing,  "that  there  must  be  added  to  this  con- 
tribution from  the  members  of  the  former  provisional 
government,  a  penalty  on  the  heads  of  those  who  took  a 
principal  part  in  the  various  committees, —  those  who  were 
the  leaders  of  the  revolution  and  who  contributed  to  it  by 
material  or  intellectual  means." 

Those  designated  numbered  185. 

The  Austrian  military  gallantry  imposed  on  a  lady  — 
the  Princess  of  Belgiojoso  —  the  greatest  sum:  800,000  lire. 
This  was  followed  immediately  by  a  smaller  amount  from 
the  Duke  of  Visconti  di  Mondrone,  the  Count  Vitaliano 
Borromeo,  and  the  Duke  Litta.  The  lowest  amount  im- 
posed upon  any  of  the  patricians  was  10,000  lire.  The 
bankers  and  merchants,  such  as  Milius,  Mondolfo,  Ponti, 
Raymmi,  and  SeufFerheld,  were  obliged  to  pay  50,000  lire 
each.  Even  Maggiore  Ospedale  (the  hospital)  had  to  pay 
300,000  lire! 

One  can  imagine  the  miserable  condition  into  which  the 
unfortunate  metropolis  of  Lombardy  was  reduced  in  the 
latter  months  of  1848. 


THE  AUSTRO-ITALIAN   WAR   OF   1849  55 


XI 

The  insurrection  at  Rome.  The  Papal  Prime  Min- 
ister Pellegrino  Rossi  is  killed.  Pius  IX  flees  in  the 
night  to  Gaeta.  The  Roman  Republic  is  proclaimed  with 
Mazzini,  Saffi,  and  Armellini  at  the  head.  The  second 
War  of  Liberation  agamst  Austria.  The  Italians  are  de- 
feated because  of  their  commanders.  Carlo  Alberto 
is  obliged  to  abdicate  in  favor  of  his  son  Victor  Emanuel. 
The  Austrians,  emboldened,  extend  their  tyranny  to 
Piedmont  (1849). 

But  the  defeat  did  not  discourage  the  Italians.  It 
made  them  even  more  daring  and  more  active;  it  retempered 
their  strength. 

Because  Pope  Pius  IX  had  betrayed  the  national  cause, 
had  killed  the  Prime  Minister,  Pellegrino  Rossi  (November 
15,  1848),  and  had  planned  the  arrest  and  expulsion  of  well- 
know^n  patriots,  the  people  of  Rome  rebelled  against  his 
retrogressive  Government  and  forced  him  to  leave  the 
capital  during  the  night  and  repair  to  Gaeta,  where  he 
found  the  King  of  the  Tvv^o  Sicilies.  They  then  elected  a 
constitutional  assembly  which,  after  long  and  animated 
discussions,  approved  and  published  (February  9,  1849) 
a  decree  declaring  the  papacy  "fallen  in  right  and  in  fact 
from  the  temporal  government  of  the  Roman  State"  and 
proclaimed  the  Republic,  with  its  head  a  triumvirate 
(March,  1849)  composed  of  Mazzini,  Aurelio  Saffi,  and 
Carlo  Armellini. 

In  Tuscany  the  people  made  repeated  redemptionist 
demonstrations,  forced  the  Grand  Duke  Leopold  to  follow 
the  Pope  to  Gaeta,  and  confided  the  public  affairs  to  Guer- 
razzi,  Giuseppe  Montanelli  and  Giuseppe  Mazzoni. 

In  the  other  parts  of  the  peninsula  the  people  were 
equally  restless.  They  clamored  for  war,  war,  at  any  cost, 
to  the  last  drop  of  their  blood! 

We  will  fight  —  we  will  fight. 
While  a  warrior  remains. 


56  FIRST  PART 

Until  the  rays  of  the  Italian  sun 

Shall  no  longer  cast  a  shadow  on  a  stranger. 

{Arnaldo  Fusinato) 
Until  not  in  one  corner  of  the 
Mother  country  will  there  be  a  slave, 
Until  Italy  shall  be  one 
From  the  Alps  to  the  sea. 

(Goffredo  Mamelx) 

On  March  12,  1849,  Carlo  Alberto  was  obliged  to 
abandon  the  truce  which  he  had  made  with  the  Austrians 
the  year  before,  and  he  again  began  hostilities. 

The  ninety  thousand  Italians  whom  he  commanded 
were  strong,  brave,  and  enthusiastic,  ready  for  any  sacrifice 
for  the  good  of  their  country.  When  they  encountered  the 
army  of  the  enemy,  they  fought  with  force  and  resistance; 
but  they  were  defeated  at  Mortara  on  March  21,  and  again 
on  March  23,  at  Bicocca,  near  Novara,  all  because  of  the 
unfitness  of  this  same  king  and  other  commanders.  It 
was  a  terrible  catastrophe. 

Carlo  Alberto  was  again  forced,  as  in  1848,  to  demand  an 
armistice;  but  the  conditions  imposed  by  the  Austrians  were 
so  onerous,  so  dishonorable,  that  he  could  not  accept  them. 
Then  he  could  not  do  other  than  abdicate.  In  the  late 
evening  he  gathered  about  him  his  sons  and  his  surviving 
generals  under  the  walls  of  the  fated  city,  and  there  he  took 
the  great  step,  pronouncing  in  the  silence  and  with  voice 
humble  and  grieved  the  following  words: 

I  have  done  everything  possible  for  the  cause  of  Italy.  My 
greatest  sorrow  is  to  see  the  failure  of  my  hopes.  Perhaps  my 
person  is  the  only  obstacle  to  obtaining  an  equitable  agreement 
from  the  enemy.  And  as  there  is  no  alternative  other  than  to  con- 
tinue the  war,  I  renounce  at  this  instant  the  crown,  in  favor  of  my 
son,  Victor  Emanuel,  in  the  flattering  hope  that  he  may  obtain 
better  pacts  and  procure  a  more  advantageous  peace  for  the  coun- 
try. 

And  at  midnight  the  vanquished  king  sadly  went  his 
way,  accompanied  only  by  one  servant.  He  went  incognito 
(taking  the  name  of  Count  de  Barge)  to  Portugal,  where 
he  died  four  months  later  in  the  convent  of  the  Jesuits. 


THE  LIONESS  OF   ITALY   (1849)  57 

The  young  King,  Victor  Emanuel  II,  encountered  Ra- 
detzky  on  the  battlefield  of  Vignale.  He  had  to  make  the 
best  of  a  bad  bargain,  and  signed  an  armistice  by  which  he 
was  obliged  to  recognize  the  right  of  Austria  to  the  military 
occupation  of  Alessandria  and  the  territory  included  between 
the  rivers  Po,  Sesia,  and  Ticino.  He  was  compelled  to 
retire  the  Piedmontese  fleet  from  the  waters  of  the  Adriatic 
sea  (it  had  been  sent  there  at  the  beginning  of  the  war), 
which  meant  the  complete  abandonment  of  Venice  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy.  He  was  obliged  to  pay  —  and  how  ef- 
fectively he  did  pay  at  the  conclusion  of  peace! — 75,000,000 
lire  for  war  indemnity. 

The  chain  of  servitude  was  thus  riveted.  As  the  vul- 
tures gnawed  the  heart  of  the  mythological  Prometheus, 
so  the  rapacious  eagle  of  the  Hapsburgs  continued  to  de- 
vour the  hearts  of  ItaHans. 


XII 

The  "Lioness  of  Italy."  At  Brescia  the  Austrian 
soldiers  "throw  the  heads  of  infants,  torn  from  their 
bodies,  the  arms  of  women  and  children,  and  burned 
human  flesh  on  the  barricades  of  the  citizens  as  if  they 
were  throwing  the  remnants  of  a  dinner  to  dogs,  and 
commit  other  unbelievable  villainies."  The  tragic 
revenge  of  a  young  Brescian  who  was  burned  alive 
(1849). 

The  first  news  which  reached  Lombardo-Veneto  led 
the  Italians  to  believe  that  the  Austrians,  not  the  Italians, 
were  defeated  at  Novara  on  March  23,  1849.  One  can  ima- 
gine the  exultation  of  the  patriots.  Those  of  Brescia  armed 
themselves,  sang  praises  to  the  victory,  enjoined  the  soldiers 
of  the  garrison  (500  in  all;  the  others  had  already  gone  to  the 
war)  no  longer  to  encumber  the  earth  which  was  not  theirs. 
The  Austrians  responded  by  sending  secretly  for  immediate 
aid;  then  they  enclosed  themselves  in  the  castle,  which  over- 
looked the  city,  and  which,  in  anticipation,  they  had  filled 


58  FIRST   PART 

with  provisions  and  munitions,  and  from  the  high  fortress 
they  began  bombarding  the  city. 

The  Brescians  were  not  discouraged;  they  faced  the 
fight  resolutely  and  vigorously;  they  fought  with  zeal  and 
valor;  they  had  almost  reached  victory  when  there  was 
hurled  from  Verona  the  first  aid  to  the  enemies  —  a  column 
of  troops  with  numerous  artillery  in  command  of  General 
Nugent.  This  made  them  realize  immediately  that  at  any 
cost  the  general  would  force  his  way  into  the  city.  *'It 
were  better  that  the  rebels  should  destroy  the  barricades 
erected  by  them,  throw  down  their  arms,  and  surrender 
themselves  at  discretion."  He  gave  them  four  hours  to 
reply,  "while  with  great  difficulty  he  held  back  his  soldiers, 
and  for  compassion  made  them  silence  their  guns." 

At  such  arrogance,  the  citizens  burned  with  indignation, 
crying  tempestuously:  "We  will  resist!  Rather  than  to 
cede  this  we  prefer  death  under  the  ruins  of  our  homes." 

Nugent  began  the  attack.  He  hoped  to  crush  "the 
audacious  subjects"  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye;  but,  instead, 
he  himself  was  crushed,  falling  dead  in  the  encounter. 
General  Hayman,  a  bestial  person,  was  immediately  sub- 
stituted with  other  re-enforcements. 

The  new  commander  gave  more  stringent  orders  and 
threats  than  had  his  dead  colleague.  The  Brescians  replied 
stubbornly:  "Liberty  or  death!"  Then  there  burst  forth 
a  tempest  of  shot  and  shell,  followed  by  a  destruction  of 
houses  nd  a  slaughter  of  inhabitants.  But  the  defenders 
were  not  terrified,  were  not  confounded;  they  felt  instead, 
rising  and  vibrating  in  every  fiber  of  their  being,  an  invin- 
cible power;  they  became  as  giants;  they  battered  their  as- 
sailants over  and  over  again;  they  performed  acts  of  valor 
worthy  of  an  epopee.  Even  the  women  showed  themselves 
valiant  and  daring.  Among  these  were  two  sisters  of  good 
family  who  died  like  Christian  martyrs. 

This  contempt  maddened  the  Austrians.  The  military 
pride  with  which  they  were  swelled  could  not  tolerate  the 
proud  resistance  of  the  citizens,  who  were  given  no  more 
consideration  than  a  flock  of  sheep.  On  the  morning  of 
April  I,  1849,  they  made  a  furious  assault  and  with  great 


THE  LIONESS  OF  ITALY   (1849)  59 

numbers  they  fought  savagely,  decisively.  The  defenders, 
although  hard  pressed  for  several  days,  kept  their  heads; 
they  disputed  every  foot  of  ground,  they  spent  their  life's 
blood  freely;  and  in  the  end  the  opposing  forces  fell  upon  one 
another  in  a  hand-to-hand  conflict.  And  then,  only  then, 
could  the  enemy,  passing  over  heaps  of  the  dead,  enter  the 
glorious  city  of  Brescia,  which  the  poet  afterwards  called 
"The  Lioness  of  Italy." 

The  Austrian  troopers,  made  more  ferocious  by  the 
resistance  which  they  met  and  the  losses  to  which  they 
were  subjected,  broke  like  hungry  wolves  into  the  houses 
which  remained  intact  after  this  long  bombardment. 
They  sacked  the  best  and  destroyed  the  remaining,  cut  the 
throats  of  the  sick,  the  old,  women  and  children.  Of  the 
latter  many  were  nailed  to  the  walls.  Little  nursing  babes 
were  filed  on  stacked  bayonets.  Men  and  women  were  killed 
in  the  streets  with  blows  from  swords  and  guns.  Others 
were  dragged  to  the  castle  and  there  thrown  into  dungeons, 
insulted  and  massacred  en  masse. 

They  committed  thousands  of  atrocities  and  the  sight 
seemed  to  turn  the  heads  of  the  people  and  freeze  the  blood  in 
their  veins.  To  this  was  added  the  view  of  the  horrible  excesses 
committed  by  the  imperial  Austrians,  because  of  their  blood- 
drunkenness  or  because  they  were  commanded  to  do  so,  or  because 
they  were  stolidly  ferocious;  atrocities  which  seemed  to  go  beyond 
the  credible  and  even  the  imaginable.  The  imperial  Austrians 
were  not  only  infuriated  against  the  unarmed,  the  women,  the 
children,  and  the  infirm,  but  they  so  refined  their  tortures  that 
they  seemed  human  wild  beasts;  they  surpassed  in  ferocity  any 
wild  animal.  They  lacerated  the  limbs  of  the  victims;  they,  the 
Imperial  Austrians,  threw  them  out  of  the  windows  on  to  the 
barricades  of  the  citizens  as  one  throws  the  remains  of  a  dinner  to 
the  dogs.  Heads  of  tender  children  torn  from  their  bodies,  arms 
of  women  and  roasted  human  flesh  rained  upon  the  Brescians, — 
outrages  before  which  bombs  seemed  as  nothing.  And  above 
all,  these  Imperial  Austrian  cannibals  felt  a  special  joy  in  seeing 
the  atrocious  convulsions  of  those  who  were  burning  to  death; 
they  saturated  citizens  with  resin  and  set  fire  to  them;  and  often 
they  obliged  the  women  of  the  martyrs  to  assist  them  at  this 
festival;  and  further  to  deride  the  noble  Brescian  blood  which  was 


60  FIRST   PART 

boiling  with  holy  wrath,  they  tied  the  men  tightly,  and  before 
their  very  eyes  outraged  their  wives  and  daughters,  and  then  cut 
their  throats.  And  sometimes  (God  forgive  us  if  we  do  not  forget 
this  fact)  the  imperial  Austrians  made  the  agonized  citizens 
swallow  the  torn  viscera  of  their  loved  ones.  Because  of  this  many 
died  of  anguish  and  many  more  went  mad.^ 

A  citizen  by  the  name  of  Carlo  Zima,  who  was  burned 
alive  by  the  Austrian  soldiers,  was  avenged  in  a  tragic  man- 
ner. He  was  a  fragile  young  fellow  —  a  hunchback  —  but 
he  had  fought  day  and  night  like  an  ancient  gladiator.  Some 
soldiers  surprised  him  while  he  was  standing  at  arms.  What 
did  they  do?  They  threw  tar  on  him  and  set  fire  to  it. 
In  a  flash  the  body  of  the  unfortunate  boy  was  in  flames. 
The  soldiers  laughed  and  danced  around  him  like  redskins. 
Zima,  in  an  impulse  of  fury  and  indignation,  threw  himself 
on  the  leader  and  inciter  of  the  demoniac  gang,  clung  to 
him  with  a  death  grip,  surrounded  him  with  the  same  fire 
and  forced  him  to  die  the  same  death  as  himself. 

But  this  policy  of  torture  was  not  enough.  The  Aus- 
trians extorted  from  the  Brescians  the  sum  of  6,000,000  lire. 
Such  villainies  roused  all  Europe.  Some  time  after,  General 
Hayman  went  to  London.  Some  one  recognized  him  in  the 
streets  by  his  blond  mustache.  Soon  a  crowd  surrounded 
him,  throwing  missiles  and  mud  at  him  and  crying,  "Give 
it  to  him,  the  old  Austrian  butcher!  Give  it  to  him,  the 
tiger! 

^  See  The  Ten  Days  of  Brescia,  by  Caesar  Correnti,  an  eminent  writer,  author  of 
various  historical  works,  deputy  to  the  Italian  National  parliament,  twice  min- 
ister of  Public  Instruction,  and  councillor  of  State. 


I 


THE  AUSTRIANS   IN   CENTRAL   ITALY   (1849)      61 


XIII 

The  Austrian  soldiers  in  Tuscany,  in  Bologna,  and  in 
Ancona.  The  tyrants  crush  the  Roman  Republic,  which 
had  been  so  gloriously  ruled  by  Mazzini  and  defended  by 
Garibaldi,  and  re-establish  the  temporal  power  of  the 
Popes  (1849). 

On  the  first  of  May,  1849,  the  Austrian  General  d'Aspre 
at  the  head  of  20,000  soldiers  invaded  Tuscany;  raided  towns, 
despoiled  and  abused  the  populace;  then  suddenly  and 
pompously  entered  Florence  (May  25th),  and  re-established 
the  power  of  the  Grand  Duke.  This  unscrupulous  tyrant, 
who  served  the  Hapsburgs,  soon  abolished  the  Constitution 
and  the  national  flag,  and  took  possession  of  the  government 
with  the  help  of  the  police  and  the  prisons.  About  the  same 
time,  four  different  armies  (one  French,  one  Austrian,  one 
Spanish,  and  one  Bourbon)  marched  against  Rome  with  the 
intention  of  crushing  the  Republic  and  re-establishing  the 
temporal  power  of  the  popes. 

The  first  to  arrive  at  the  gates  of  the  eternal  city  were 
the  French  (a  few  less  than  9,000)  in  command  of  General 
Oudinot.  They  immediately  began  the  artillery  attack, 
while  the  infantry  attempted  to  scale  the  walls.  But 
Garibaldi  —  to  whom  the  triumvirate,  Mazzini,  Saffi,  and 
Armellini,  had  wisely  confided  the  defense  of  the  Republic  — 
hurled  himself,  with  his  volunteers  and  with  those  who  were 
commanded  by  Dr.  Masi  and  Col.  Galletti,  on  the  assailants 
and  defeated  them,  inflicting  upon  them  severe  losses,  taking 
hundreds  of  prisoners,  and  scattering  the  others  in  flight 
(April  30,  1849). 

The  Austrian  army  on  their  part  arrived  at  Bologna  and 
began  hostilities  by  attacking  the  Porta  Galliera.  The 
Bolognese  repulsed  the  assault.  The  enemy  put  in  action 
guns  and  mortars,  with  which  they  were  abundantly  pro- 
vided and  overwhelmed  the  ** Learned  City"  with  grape- 
shot  projectiles  and  explosives.  The  Bolognese  defended 
themselves  valorously  for  several  days.     But  by  May   16, 


62  FIRST  PART 

1849,  their  strength  was  spent;  they  could  no  longer  resist; 
they  were  obliged  to  surrender. 

One  week  after,  the  Austrians  attacked  the  city  of 
Ancona  from  sea  and  land.  This  younger  sister  of  Venice 
fought  strenuously  for  about  a  month.  But  in  the  end  she 
too  capitulated  (June  20).  The  Bourbon  army  (16,000 
men),  commanded  by  King  Ferdinand  himself,  was  in 
possession  of  Velletri  near  Rome.  Garibaldi,  at  the  head  of 
only  3,000  volunteers,  a  part  of  whom  were  mere  boys, 
rushed  to  attack  it,  forced  it  from  the  city,  dispersed  and 
pursued  it  as  far  as  Area  (May  12-20). 

The  Spanish  were  landed  at  Fiumicino  and  Terracina. 
General  Oudinot,  with  40,000  soldiers  and  36  cannon,  on  the 
evening  of  June  2d,  recommenced  hostilities  against  Rome. 
The  Republic  had  no  more  than  9,000  volunteers  at  her 
command.  But  they  were  cavaliers  of  high  ideals.  Their 
minds  were  illuminated  with  the  omnipresent  thought  of 
Mazzini.  In  their  breasts  beat  the  living  heart  of  Gari- 
baldi. The  fight  was  long  and  bitter.  It  culminated  the 
night  of  June  29th  in  a  great  battle.  The  defenders  ac- 
complished superhuman  deeds.  Among  those  who  so 
nobly  fell  was  the  poet  GofFredoMameli,the  youth  of  twenty- 
two  years,  who  in  his  patriotic  hymns  voiced  the  emotions 
of  the  people  and  inspired  them  to  fight  for  their  liberties; 
and  Luciano  Manara,  who  was  the  first  among  the  first  in 
the  five  days  of  Milan.  There  fell  also  Enrico  Dandolo, 
Emilio  Morosini,  and  hundreds  of  other  heroes.  But  such 
sacrifice  was   not   sufficient   to   save  the   Republic. 

Garibaldi  was  obliged  to  sheath  his  sword,  and  on  July  3d 
he  went  from  j4lma  Roma,  sad,  silent,  poverty-stricken  (so 
poor  that  for  the  mere  necessities  of  life  he  was  obliged  to 
sell  his  watch),  accompanied  by  his  devoted  consort,  Anita, 
seven  months  advanced  in  pregnancy,  and  by  about  4,000 
other  survivors,  among  whom  was  the  Barnabite  preacher 
Ugo  Bassi  and  the  Roman  citizen  Angelo  Brunetti  called 
Ciceruacchioy  and  to  whom  he  had  nothing  to  offer  except 
hunger,  cold,  heat,  and  forced  marches. 

Mazzini  also,  and  all  of  the  other  leaders  of  the  glorious 
Republic  were  driven  into  exile. 


AUSTRIANS   PURSUE  GARIBALDI  (1849)  63 

On  July  1 2th,  Pius  IX,  escorted  by  the  French  and  Aus- 
trians,  re-entered  the  capital,  abrogated  the  Constitution, 
annulled  the  reforms,  filled  the  prisons  with  political  pris- 
oners, and  humiliated  both  souls  and  bodies,  meriting  the 
judgment  of  Lord  Clarendon,  who  said,  "The  government  of 
priests  is  an  opprobrium  for  civilized  Europe." 


XIV 

The  Austrian  soldiers  pursue  Garibaldi  and  Anita 
(the  loved  consort  of  the  Hero)  who  is  pregnant.  The 
sad  ending  of  the  heroine,  who  is  buried  nude !  "  The 
abandoned  wandering  dog"  (1849). 

Garibaldi,  who  succeeded  in  hiding  himself  and  his 
army  from  the  enemy  which  angrily  pursued  him,  arrived 
in  Tuscany  and  tried  to  incite  the  people  to  a  revolution  j 
but  he  found  everyone  discouraged  and  fearful.  Then  he 
cried  to  his  volunteers,  "There  remains  only  Venice  for  us  to 
die  in!" 

But  how  to  arrive  at  the  Lido  was  the  problem.  The 
long  and  fatiguing  forced  marches  under  the  scorching  sun; 
the  ambushed  bloodhounds  of  the  tyrant  which  were  let 
loose  in  every  direction,  added  to  hunger,  thirst,  and  sor- 
row, reduced  the  survivors  to  only  1,500.  And  those  who, 
notwithstanding  these  hardships,  were  animated  by  gen- 
erous and  patriotic  sentiments,  were  not  in  condition  to 
face  a  new  Odyssey.  Garibaldi  led  them  to  the  little 
republic  of  San  Marino,  and  there  secured  an  armistice  with 
the  enemy  in  which  he  demanded  and  obtained  the  right 
to  send  his  companions  undisturbed  to  their  homes.  He, 
personally,  would  not  bind  himself  to  any  pact  with  the 
Austrians;  he  preferred  to  keep  the  road  to  which  fate  had 
predestined  him.  But  hundreds  more  daring  and  faithful 
wished  to  follow  him  at  any  cost.  The  Hero,  who  was  as 
gentle  as  he  was  invincible,  could  not  refuse  them. 

He  accepted  their  offer  and  with  them  attempted  to  es- 
cape by  way  of  the  sea.     But  the  fragile  boat  containing  the 


64  FIRST  PART 

sacred  handful  was  quickly  overtaken  by  the  Austrian 
hordes,  who  were  on  the  lookout.  Garibaldi  with  his  coura- 
geous Anita  jumped  into  the  water,  and  being  a  proved 
swimmer  was  not  long  in  reaching  the  shore,  saving  himself 
and  his  beloved  consort.  Ugo  Bassi  (the  Barnabite  preacher) 
and  Angelo  Brunetti  (Ciceruacchio)  and  many  other  Gari- 
baldians  were  captured  and  executed. 

On  August  4,  1849  —  it  was  sunset  —  a  little  vehicle 
with  one  horse,  driven  by  the  Garibaldian  captain  Leggero, 
crept  slowly  up  the  road  which  led  from  the  sea  to  the 
woods  of  Ravenna.  In  the  rough  cart  was  a  young  woman 
sick  with  a  fever. 

"Have  courage!"  said  Garibaldi,  who  was  dressed  as  a 
farmer  and  was  sitting  near  the  woman,  caressing  her  fore- 
head and  holding  above  her  head  an  open  umbrella  to  pre- 
vent the  burning  rays  of  the  sun  from  scorching  her.  "Cour- 
age, my  good  Anita.     In  that  house  yonder  we  will  ask  aid." 

"0  Giuseppe,  I  am  dying!"  murmured  the  invalid,  while 
foam  covered  her  burning  lips. 

The  Hero  wiped  her  mouth  with  a  silk  handkerchief. 
A  black  cloud  closed  over  his  soul.  They  finally  reached 
the  vicinity  of  the  house.  A  farm  hand  looked  with  surprise 
at  the  strange  company. 

"In  the  name  of  humanity,"  cried  Garibaldi  supplicat- 
ingly,  "save  this  woman!  I  ask  nothing  for  myself,  every- 
thing for  her.  Give  us  a  glass  of  water.  Let  us  rest  a 
moment." 

"I  am  not  the  master  here,"  responded  the  rustic,  "but 
I  will  call  my  master,  Ravaglia." 

A  woman  servant  came  out  of  the  house.  She,  seeing 
that  Anita  was  struck  with  death,  was  overcome  with  emo- 
tion and  exclaimed:  "Poor  creature!  To  travel  in  such  a 
condition!     It  is  fortunate  that  we  have  a  physician  here." 

Dr.  Naldini  came,  looked  anxiously  at  the  invalid,  and 
said  sententiously,  "This  woman  is  dying."  Then  looking 
fixedly  at  Garibaldi,  continued,  "And  you,  with  that  face, 
with  that  beard,  you  are  Garibaldi!" 

"Silence,  for  pity's  sake!"  softly  interrupted  the  Hero. 
"You  know  well  that  I  am  hunted  to  the  death  and  all  the 


AUSTRIANS   PURSUE  GARIBALDI   (1849)  65 

others  who  assist  me  are  punished.  Don't,  don't  reveal  my 
name! 

At  that  moment  Stefano  Ravaglia,  the  master  of  the 
house,  joined  them.  He  told  them  to  take  Anita  into  the 
upper  chamber  where  there  was  a  poor  Httle  bed.  With  the 
greatest  tenderness  the  Hero  took  the  httle  creature  in  his 
powerful  arms,  and  went  slowly  up  the  stairs.  But,  after 
a  few  steps,  Anita's  beautiful  head  fell  back,  and  she  said 
feebly:  "Giuseppe  .  .  .  the  children  ..."  and  she 
was  dead! 

The  Hero  replaced  the  adored  figure  on  the  ground;  he 
touched  it;  he  bathed  it  with  tears;  he  covered  it  with  kisses; 
he  called  her  by  the  sweetest  and  most  sacred  names;  he 
cried  desperately:  **No,  no!  she  is  not  dead!  Take  her  up- 
stairs. It  is  a  fainting  spell.  She  has  suffered  so  much, 
poor  little  creature!  She  will  revive.  She  is  strong.  She 
is  not  dead,  I  say!  It  is  impossible!  If  it  were  true,  I  too 
should  be  dead,  because  our  lives  have  always  been  as  one. 
Look  at  me,  Anita  ....  open  your  eyes  ....  move  your 
lips  ....  speak  to  me!" 

All  of  those  present  wept.  Captain  Leggero  bowed 
respectfully  over  his  leader  and  whispered  in  his  ear  these 
supplicating  words:  "Rise!  Save  yourself, —  for  your  chil- 
dren,—  for  Italy!" 

"I  am  choking!"  responded  the  Hero.  "Give  me  a 
glass  of  water."  He  drank  it;  he  arose;  he  turned  and  gave 
a  last  look  full  of  infinite  love  and  sorrow  at  the  immobile 
form  of  the  martyr,  and  turned  away,  sobbing  Hke  a  child. 
He  went  to  the  door  and  stopped  and  offered  a  ring  which  he 
had  taken  from  the  finger  of  Anita  (the  only  treasure  which 
he  possessed)  to  Ravaglia  to  compensate  him  for  his  hos- 
pitality and  as  a  memento.  "No,"  said  the  honest  farmer, 
"keep  it,  it  is  sacred  to  you." 


On  August  II,  1849,  an  abandoned  dog,  rummaging 
about,  discovered  a  body  which  was  buried  in  the  shallow 
sands  of  Marina,  in  the  parish  of  Mandriole.  The  authorities 
came  and  found  that  it  was  the  body  of  a  pregnant  woman 


66  FIRST  PART 

"who  had  her  hair  clipped  like  a  Puritan's  and  wore  a 
skirt  and  a  mantle."  The  clothes  were  removed  and  were 
displayed  to  help  in  the  identification  of  the  body.  And 
the  brave  consort  of  the  Hero  of  two  worlds  was  reburied 
nude  in  the  earth! 

A  few  days  after,  a  man  of  robust  appearance,  but  with 
face  pallid  and  sad,  left  the  country  of  Modigliana. 

That  man  was  Garibaldi.  Groups  of  Austrian  soldiers, 
growling  ostrogothic  oaths  and  swearing  vengeance,  hunted 
him.  At  one  point  the  Hero  found  himself  in  imminent 
danger,  and  took  refuge  in  a  near-by  tavern.  As  soon  as  he 
was  seated  at  a  table,  some  Croatian  soldiers  noisily  entered. 
'*  I  am  discovered !"  he  exclaimed  to  himself.  But  the  Croati- 
ans  did  not  recognize  him.  They  went  to  a  table,  and  or- 
dered and  drank  wine  without  limit.  They  were  soon  drunk. 
They  gesticulated  wildly.  They  laughed  idiotically.  They 
repeated  with  drunken  voices:  "Ah,  Garibalda,  Garibalduy 
we'll  find  you  yet  —  we'll  catch  you  in  a  trap!  Ha!  ha! 
ha!" 

The  Hero  jumped  like  a  leopard  toward  the  door, 
and  fled  to  the  fields.  In  vain  the  Croatians  attempted  to 
follow  him:  their  drunken  legs  would  not  carry  them. 
Their  bodies  fell  to  the  ground  and  they  wallowed  like  pigs 
in  mire. 

After  countless  difficulties  he  arrived  finally  at  Nice,  his 
native  city,  embraced  his  mother,  who  already  had  counted 
eighty-four  years,  kissed  his  children,  wept  with  them  for  the 
loss  of  Anita,  and  with  broken  heart  betook  himself  to  exile, 
embarking  on  a  ship  which  was  going  direct  to  Tunis.  But 
the  Bey  refused  to  give  him  shelter,  fearing  to  bring  troubles 
on  his  own  head.  Then  the  Hero  wandered  fromMaddalena^ 
to  Gibraltar,  from  Gibraltar  to  Tangiers;  and  finally  one 
day  took  ship  for  New  York,  where  he  was  given  brotherly 
care  by  an  Italian,  Antonio  Meucci,  the  defrauded  inventor 
of  the  telephone  which  today  is  called  the  Bell. 

^The  largest  island  in  the  strait  of  Bonifacio  (Sardinia). 


THE  AUSTRIANS   BOMBARD  VENICE   (1849)       67 


XV 

The  Austrians  besiege  and  bombard  Venice,  continu- 
ously, for  three  months.  Field  Marshal  Radetzky  apes 
Nero.  The  Queen  of  the  Adriatic  Sea  is  obUged  to 
surrender,  because  of  famine  and  cholera  more  than 
because  of  the  army  of  the  enemy.  The  elegy  of  the 
poet  (1849). 

Forty  thousand  Austrians,  with  150  pieces  of  artillery, 
besieged  Venice  by  sea  and  by  land.  On  May  24,  1849, 
they  began  to  storm  it  with  bombs  and  burning  rockets. 

Field  Marshal  Radetzky,  wishing  to  ape  Emperor  Nero, 
of  execrated  memory,  invited  several  archdukes  from  his 
own  country  to  witness  the  spectacle  of  the  ItaHan  city 
struck  in  every  part  with  fire  and  with  death.  Puerile  old 
barbarian! 

The  Venetians  did  not  lose  their  courage.  On  the  con- 
trary, they  felt  themselves  physically  and  morally  stronger 
than  before.  They  were  wisely  guided  by  the  Doge  Daniele 
Manin,  and  the  brave  General  Guglielmo  Pepe,  who  pre- 
sented a  formidable  resistance  to  the  unheard-of  cruelty  of 
the  enemy. 

The  fight  lasted  long.  It  was  intense,  bloody.  Victory 
smiled  several  times  on  the  besieged.  It  would  have  been 
also  their  final  triumph  if,  aside  from  the  scarcity  of  arms 
and  munitions,  and  of  the  almost  absolute  lack  of  food, 
the  cholera  had  not  overtaken  them.  The  terrible  scourge, 
which  was  not  checked  by  necessary  scientific  means,  and 
was  favored  by  little  and  bad  food,  began  to  decimate 
the  women  and  children  especially. 

On  August  15th,  the  Sanitary  Bulletin  published  402 
cases  with  272  deaths.  One  week  later  the  unconquerable 
pest,  augmented  by  hunger,  which  was  always  on  the  increase, 
and  by  the  Austrian  artillery  ever  more  intense,  transformed 
the  charming  city  of  the  Doges  into  a  Dante-like  inferno. 
The  defenders,  oppressed  by  sorrow  for  the  miserable  ending 
of  their  beloved  dead,  lost  all  courage  and  hope. 


68  FIRST  PART 

During  the  making  of  the  treaty  (August  23,  1849) 
Venice  was  immersed  in  a  sepulchered  gloom. 

The  poet  Arnaldo  Fusinato,  who  was  made  guardian  of 
the  island  of  the  Lazzaretto,  wrote  with  a  breaking  heart  the 
following  elegiac  verses: 

The  air  is  gloom, 

The  heavens  are  still; 
Alone  on  the  terrace, 
I  mourn,  I  weep  for  thee, 
Venice  mine! 

The  rays  of  the  dying  sun 
Disappear 

In  the  broken  clouds 
Of  the  West; 
And  the  last  sigh 
Of  the  Lagoon 
Breathes  sadly 
In  the  twilight  air. 

A  gondola  from  the  city  passes: 
— Ohe!  Gondolier, 
What  news  ? 
— The  pestilence  rages, 
We  lack  bread, 
On  the  bridge  waves 
The  white  flag! 

Venice!  thine 
Hour  has  come; 
Glorious  martyr. 
Thou  art  lost! 
The  pestilence  rages. 
We  lack  bread, 
On  the  bridge  waves 
The  white  flag. 

But  not  the  cannons 
Belching  fire, 

Nor  the  crashing  thunders 
That  roll  above  thee. 
Have  had  the  power 
To  stifle  thy  liberty. 


THE  AUSTRIANS   BOMBARD  VENICE   (1849)       69 

Long  live  Venice! 

She  dies  only  from  starvation. 

0  history!  register 
On  thy  pages 

The  iniquities  of  thine  enemy, 
And  the  glories  of  our  Patria; 
And  cry  to  posterity — 
Be  three  times  cursed  he 
Who  would  see  Venice 
Die  of  starvation! 

Long  live  Venice ! 
Her  ancient  virtues 
Have  been  roused 
By  the  ire  of  the  enemy; 
But  the  pestilence  rages. 
And  she  lacks  bread, 
On  the  bridge  waves 
The  white  flag. 

And  now  this  my  lyre, 
Which  is  as  yet  free, 
I  break  here 
On  the  stones. 
And  to  thee,  Venice, 
My  last  song. 
My  last  kiss, 
My  last  tear! 

1  go  wandering 

In  strange  lands. 

But  thou,  Venice,  wilt  live 

In  my  thought; 

Thou  wilt  live 

Here  in  my  heart 

As  the  image 

Of  my  first  love. 

But  the  wind  whistles. 
Dark  are  the  waves; 
Nature 
Is  all  in  obscurity; 


70  FIRST  PART 

The  chords  scream. 
The  voice  is  spent. 
On  the  bridge  waves 
The  white  flag. 

On  August  24,  1849,  the  holocaust  was  complete.  The 
glorious  Queen  of  the  Adriatic  was  again  in  the  clutch  of  the 
rapacious  two-headed  eagle.  Manin,  Tommaseo,  Guglielmo 
Pepe,  and  other  prominent  patriots  were  obliged  to  take 
English  and  French  ships  and,  like  Mazzini,  to  follow  the 
sad  road  of  exile. 


XVI 

Field  Marshal  Radetzky  and  his  graceless  officers 
celebrate  the  birthday  of  their  Emperor  (Francis  Joseph) 
in  Milan  by  hectoring  the  unarmed  people,  brutally 
charging  upon  them  with  cavalry  and  infantry,  beating 
patriots  and  whipping  the  young  boys  and  girls  on  their 
bare  backs  (1849). 

While  Venice  agonized,  Radetzky  committed  new 
infamies  in  Milan.  He  provoked  the  citizens  in  order  that 
he  might  afterward  punish  them. 

It  will  suffice,  however,  to  give  the  following  episodes: 

August  18,  1849,  was  the  nineteenth  birthday  of  the  Em- 
peror Francis  Joseph  and  the  old  marshal,  wishing  to  cele- 
brate it  with  noisy  demonstrations,  ordered  the  firing  of 
several  volleys  of  guns  at  dawn;  the  decoration  of  the  bal- 
conies, of  the  windows,  of  the  public  squares,  and  of  the 
streets  with  festoons  of  Austrian  colors;  a  solemn  religious 
ceremony  with  the  singing  of  the  Te  Deum  in  the  Duomo;  a 
pompous  military  parade  and,  for  the  evening,  "a  spontane- 
ous illumination  under  threat  of  judicial  prosecution  against 
the  recalcitrants." 

Now,  what  happened  in  spite  of  the  astuteness  of  the 
all-powerful  Austrian  officialdom  which  was  organized  for 
provocations? 

At  that  time  in  the  square  of  the  Duomo  was  the  Cafe 


AUSTRIAN  ATROCITIES   IN  MILAN   (1849)         71 

Mazza,  one  of  the  most  frequented  in  the  city.  Opposite  it 
lived  a  certain  woman  of  bad  repute,  a  favorite  of  many- 
Austrian  officials  who  met  day  and  night  in  front  of  the 
cafe  and  also  inside  to  feast  and  revel  and  to  insult  peace- 
ful citizens  as  they  passed  by.  At  the  order  of  some  of 
her  devoted  officer-friends,  the  woman  had  prepared  a 
great  drapery  with  the  imperial  colors  and  the  emblem  of 
Austria  embroidered  on  it  and  on  the  anniversary  hung  it 
from  the  balcony  of  her  house. 

The  Austrian  officials  —  drinking,  smoking,  chattering 
before  the  Cafe  Mazza,  congratulated  the  woman,  who  re- 
mained boldly  on  the  balcony,  making  all  sorts  of  obscene 
grimaces  to  her  which  she  mistook  for  gracious  smiles,  while 
at  the  same  time  with  certain  characteristic  laughs  they 
ridiculed  and  provoked  the  passersby. 

In  a  flash,  the  square  of  the  Duomo  was  full  of  people. 
Someone  whistled,  a  hundred  whistled,  there  was  a  cry,  a 
hundred  cried  out  indignant  imprecations,  then  showering 
her  with  tri-colored  rosettes  they  forced  the  woman  to  re- 
enter her  house,  taking  with  her  the  hated  drapery. 

The  Austrian  officers  seemed  to  be  expecting  nothing 
less  than  this.  They  jumped  into  the  street,  grinding  their 
teeth.  They  opened  a  way  for  themselves  with  lashes  from 
their  switches,  they  called  the  woman  to  the  balcony,  they 
invited  her  to  replace  the  drapery,  and  when  she  complied 
the  ruffians  broke  into  frantic  applause.  The  indignation 
and  fury  of  the  crowd  increased. 

Then  a  squadron  of  cavalry  arrived  with  drawn  sabres 
and  a  corps  of  infantry  with  fixed  bayonets.  They  charged 
upon  the  unarmed  crowd  without  regard  for  the  old  men, 
women  or  children. 

The  officers  planted  themselves  on  the  sidewalks  bran- 
dishing switches  above  their  heads,  threatening  and  howling 
like  so  many  obsessed  demons,  forced  the  fugitives  to 
take  off  their  hats  and  to  salute  the  drapery;  then  they 
snatched  the  woman  up,  took  her  along  with  the  drapery  in 
a  carriage,  and  carried  her  in  triumph  through  the  city. 
As  if  this  were  not  enough,  they  made  numberless  arrests  of 
both  men  and  women,  accusing  them  of  anti-political  and 


72  FIRST  PART 

scandalous  demonstrations,  and  of  insults  to  the  emblem  of 
His  Majesty^  etc. 

On  August  22d,  in  the  Y\2ltl2.  Castello,  fifteen  patriots 
(students,  property  owners,  merchants,  shopkeepers,  and 
simple  workmen)  from  2i  to  50  years  of  age,  were  subjected 
to  the  humiliation  of  a  public  whipping.  They  were  tied 
with  their  breasts  to  planks,  bare  from  their  heads  to  their 
waists  and  received  on  their  backs,  some  thirty,  some  forty, 
and  some  fifty  strokes  from  switches. 

Three  youths  (Luciano  Ferrandi,  17  years  old,  book- 
binder; Giacomo  Trezzi,  17  years  old,  tanner;  Giacobbe 
Colombo,  19  years  old,  jeweler),  who  were  not  considered 
strong  enough  by  the  army  physician  to  endure  the  beat- 
ing, received,  the  first  thirty  lashes,  and  the  other  two 
forty  lashes  each.  The  victims  were  given  over  to  a  soldier 
who  was  in  charge  of  the  galleys. 

Two  young  girls,  Maria  Conti,  a  Florentine,  18  years  of 
age,  and  Ernesta  GalH,  from  Cremona,  20  years  old,  whose 
honor  the  profligate  Austrian  officers  had  many  times  in 
vain  tried  to  corrupt,  privately  endured  atrocious  punish- 
ment, receiving  on  their  bare  backs,  the  first,  thirty  and  the 
second,  forty  strokes  from  the  whips. ^ 

Fourteen  other  patriots  were  thrown  into  prison  in  irons, 
and  fed  only  on  bread  and  water.  A  few  days  later  the 
Austrian  director  of  the  castle  had  the  insolence  to  send  a 
bill  to  the  city  council  "for  the  expense  incurred  in  buying 
canes  and  switches,  vinegar  and  ice  used  on  the  bodies  of 
the  victims,  and  demanded  to  be  reimbursed." 

It  was  thus  that  the  despicable  Radetzky  celebrated  in 
Italy  the  birthday  of  his  master  the  Emperor  Francis  Joseph! 

Such  opprobrium  shook  the  whole  of  Europe.  The 
journals,  especially  the  London  TimeSy  published  fiery 
articles  against  the  Austrian  government.  And  the  poet 
Francesco  Dall'Ongaro  wrote: 

Lombardians,  Venetians,  Italians  all,  forget  your  glories,  your 
hopes,  your  disillusions,  your  political  errors;  but  remember,  re- 

^  The  switches,  cut  from  filbert  trees,  were  as  thick  as  the  thumb  and  werebound 
to  the  wrist  by  a  leather  thong  in  order  to  give  greater  force  to  the  blows.  One 
of  these  switches  may  be  seen  in  the  Museum  of  the  Risorgimento  in  Milan. 


THE  EMPEROR  OF  HANGMEN  73 

member  this  day,  write  it  on  the  walls  of  your  houses,  in  the  public 
squares,  in  the  churches,  on  the  covers  of  your  books,  everywhere. 
Whoever  could  forget  it  is  a  coward!  Through  the  thirty-four 
martyrs  Italy  herself  was  beaten,  was  shamed,  was  dishonored. 
And  Italy  knows  this  well. 


XVII 
"The  Emperor  of  Hangmen"  (1851-1853). 

Lombardo-Veneto  again  fell  into  the  claws  of  the  Aus- 
trians,  and  the  people  paid  for  their  patriotism  by  having  im- 
posed upon  them  tributes,  hectorings  and  torments.  But  no 
force,  however  militarily  brutal,  could  repress  in  the  Italians 
their  innate,  traditional,  and  ever-growing  desire  for  liberty. 

Giuseppe  Mazzini  from  London,  aided  by  Saffi  and  other 
eminent  exiles,  incited  a  new  struggle  for  their  oppressed 
brothers.  In  consequence,  there  sprang  up  everywhere 
secret  and   revolutionary  societies  and  committees. 

Naturally,  the  Austrian  police  were  on  the  alert;  they 
spied  upon  the  societies,  discovered  and  punished  them. 
In  1 85 1  for  example,  they  arrested  a  Milanese  workman, 
Antonio  Sciesa  on  the  charge  of  having  conspired  with  num- 
erous other  patriots  against  the  dominating  government. 

The  accused  was  invited  with  flattering  unctuousness 
to  reveal  the  names  of  his  accomplices.  He  rejected  the 
invitation.  He  was  threatened;  he  was  maltreated;  he  was 
subjected  to  the  "third  degree."  He  endured  every  bar- 
barity with  heroic  patience.  He  was  condemned  to  death. 
He  listened  to  the  sentence  with  firm  and  dignified  de- 
meanor. He  was  offered  grace  if  he  would  confess.  He  re- 
fused it.  He  was  conducted  in  chains  to  the  neighborhood 
of  his  own  home  in  the  hope  that  the  sight  of  his  family 
would  weaken  him,  would  make  him  cling  to  life,  would  in- 
duce him  to  talk.  He  said  only  two  simple  dialect  words: 
"Pull  on!"  He  was  dragged  to  the  gallows,  where  he  faced 
quietly  and  unflinchingly  the  extreme  penalty  of  the  law. 

During  1852  and  1853,  on  the  bastions  of  Belfiore 
(Mantua)  the  Austrian  gibbet  cut  short  the  lives  of  other 


74  FIRST   PART 

patriots:  Enrico  Tazzoli  and  Giovanni  Grioli,  priests; 
Carlo  Poma,  physician;  Giovanni  Zambelli,  artist;  the  Vene- 
tian, Angelo  Scartellini;  the  writer,  Bernardo  De  Canal,  the 
Brescian  Tito  Speri,  scholar  and  poet;  Bartolomeo  Grazioli, 
priest;  Count  Carlo  Montanari  from  Verona;  Pietro  Dome- 
nico  Frattini  from  Legnano;  Col.  Pietro  FortunatoCalvi  from 
Briana  of  Modale  (Venice). 

The  indignation  resulting  from  such  injustice  was  be- 
yond bounds.  The  Emperor  Francis  Joseph  received  the 
ugly  pseudonym  of  "The  Emperor  of  Hangmen,"  and  even 
to  this  day  the  Italians  repeat  it  with  maledictions  and  hate. 

Not  less  cruel  were  the  smaller  tyrants  who  were  obedient 
to  Austria.  It  suffices  to  say  that  Charles  III,  who  suc- 
ceeded Charles  II  in  the  Duchy  of  Parma,  caused  three 
hundred  citizens  to  be  beaten  to  death  in  only  four  months. 
In  the  Kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies  such  well-known  and 
esteemed  patriots  as  the  scholar,  Luigi  Settembrini;  the 
philosopher,  Raffaele  Conforti,  the  economist,  Antonio 
Scialoia,  the  jurist,  Giuseppe  Pisanelli;  the  statesman,  Silvio 
Spaventa,  Carlo  Poerio,  Nicola  Nisco,  Pironti,  Saliceti  and 
others,  were  treated  so  villainously  as  to  move  the  whole  of 
Europe  to  scorn.  It  was  just  at  that  time  that  Gladstone 
characterized  the  Bourbon  government  in  Italy  as  "The 
negation  of  God  constructed  into  a  system." 

In  short,  from  the  snowy  Alps  to  the  Island  of  the  Sun, 
one  could  see  nothing  but  a  people  anxious  for  liberty  mar- 
tyrized by  Austria  and  by  arrogant,  avid  and  sanguinary 
little  despots  whom  Austria  counseled,  incited  and  protected. 

A  similar  state  of  things  continued  for  many  years.  It 
might  have  lasted  an  interminable  time,  if  unlooked-for 
events  had  not  supervened  to  moderate  it  and  to  hurry,  at 
the  same  time,  the  unity  of  the  nation  and  the  independence 
for  which  the  Italians  had  fought  and  suffered  for  centuries. 


THE   AUSTRO-ITALIAN   WAR   OF   1859  75 


XVIII 

The  Bersaglieri  in  the  Crimean  War  (1855).  Cavour  at 
the  Congress  of  Paris  (1856).  The  Alliance  with  Napo- 
leon III  (1858).  The  memorable  words  of  Victor 
Emanuel  II  at  the  opening  of  the  Sub-Alpine  Parlia- 
ment. Austria's  ultimattun  to  Piedmont.  The  Hymn 
of  Garibaldi.  The  Austrian  soldiers  massacre  the 
family  of  Cignoli.  The  papal  soldiers  massacre  the 
patriots  of  Perugia.  Pius  IX  and  Cardinal  Pecci  (later 
Pope  Leo  XIII)  praise  the  assassination.  The  third 
War  of  Liberation  won  by  the  Italians  with  the  aid  of  the 
French  (1859). 

Nicholas  I  of  Russia,  in  1854,  pretending  to  liberate  the 
Christian  people  of  the  Danube  from  Ottoman  domination, 
made  war  upon  Turkey. 

But  France  and  England,  who  knew  well  the  secret  ends 
of  the  Czar,  which  were  to  conquer  Constantinople,  believed 
that  it  was  necessary  for  the  protection  of  their  military 
and  commercial  interests,  to  oppose  the  desired  conquest; 
therefore,  they  defended  the  Turk. 

Camillo  Benso  di  Cavour,  with  his  rare  political  dis- 
cernment, foresaw  in  the  above  events  a  fortunate  opportu- 
nity for  Italy;  foresaw  a  benefit  which  might  come  to  the 
Italians  if  they  were  to  enter  into  the  war  of  the  Orient; 
he  took  advantage  of  the  occasion;  he  did  everything  possible 
to  accord  with  the  Allies,  and  sent  to  the  Crimea  an  army 
of  15,000  men  in  the  greater  part  made  up  of  Bersagheri, 
commanded  by  General  Alfonso  Lamarmora. 

At  Cernaia  the  Italian  soldiers  did  honor  to  themselves. 
Among  other  things,  on  August  16,  1855,  they  saved  the 
armies  of  the  allies  from  a  dangerous  surprise,  resisting  an 
attack  from  60,000  Russian  soldiers.  And  on  Septem- 
ber 8th  they  covered  themselves  with  glory,  fighting 
under  the  rain  of  the  enemies'  fire  while  taking  the 
tower  of  MalakofF,  which  was  the  principal  bulwark  of 
Sebastopol. 


76  FIRST  PART 

The  Russians  were  beaten.  In  the  congress  held  in 
Paris  some  time  afterward,  Cavour  was  able  to  command  a 
hearing  as  an  official  representative  of  Piedmont,  notwith- 
standing the  opposition  and  intrigues  of  Austria.  At  the 
memorable  meeting  of  March  30,  1856,  the  sagacious  min- 
ister of  Victor  Emanuel  II  brought  before  them  for  dis- 
cussion the  "Itahan  Question,"  denouncing  with  frank  and 
ringing  words  the  preponderance  of  Austrians  in  Italy,  which 
was  the  cause  of  so  much  evil,  and  insisting  that  it  was  the 
duty  of  the  Great  Powers  who  were  arbitrating  the  destiny 
of  Europe,  to  take  the  part  of  a  people  who  asked  for  noth- 
ing but  their  own  national  unity  and  freedom  from  any 
outside  tyranny.  The  Austrian  representative,  puffing  up 
and  turning  red  as  a  turkey,  made  his  protest.  The  other 
representatives,  however,  expressed  their  sympathy  for  the 
cause  defended  by  Cavour,  and  notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  the  Congress  dissolved  without  formulating  any  con- 
crete resolution  regarding  Italy,  France  and  England,  it 
did  not  fail  to  criticize  and  advise  Austria  and  the  tyrants 
of  Italy  whom  she  protected  —  such  as  the  Pope,  the  Bour- 
bon King,  and  the  other  minor  ones  —  that  it  demanded  the 
betterment  of  conditions  which  the  leaders  of  liberal  ideas 
considered  indispensable  to  their  well-being. 

More  than  this,  Napoleon  III  began  to  think  on  his  own 
account  of  putting  down  Austria.  It  seemed  to  him  that 
the  Italian  people  might  contribute  to  such  a  plan.  Ac- 
cordingly, during  the  summer  of  1858,  he  had  a  secret  meet- 
ing with  Cavour  at  Plombieres  in  the  Vosges,  and  there  they 
formulated  a  plan  for  a  Franco-Piedmontese  alliance  in 
which  the  allies  pledged  themselves  to  combine  against 
Austria  if  she  provoked  them  to  war  and  in  case  of  victory 
to  annex  Lombardo-Veneto  to  Piedmont. 

After  the  military  victories  in  Russia,  this  diplomatic 
success  reawakened  hope  and  joy  in  the  hearts  of  Italians. 
The  eyes  of  the  nation  turned  anxiously  toward  the  Pied- 
montese  government.  The  leaders  of  the  patriots  incited  Pied- 
mont to  action  by  means  of  the  press  and  public  and  private 
exhortations.  Francis  Joseph  could  not  endure  this.  He 
commanded  Victor  Emanuel  II  to  bridle  the  press  and  the 


THE  AUSTRO-ITALIAN  WAR  OF   1859  77 

tongues  of  the  orators.  The  humble  King  of  Piedmont,  coun- 
seled by  Cavour,  refused  to  obey  the  command  of  the  power- 
ful Emperor  of  Austria.  Not  only  that,  but  in  the  solemn 
opening  of  the  Sub-Alpine  parliament  (January,  1859)  dur- 
ing the  pragmatic  speech  of  the  crown,  he  orofFered  the  fol- 
lowing historic  and  significant  words: 

Our  Country,  small  in  territory,  has  acquired  importance  in 
the  councils  of  Europe,  because  of  the  greatness  of  the  ideas  which 
she  represents  and  for  the  sympathy  which  she  inspires.  This 
condition,  however,  is  not  free  from  danger,  because  while  we 
respect  the  treaties  we  are  not  insensible  to  the  cries  of  suffering 
which  come  to  us  from  every  part  of  Italy.  We  look  forward  to 
harmony  for  we  are  confident  of  our  own  rights,  and  we  will  await 
prudently  and  patiently  the  decree  of  Divine  Providence. 

The  assembly  burst  into  frantic  applause.  An  en- 
thusiasm for  war  ran  through  the  entire  peninsula.  Men 
of  all  ages  and  from  every  social  condition  eagerly  enlisted 
in  the  regular  Piedmontese  army,  or  under  Garibaldi,  who  was 
again  in  Italy  and  was  authorized  by  the  government  of 
Victor  Emanuel  II  to  form  and  command  a  corps  of  volun- 
teers called  The  Alpine  Hunters. 

Austria,  fuming  with  rage,  imposed  on  Piedmont  a 
menacing  dilemma:  to  disarm  the  soldiers  and  send  the 
volunteers  to  their  homes  within  three  days,  or  —  WAR. 

The  Piedmontese  did  not  hesitate  in  their  decision. 

They  chose  WAR.  A  divine  exultation  seemed  to  spread 
among  the  people  from  the  mountains  to  the  sea;  it  trans- 
formed and  almost  reshaped  the  national  conscience,  it 
hardened  and  made  steel-like  their  wrists,  and  everywhere 
under  the  beautiful  sky  of  the  new-born  spring  could  be  heard 
the  martial  strains  of  the  Hymn  of  Garibaldi,  written  by 
the  poet  Luigi  Mercantini,  and  set  to  music  by  the  maestro 
Alessio  Olivieri: 

Garibaldi's  War  Hymn* 

To  arms,  men!  To  arms,  men! 

The  graves  loose  their  captives;  arise  our  departed; 
Our  martyrs  come  forth,  all  our  heroes  great-hearted, 
^  By  permission  of  Oliver  Ditson  Company. 


78  FIRST  PART 

With  sabre  in  hand,  and  their  brows  crown'd  with  laurel, 

The  fame  and  the  name  of  Italia  their  star! 

Make  haste,  oh,  make  haste!  Forward,  gallant  battalions! 

Fling  out  to  the  winds  flags  for  all,  ye  Italians, 

Rise,  all  with  youV  weapons!  Rise,  all  fire-impassion'd! 

Rise,  all  fire-impassion'd,  Italians  ye  are! 

Depart  from  our  homeland.  Depart,  O  ye  strangers! 

This  hour  gives  the  signal;  betake  you  afar. 

The  land  famed  for  flowers,  for  poets,  for  singing. 

Once  more  be  a  land  where  the  sword  blows  are  ringing! 

Our  hands  may  be  bound  with  a  hundred  harsh  fetters 

But  still  they  can  brandish  Legnano's^  bright  swords. 

The  Austrian  staff  no  Italian  belabors; 

The  race  born  of  Rome  do  not  jest  with  their  sabres; 

No  longer  will  Italy  put  up  with  her  tyrants; 

Too  many  long  years  have  we  harbor'd  their  hordes! 

Depart  from  our  homeland.  Depart,  O  ye  strangers! 

This  hour  gives  the  signal;  betake  you  afar. 

For  us  are  the  dwellings  of  Italy  fashion'd, 

While  yours  on  the  Danube  must  henceforth  be  station'd. 

You've  ravaged  our  fields,  aye,  our  bread  you  have  stolen; 

Our  sons  for  ourselves  we  desire  to  enroll. 

The  Alps  with  the  two  seas  mark  Italy's  borders; 

Our  fire  blazing  chariots  shall  mow  down  the  warders; 

All  signs  of  the  former  frontiers  shall  be  cancell'd! 

One  banner  alone  let  us  raise  o'er  the  whole! 

Depart  from  our  homeland,  Depart,  O  ye  strangers! 

This  hour  gives  the  signal;  betake  you  afar. 

Let  voices  be  silent,  let  each  arm  be  ready! 

Let's  face  to  the  foe,  let  us  march  firm  and  steady! 
And  then  in  a  moment  the  Austrian  will  flee  us. 
One  thought  in  our  hearts  for  our  homeland  shall  flame! 
Our  eyes  are  not  fix'd  upon  barbarous  plunder; 
Great  princes  from  robbers  no  jealousies  sunder; 
The  natives  of  Italy  form  but  one  nation; 
Her  famed  hundred  cities  are  one  but  in  name! 
Depart  from  our  homeland.  Depart,  O  ye  strangers! 
This  hour  gives  the  signal;  betake  you  afar.^ 

^  A  celebrated  victory  of  the  Lombard  League  over  Barbarossa,  May  29,  1 176. 

*  I  do  not  repeat  here  the  last  four  strophes  of  the  Hymn  of  Garibaldi  because 
they  were  written  by  Mercantini  in  i860,  following  the  events  of  Sicily  and  Naples, 
which  will  be  briefly  narrated  in  the  next  chapter. 


THE  AUSTRO-ITALIAN   WAR  OF    1859  79 

On  April  29,  1859,  a  great  Austrian  army  invaded 
Lombardy  and  Novarese,  which  the  Italian  army  had 
abandoned  for  strategic  reasons.  After  the  usual  brigand- 
like violence  had  been  committed  against  the  property 
owners  and  unarmed  people,  the  Austrian  army  advanced 
toward  Vercellese,  with  the  intention  of  occupying  Turin, 
after  which  they  expected  to  push  on  to  Mont  Cenis  Pass  to 
stop  the  advance  of  the  French.  But  the  Italian  trenches 
constructed  near  the  river  Dora  arrested  the  march  of  the 
enemy;  their  plans  were  turned  upside  down,  and  the  French 
were  thus  able  to  go  on  without  meeting  the  slightest 
obstacle,  not  only  from  Mont  Cenis,  but  also  from  Mongi- 
nevro  and  from  Genoa. 

The  war  now  entered  into  a  new  phase.  The  Italians, 
under  the  absolute  command  of  Victor  Emanuel  II,  had  in  all 
80,000  men.  The  French,  under  the  command  of  Napoleon 
III,  had  200,000.  And  the  Austrians,  under  the  command  of 
Marshal  Guilay,  had  300,000. 

At  Montebello,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Po,  to  the  east 
of  Voghera,  was  the  first  notable  encounter  between  22,000 
allies  and  30,000  Austrians.  The  latter  were  defeated  and 
obliged  to  retire  to  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river  (May  20, 
1859). 

The  same  day  they  revenged  themselves  by  massacring 
an  entire  Italian  family.  Cavour,  in  a  special  circular, 
which  he  sent  to  all  parts  of  the  country,  narrates  this  out- 
rage as  follows: 

The  20th  of  May,  1859,  several  Austrian  troops  camped  on  the 
hill  of  Torricella,  a  little  city  of  the  Vogherese.  A  group  of  these 
arrested  the  custodian  of  the  court  house,  whom  they  encountered 
on  the  way,  and  compelled  him  to  lead  them.  They  entered  the 
house  of  a  farmer  named  Cignoli.  After  searching  about  in  every 
part  of  the  house,  they  discovered  a  little  flask  containing  some  bird- 
shot,  and  for  this  they  drove  every  member  of  the  family  out,  and 
also  some  farmers  who  happened  to  be  in  the  house.  They  were 
taken  to  the  Austrian  commander  who  was  on  his  horse.  After 
he  had  exchanged  some  words  with  a  corporal,  he  ordered  the  pris- 
oners (there  were  nine)  to  go  down  into  a  little  by-way,  which 
ran  parallel  to  the  wider  road.  The  poor  unfortunates  had  taken 
but  a  few  steps  when  the  commander  gave  the  signal  to  the 


80  FIRST   PART 

soldiers  to  shoot  them.  Eight  fell  dead;  old  Cignoli  was  mor- 
tally wounded.  Then  the  Austrians  continued  on  their  way  in  the 
direction  of  Casteggio;  and  the  commander  turned  to  the  custodian 
of  the  court  house,  released  him  and  gave  him  as  a  reward  for  his 
services  a  safe  conduct  on  which  was  signed  the  name  of  Lieu- 
te^iant-Marshal  Urban.  Old  Cignoli  died  five  days  after  in  the 
hospital  of  Voghera.  Such  enormities  have  no  need  of  comment. 
They  are  too  atrocious,  too  cowardly,  and  worthy  only  of  bar- 
barians and  savages! 

The  indignation  in  Italy  was  great, 

Guerrazzi  wrote: 

Let  the  tomb  of  the  Cignoli  be  of  stone,  high  and  wide  as  a 
pyramid,  of  a  single  piece  of  granite.  Let  it  be  placed  exactly  on 
the  spot  where  the  Cignoli  were  so  atrociously  and  cowardly 
murdered.  Let  their  ashes  be  gathered  under  it.  On  the  western 
side,  let  there  be  placed  this  inscription:  Tomh  of  the  Cignoli! 
On  the  east  side:  An  entire  family  massacred  by  a  whole  people, 
here  vengeance  cries  to  a  just  God  against  the  Austrian  assassins! 
On  the  north  side  let  there  be  cut  the  names  and  ages 
of  the  victims.  On  the  south  side  let  there  be  placed  this  in- 
scription: Between  Italians  and  Austrians,  through  all  time  and  in 
every  place,  let  there  be  a  pact  of  the  grave  and  a  truce  of  death. 

And  Niccolini  wrote  a  sonnet,  in  which  he  said  among 
other  things  to  the  Emperor  Francis  Joseph: 

When  you  were  born  the  sun  hid  his  face. 
Every  benignant  light  on  earth  was  extinguished. 
The  Danube  and  other  streams  ran  blood, 
Every  mother  strained  her  child  to  her  breast. 


When  you  die  —  the  sun  will  be  brighter. 
Mothers  and  wives  will  dance  alternately 
On  the  tombs  of  these  cowardly  flagellants. 

Garibaldi,  however,  with  his  sturdy  volunteers,  defeated 
the  Austrians  at  Arona,  at  Varese,  at  Como,  and  in  several 
other  places  (May  25th,  26th,  and  27th).  The  regular 
Italian  army,  assisted  by  the  French,  defeated  them  at 
Palestro,  on  May  29th. 

About  the  first  of  June,  there  was  fought  on  the  plains 


THE  AUSTRO-ITALIAN  WAR  OF   1859  81 

of  Magenta  one  of  the  most  obstinate  and  bloody  battles 
of  the  campaign.  The  French,  commanded  by  General 
MacMahon,  were  125,000  strong.  The  Italians  were  few 
(having  only  some  divisions).  The  Austrians,  commanded 
by  Guilay,  were  superior  in  numbers  to  the  alHes.  The 
battle  began  at  five  in  the  morning  and  ended  at  seven 
o'clock  on  the  evening  of  June  4th.  The  Austrians  were 
beaten  and  obliged  to  fly  precipitately,  leaving  on  the  ground 
12,000  wounded  and  dead,  and  losing  6,000  prisoners. 

Garibaldi,  on  his  own  account,  carried  victory  before 
him  to  the  shores  of  Lake  Garda. 

The  city  of  Milan,  evacuated  by  her  hated  oppressors, 
as  was  the  rest  of  Lombardy,  again  proclaimed  her  annexa- 
tion to  Piedmont.  And  Victor  Emanuel  II,  with  Napoleon 
III  and  the  army  of  the  allies,  triumphantly  entered  the 
superb  metropolis  (June  8th). 

Umbria  and  the  Marches,  then  under  the  papal  rule, 
rebelled  in  order  to  unite  in  the  national  movement.  But 
they  were  overcome  by  the  papal  army,  which  was  composed 
of  a  mass  of  strangers,  bigots  and  reactionaries,  com- 
manded by  General  Lamoriciere,  who  was  an  exile  from 
France.  At  Perugia  the  Italian  patriots  had  formed  a 
provisional  government.  The  papal  soldiers  prepared 
themselves  to  crush  it.  The  members  of  the  provision- 
al government  presented  themselves  to  the  archbishop 
of  the  city.  Cardinal  Gioacchino  Pecci  (later  Pope  Leo 
XIII)  and  begged  of  him  to  interpose  his  influence  to 
prevent  further  bloodshed.  But  Cardinal  Pecci  would 
not  listen  to  the  supplications  of  the  Italian  patriots. 
Consequently,  General  Schmid,  a  commander  of  the  papal 
soldiers,  could  massacre  without  distinction  and  at 
his  convenience,  men,  women,  old  people  and  children. 
Pope  Pius  IX  promoted  Schmid  to  a  generalship;  and  Car- 
dinal Pecci  (later  Pope  Leo  XIII)  oflfered  to  God  a  solemn 
high  mass  in  honor  and  in  memory  of  the  papal  soldiers 
fallen  in  that  battle  of  brigands. 

For  such  infamies  Cavour  sent  a  protest  to  all  of  the 
governments  of  Europe. 

The  enemy  was  reduced  to  a  pitiful  condition.     Marshal 


82  FIRST  PART 

Guilay  was  removed  from  his  command  and  General  Hess 
was  substituted  in  his  place.  Francis  Joseph  himself  went 
to  the  field  of  battle  to  restore  by  his  presence  the  morale 
of  his  demoralized  troops. 

On  June  24,  1859,  the  Austrians  (200,000  strong  and  with 
700  cannon)  boldly  occupied  the  hills  of  San  Martino  and 
Solferino,  near  Mantua,  and  determined  to  regain  their 
lost  ground. 

The  allies,  ready  to  face  them,  were  not  more  than 
160,000  in  all.  The  French  army  were  to  take  their  position 
against  Solferino  and  the  Italians  against  San  Martino.  The 
engagement  took  place  at  seven  in  the  morning.  They 
fought  with  savage  fury  and  stubbornness  until  nine  o'clock 
in  the  evening.  The  Austrians  were  defeated.  More  than 
20,000  fell. 

It  was  the  beginning  of  the  end  for  the  tyrants.  It  was 
the  aurora  of  redemption  for  the  oppressed  Italians.  They 
sang  hymns  to  victory.  They  fraternized  with  the  French. 
They  exalted  the  gentle  Latin  blood. 

But  suddenly  Napoleon  III,  who  had  hitherto  showed 
himself  so  daring  and  generous,  changed  his  ideas  for  per- 
sonal and  political  reasons.  He  accepted  the  proposal  of  an 
armistice,  and  met  Francis  Joseph  at  Villafranca  (July  11-12, 
1859).  There  the  two  Emperors  agreed  upon  the  pre- 
liminaries of  peace,  which  were  solemnly  ratified  at  Zurich, 
November  loth.  Its  basis  was  that  Francis  Joseph  should 
cede  Lombardy  to  Napoleon,  and  Napoleon  on  his  part 
should  cede  it  to  Victor  Emanuel  II  (what  hypocritical  for- 
mality!). Venice  should  be  left  to  Austria.  The  deposed 
princes  could  return  each  to  his  own  dominion.  But  they 
might  be  recalled  by  a  vote  of  the  people  and  without  the 
armed  intervention  of  strangers.  The  peninsula,  including 
Venice,  must  be  made  a  confederation  with  the  Pope  as  its 
head. 

One  can  imagine  the  sorrowful  effect  produced  by  this 
ignominious  action  of  Napoleon  III,  who  was  even  accused 
of  treason. 

But  hope  was  not  entirely  lost.  The  fortunate  clause, 
however,  of  the  non-intervention  of  strangers  put  into  the 


THE  AUSTRO-ITALIAN  WAR  OF   1866  83 

hands  of  the  Itahans  themselves  the  unity  of  their  country. 
The  regions  of  Emilia  and  Tuscany  were  not  tardy  in  pro- 
fiting by  it,  declaring  by  popular  vote  their  annexation  to 
Piedmont,  which  thus  became  a  Kingdom  of  12,000,000 
souls. 

The  government  of  Victor  Emanuel  II  was  obliged  to 
cede  Savoy  and  Nice  to  France;  Nice,  a  most  Italian  city, 
the  birthplace  of  Garibaldi. 


XIX 

Garibaldi  and  The  Thousand  gloriously  conquer  the 
Two  Sicilies  (1860).  Proclamation  of  the  Kingdom  of 
Italy.  (1861).  The  Fourth  War  of  Liberation  against 
Austria  is  lost  owing  to  the  inefficiency  of  conunanders. 
The  annexation  of  Veneto  (1866) .  Villa  Glori.  The  hired 
soldiers  of  Pius  IX  massacre  the  Roman  heroine  Giuditta 
Arquati-Tavani  with  her  husband  and  son.  Mentana 
(1867).  The  taking  of  Rome  and  the  final  fall  of  the 
temporal  power  of  the  Popes  (1870).  The  Nation  one 
and  independent. 

The  events  which  took  place  in  Northern  Italy  were 
repeated  in  the  Kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  where  the 
tyranny  of  the  Bourbon,  Francis  II,  raged.  He  was  weak- 
minded  and  almost  idiotic,  was  called  Franceschiello}  He 
was  allied  and  related  to  the  dynasty  of  Austria.  (Francis  II 
married  Maria  Sophia  of  Bavaria,  sister  of  the  Empress 
Elizabeth,  wife  of  Francis  Joseph).  He  was  opposed  to  the 
independence  of  Italy  and  was  a  fierce  persecutor  of  the 
liberals. 

Palermo  rose  up  against  him  (April  i,  i860).  The  alarm 
was  sounded  in  the  hope  that  all  of  Sicily  would  rise.  In- 
stead, the  troops  intervened  and  repressed  with  Bourbon 
violence  the  revolution  in  the  city.  The  news  of  the  in- 
surrection quickly  reached  Genoa  and  reawakened  the 
spirits  of  the  patriots  of  the  south  who  had  taken  refuge 

*  Francis  the  Little. 


84  FIRST  PART 

there.  A  wave  of  sympathy  for  their  brothers,  who  had 
risen  up  in  rebelUon  in  Sicily,  animated  them.  They  de- 
termined to  fly  to  their  rescue  as  soon  as  possible. 

On  May  6,  i860,  two  ships,  the  Lomhardo  and  the 
Piedmont,  having  on  board  the  thousand  argonauts  of  liber- 
ty, led  by  Giuseppe  Garibaldi,  weighed  anchor  from  the  rocks 
of  Quarto,  the  smiling  little  village  on  the  shore  of  Liguria. 

They  landed  at  Marsala  on  May  nth.  The  captain  im- 
mediately invited  the  Sicilians  to  arm  themselves  against 
the  Bourbon  oppressors  and  to  fight  for  the  unity  and  in- 
dependence of  their  country. 

The  cry  of  the  Hero  was  received  with  the  greatest  en- 
thusiasm by  the  ardent  islanders,  and  The  Thousand  was 
quickly  increased. 

On  May  15th,  the  Garibaldians  encountered  the  Bourbon 
army  on  the  hills  of  Calatafimi  and  engaged  in  a  fierce  battle 
with  them.  At  a  certain  point  it  seemed  that  the  volunteers 
must  be  routed  by  their  enemies,  who  were  greatly  superior 
in  numbers.  Nino  Bixio  (the  first  ofiicer  of  The  Thousand 
after  Garibaldi),  who  commanded  the  right  wing,  came  to 
Garibaldi  and  said:   "It  would  be  better  to  retreat." 

"What  are  you  saying,  Bixio .^"  Garibaldi  responded 
energetically.  "Here  we  must  confirm  the  unity  of  Italy 
or  die!"  And  rushing  to  the  front  with  his  sword  on  high, 
he  commanded:  "To  your  bayonets!" 

The  enemy  was  dispersed.* 

From  Calatafimi  Garibaldi  marched  on  to  Palermo  and 
entered  the  city  as  Dictator  (May  26-29,  i860). 

On  July  27th,  the  enemy  was  defeated  also  at  Milazzo 
in  a  terrible  encounter  in  which  this  same  Garibaldi  fought 
hand  to  hand  with  the  enemy. 

In  less  than  three  months  the  Bourbon  troops  were 
obliged  to  abandon  Sicily. 

At  dawn  on  August  20th,  Garibaldi  landed  in  Calabria 
with  his  volunteers,  rushed  upon  Reggio  and  again  defeated 
the  enemy. 

^  "Calatafimi!  What  remains  after  one  hundred  battles:  if  when  my  last 
hour  comes  my  friends  see  me  smile  with  pride,  it  will  be  because  I  am  reminded  of 
thee:  because  I  do  not  recall  a  more  glorious  day  of  my  lifel"  Thus  Garibaldi 
wrote  in  his  Memoirs. 


THE  AUSTRO-ITALIAN   WAR   OF    1866  85 

So  many  victories  produced  a  delirium  of  enthusiasm 
and  love  for  the  Hero  and  impelled  the  sturdy  Calabrians 
also  to  rise  in  rebellion  against  the  royalists. 

After  a  time,  on  the  hills  of  Soveria,  near  Catanzaro, 
Garibaldi  gave  to  history  the  following  memorable  words: 

"Say  to  the  world  that  with  a  few  hundreds  of  my 
valiant  Calabrians,  I  made  twelve  thousand  Bourbons  lay 
down  their  arms." 

Francis  II,  terrorized  by  what  had  befallen,  fled  from 
Naples  on  September  6th,  and  repaired  to  Gaeta,  while  the 
greater  number  of  his  troops  who  remained  faithful  to  him 
took  refuge  in  Capua. 

The  day  after  (September  yth),  Garibaldi  triumphantly 
re-entered  the  city  of  Naples  and  on  October  2d,  he  again 
defeated  the  Bourbon  army  of  55,000  men  near  the  river 
Volturno. 

Umbria  and  the  Marches  also  rebelled,  proclaiming  their 
annexation  to  Piedmont.  The  papal  government  in  every 
way  thwarted  the  will  of  the  people  who  were  still  under  its 
subjection.  They  offered  themselves  to  Victor  Emanuel  II 
with  a  goodly  number  of  troops  and  defeated  the  papal 
soldiers  all  along  the  line  (September,  i860). 

Soon  after,  the  son  of  Carlo  Alberto  continued  on  his 
way  to  Naples  to  take  possession  of  the  kingdom  which  had 
been  conquered  by  the  Hero  of  two  worlds. 

On  October  26th,  Garibaldi  and  Victor  Emanuel  II,  both 
on  horseback,  met  on  the  road  to  Teano.  An  eye-witness 
to  the  scene  attests  to  the  fact  that  the  Hero,  giving  Victor 
Emanuel  II  the  military  salute,  shouted,  **My  salutation  to 
the  first  king  of  Italy!" 

It  is  certain  that  Victor  Emanuel  II,  when  he  reached 
Naples,  was  greeted  with  great  honor. 

The  Hero,  on  his  part,  after  he  had  "presented  an  un- 
expected realm  to  the  king"  returned  poorer  than  ever  to 
his  little  island  of  Caprera. 

After  the  annexation  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  of  Umbria  and 
the  Marches,  the  Sub-Alpine  Parliament  was  dissolved,  and 
there  was  a  new  general  election  in  which  all  parts  of  Italy 
were  included,  except  Veneto,  which  as  yet  remained  under 


86  FIRST  PART 

the  dominion  of  Austria,  and  the  city  of  Rome  which  still 
remained  under  the  dominion  of  the  Pope. 

The  first  Italian  Parliament  was  solemnly  opened  at 
Turin  in  the  month  of  February  1861.  There  the  formation 
of  the  Kingdom  of  Italy  was  proclaimed,  conferring  upon 
Victor  Emanuel  II  the  right  to  assume  for  himself  and  for 
his  successors  the  title  of  King  of  Italy  and  expressing  there- 
by the  hope  that  "Rome  should  again  be  restored  as  the 
capital  of  Italy." 

In  1866  Austria  and  Prussia  disputed  between  themselves 
as  to  which  should  have  the  supremacy  in  Germany.  As 
they  could  not  arrive  at  a  pacific  conclusion  by  good  means, 
they  had  recourse  to  arms. 

Victor  Emanuel  II  made  a  secret  alliance,  both  offensive 
and  defensive,  with  Prussia  with  the  intention  of  acquiring 
Venice. 

Prussia,  conforming  to  the  stipulated  treaty,  was  the 
first  to  open  hostilities  against  Austria  by  invading  Holstein. 

Victor  Emanuel  II  followed,  declaring  war  against  the 
common  enemy,  June  19,  1866,  and  on  the  21st  he  took  his 
departure  for  the  field  of  battle. 

On  June  24th,  he  went  to  battle  against  the  Austrians 
at  Custozza.  The  Italians  fought  with  their  usual  fury;  but 
they  lost  the  battle  owing  to  the  incapacity  of  their  com- 
manders. 

They  suffered  a  harder  blow  at  sea.  Near  Lissa  —  a 
little  island  in  the  Adriatic  —  the  Italian  fleet  engaged  in  a 
sharp  battle  against  the  Austrians.  The  Italian  crews  fought 
valiantly.  The  captains,  Foa  di  Bruno  and  Alfredo  Cap- 
pellini,  commanders  of  the  battleships  Re  d' Italia  and  PalestrOy 
went  stoically  to  the  bottom  with  their  ships.  But  their 
heroic  sacrifice  was  not  sufficient  to  save  the  situation.  The 
stupidity  and  cowardice  of  Admiral  Persano  gave  the  victory 
to  the  Austrians  (July  20,  1866). 

Garibaldi,  who  had  advanced  to  Trentino,  conquering 
every  foe  on  his  way,  was  prepared  to  assault  and  to  take 
the  city  of  Trent.  On  July  25th,  he  suddenly  received  the 
following  telegram  from  the  government  of  Victor  Emanuel 
II:    "Armistice  signed.     Evacuate  Trentino." 


THE  AUSTRO-ITALIAN  WAR  OF   1866  87 

Evacuate  Trentino  after  it  had  been  bathed  in  the  blood 
of  3,400  Garibaldians !  After  the  populace  had  rallied  around 
the  flaming  red  shirts  with  manifestations  of  joy!  After 
the  disaster  of  Custozza!    After  the  shame  of  Lissa! 

From  the  camps  there  went  up  a  roar  of  protest.  The 
wounded  tore  ofF  their  bandages,  crying  that  they  preferred 
death  to  retreat.  The  volunteers  remained  in  columns 
breaking  their  swords  and  bayonets;  others  rolled  on  the 
ground  in  their  fury  and  desperation,  weeping  and  cursing. 

The  victorious  Hero  said  nothing.  He  telegraphed  to 
the  King  of  Italy  only  one  word  "Obbedisco"  (I  obey). 
But  what  eloquence,  what  grief,  and  what  self-abnegation  in 
that  word! 

Austria  had  been  terribly  defeated  by  the  Prussians 
at  Sadowa  on  July  3,  1866,  and  had  lost  every  hope  of 
predominance  over  Germany. 

Francis  Joseph  was  constrained  to  cede  Veneto,  but  not 
directly  to  Italy,  which  he  hated.  He  gave  it  to  Napoleon 
III  who  in  turn  gave  it  to  Italy;  the  repetition  of  the 
farce  of  1859. 

Thus,  on  November  ist,  Veneto,  after  long  years  of 
wicked  Austrian  domination,  was  officially  annexed  to  the 
Kingdom  of  Italy,  with  her  boundaries  limited  on  one  side 
by  the  Isonzo  River. 

After  the  annexation  of  Veneto,  the  Italians  were  more 
than  ever  determined  to  retake  Rome. 

Garibaldi  was  the  luminous  center  from  which  radiated 
and  on  which  converged  the  national  agitation  for  Rome. 
He  pondered  long  on  the  means  for  liberating  the  Eternal 
City:  liberation  which  was  opposed  by  the  government  of 
Napoleon  III  and  also  by  the  Government  of  Victor 
Emanuel  IL 

In  a  trip  through  Italy  the  Hero  was  greeted  with  accla- 
mation everywhere.  He  exhorted  the  people  to  the  supreme 
necessity  of  liberating  Rome.  While  he  was  on  his  way  to 
the  boundaries  of  the  papal  states  (September  23,  1867)  he 
was  "arrested"  by  order  of  the  Government  of  Savoy  and 
conducted  to  Alessandria  (Piedmont). 

Great  was  the  indignation  of  the  Itahans.     To  placate 


88  FIRST   PART 

them,  the  Government  of  Savoy  was  obliged  to  bring 
the  Hero  back  to  Caprera  **  nominally  free,  but  the  island 
was  under  the  surveillance  of  various  battleships." 

After  a  few  days.  Garibaldi,  with  miraculous  daring,  was 
able  to  escape  and  went  directly  toward  the  Agro  Romano, 
where  his  gallant  volunteers  had  begun  the  war  against  the 
Pope. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Roman  people  planned  another 
uprising;  but  they  were  without  arms.  The  Cairoli  brothers 
and  other  generous  souls  (seventy-five  in  all)  planned  to 
carry  munitions  to  the  patriots. 

On  October  20,  1867,  they  passed  the  boundaries  of  the 
Roman  state,  and  took  boat  on  the  Tiber,  carrying  with 
them  rifles,  swords  and  munitions.  But  they  were  in- 
formed on  the  way  that  the  insurrection  of  the  day  before 
had  resulted  badly.  Enrico  Cairoli,  head  of  the  daring  ex- 
pedition, led  his  men  into  the  dairy  farm  of  Villa  Glori, 
situated  at  a  little  distance  from  Porta  del  Popolo.  There 
they  were  assailed  in  a  short  time  by  500  papal  soldiers. 
The  battle  was  a  bitter  hand  to  hand  conflict,  the  volunteers 
crying,  "Long  live  Garibaldi!  Long  live  Rome!"  They 
fought  like  true  heroes.  Enrico  Cairoli  fell,  covered  with 
wounds.  Other  brave  heroes  also  fell.  But  the  papal 
soldiers  were  defeated  (October  23). 

The  Roman  patriots,  notwithstanding  all  of  their  ad- 
versities and  the  lack  of  arms,  persisted  in  their  determina- 
tion to  make  every  eflPort  to  liberate  their  city  from  papal 
tyranny.  The  same  day,  October  23d,  forty  of  them  met 
secretly  in  Giulio  Ajani's  woolen  shop,  situated  in  Trastevere, 
and  there  took  council  together  and  made  new  plans  for 
the  revolution. 

The  Signora  Giuditta  Arquati-Tavani,  whose  son  and 
husband  were  among  the  forty,  wished  to  remain  with  them 
on  the  pretext  of  overseeing  their  food.  She  was  still  young, 
with  a  majestic  beauty  like  that  of  the  ancient  Roman  ma- 
trons. 

While  the  patriots  were  meeting  and  making  their  plans, 
suddenly  a  company  of  gendarmes  on  horseback  and  a  battal- 
ion of  pontifical  zouaves  appeared  running  toward  the  shop. 


THE  AUSTRO-ITALIAN   WAR  OF   1866  89 

The  patriots  quickly  closed  the  doors  and  prepared  to 
defend  themselves.  Then  the  first  shots  were  heard.  The 
papal  soldiers  better  to  take  the  offensive,  went  into  a  nearby 
convent  and  from  the  windows  and  from  the  high  bell  tower 
began  to  batter  the  shop.  The  Roman  patriots  responded 
from  every  window  and  opening  of  the  house.  Giuditta 
Arquati-Tavani  ran  from  one  room  to  the  other  carrying 
ammunition  to  the  combatants,  encouraging  them  and 
helping  the  wounded.  The  patriots,  comforted  by  her  calm 
heroism,  regained  their  courage. 

The  300  papal  soldiers,  who  had  made  the  first  attack, 
were  defeated  after  two  hours  of  fighting.  They  had  almost 
decided  to  abandon  the  fight  when  300  other  papal  rein- 
forcements arrived.  The  battle  recommenced  with  greater 
force.  The  brave  Giuditta  pressed  her  husband's  hand  and 
kissed  the  hair  of  her  boy,  while  handing  them  the  rifles 
which  she  herself  had  loaded.  She  filled  everyone  with 
courage,  exclaiming,  "Long  live  Italy!  Long  live  Rome!" 
"Don't  let  us  yield  to  these  assassins!"  The  patriots, 
exalted  by  the  bravery  of  this  wonderful  woman,  held  at 
bay  these  600  troopers  as  they  had  held  the  first  300,  and 
more  than  once  repulsed  them. 

But  other  papal  reinforcements  came,  while  the  patriots 
were  rapidly  spending  their  munitions.  Then  the  firing  of 
the  defenders  stopped.  The  zouaves  battered  down  the 
doors  and  rushed  in.  They  fought  on  the  stairs,  on  the 
loggias  and  in  the  halls.  But  the  fight  was  too  unequal. 
It  could  not  continue  long.  The  papal  mercenaries  massa- 
cred the  patriots,  *'by  crushing  their  heads,  breaking  their 
bones  and  throwing  their  bodies  out  into  the  courtyard." 

Giuditta  fell  wounded  by  several  rifle  shots,  but  she 
dragged  herself  a  little  distance  to  where  her  husband  and  son 
lay  wounded.  Under  the  eyes  of  this  invincible  woman  the 
soldiers  transfixed  them  both  one  after  the  other  with  such 
violence  that  the  bayonets  passed  through  the  bodies  of  the 
two  men  and  were  driven  into  the  wall  and  the  floor.  Then 
attacking  the  heroine  (who  w'as  six  months  advanced  in 
pregnancy)  they  beat  her  to  death  with  their  rifles. 

Finally,   satiated  with   blood,   they  seated    themselves 


90  FIRST  PART 

at  the  table  which  Gluditta  Arquati-Tavani  had  prepared 
for  her  unfortunate  companions,  gorged  themselves  with  food, 
and  drank  themselves  stupid  with  wine. 

Two  days  after  (October  25,  1867),  Garibaldi  avenged 
these  martyrs  of  Ajani's  woolen  shop  by  defeating  the  papal 
mercenaries  at  Monte  Rotondo.  But  on  November  3d, 
the  Hero  was  overpowered  by  an  extraordinary  number  of 
papal  and  French  soldiers  at  Mentana,  near  Rome,  after  a 
titanic  battle,  and  was  obliged  to  retreat.  Only  a  strategist 
of  highest  order  could  have  accomplished  such  a  retreat, 
and  the  defeat  of  Mentana  has  been  judged  more  glorious 
than  all  of  the  victories  won  by  Garibaldi  during  his  ad- 
venturous career. 

There  arose  in  Mentana  the  shame  of  the  centuries 
From  the  wicked  embrace  of  Peter^  and  Caesar'^: 
You,  Garibaldi,  in  Mentana 
On  Peter  and  Caesar  have  planted  your  feet. 

(Carducci) 

On  September  20,  1870,  the  Italian  soldiers  under  the 
command  of  General  RafFaeleCadorna  assaulted  Rome,  made 
a  breach  in  the  wall  between  Porta  Pia  and  Porta  Salaria, 
and  entered  the  city. 

Thus  after  more  than  a  thousand  years  the  power  of  the 
Popes  crumbled.^ 

The  first  daughter  of  the  Latin  world  (become  again  an 
united  and  independent  nation)  once  more  has  Rome  for 
her  capital. 

The  martyrdom  of  a  whole  people  —  and  what  a  people! 
— has  yielded  fruit. 

The  dream  of  so  many  thinkers  and  apostles  —  from 
Dante  to  Mazzini  —  is  at  last  a  reality,   a  living  reality. 

1  Pius  IX.  2  Napoleon  III. 

'  Pipin  the  Short,  KiriR  of  the  French  in  752  and  afterward  also  King  of  Italy, 
after  he  had.  aided  Pope  Stephen  II  in  the  war  against  Astolfo,  King  of  the  Longo- 
bardians,  gave  to  the  Church  of  Rome  the  Italian  penlapolis  comprising  the  cities 
of  Rimini,  Pesaro,  Fano,  Sinigaglia  and  Ancona.  From  this  gift  the  temporal 
power  of  the  Popes  originates. 


SECOND  PART 
I 

How  ancient  Rome,  during  the  Republic  and  also  dur- 
ing the  Empire,  conquered  and  latinized  Friuli,  Istria, 
Trieste,  Trentino,  Trent  and  Dalmatia  and  how  she  made 
of  the  Adriatic  Sea  a  great  Roman  Lake.  "  The  Tavola 
Clesiana". 

Friuli.  About  the  year  185  B.  C,  when  some  trans- 
Alpine  tribes  "in  crossing  difficult  passes  and  through  dense 
forests"  (Cadore,  Carnia,  Carinthia,  Carso)  made  their  way 
into  Italy,  the  Roman  Senate  ordered  them  to  "  return  immedi- 
ately to  the  country  from  which  they  came  and  to  remember 
that  the  Alps  were  the  natural  and  insuperable  boundary 
placed  between  Italy  and  foreign  lands";  thus  Livy 
narrates  in  his  29th  book. 

Friuli  —  the  part  which  includes  the  Italian  province 
of  Udine  and  the  part  where  Goritz,  Aquileia  (or  rather 
the  ruins  of  Aquileia),  Grado,  Gradisca,  Monfalcone  and 
Cervignano  rise — -at  that  time  was  a  wild  region  inha- 
bited by  aggressive  barbarians.  It  took  on  civilization 
only  after  it  was  conquered  by  the  Romans.  These,  wise 
colonizers  as  they  were  invincible  warriors,  as  soon  as  they 
had  the  new  territory  in  their  hands,  began  immediately 
to  give  an  impulse  to  agriculture  and  commerce.  They 
taught  the  people  their  language,  spread  abroad  their  laws, 
beautified  many  little  towns,  changing  them  into  cities, 
founded  Aquileia  (182-181  B.  C.)  on  the  western  shores  of 
the  Isonzo  River  in  a  low  but  fertile  plain,  and  fortified  it 
"to  defend  it  against  the  barbarians  who  lived  further  up." 
{Opus  Romanorum  est  Aquileia  munitum  adversus  supra 
illam  hahitantes  barbaros). 

In  the  time  of  Augustus,  Aquileia  was  surrounded  by  22 

91 


92  SECOND   PART 

kilometers  of  solid  wall.  It  had  a  campidoglio  (municipal 
building),  a  temple  to  Jupiter  Optimus  Maximus  and  temples 
to  Juno,  Apollo,  the  god  Isonzo  and  the  god  Beleno;  an  aque- 
duct and  forums,  baths,  circuses,  and  theatres,  and  had 
more  than  200,000  inhabitants  (some  historians  say  500,000). 
It  was  in  direct  communication  with  Rome  by  means  of  the 
Emilian  Way  (a  continuation  of  the  Flaminian  way)  and 
communicated  with  the  Adriatic  Sea  by  means  of  canals,  and 
its  port  was  at  Grado.  It  was  the  military  base  of  the 
Romans  against  the  bellicose  peoples  of  the  north  and  east, 
so  much  so  that  this  same  Emperor  Augustus  established  his 
general  headquarters  there  in  the  wars  against  the  Pannoni, 
Germans  and  the  Illirici,  while  Julius  Caesar  drew  soldiers 
from  there  in  his  wars  against  the  Rhaetians  and  the  Helve- 
tians, as  he  himself  has  stated  in  his  Commentaries.  It  was  a 
commercial  center  of  the  highest  rank  where  every  day  there 
flocked  from  all  parts  of  the  world  sailors,  merchants,  slaves, 
with  grain,  oil,  wine,  pelts,  metals  and  other  important  prod- 
ucts. It  was  the  seat  of  one  of  the  three  treasuries  of 
Italy  where  the  imperial  gold  money  was  stamped  {Aquileiae 
percussae  et  signatae.)  This  was  a  privilege  which  Aquileia 
(rich  in  gold,  amber,  and  precious  stones)  enjoyed  second 
only  to  Rome.  It  was  the  emporium  and  the  bulwark  of  the 
Latin  race,  curbing  the  grasping  cupidity  of  the  barbarians 
who  were  behind  the  Alps.  It  was  also  an  attractive  summer 
resort  where  people  came  from  every  country,  including  even 
Africa.  Augustus  and  his  wife  Livia,  and  afterwards  the 
Emperors  Tiberius,  Marcus  Aurelius,  and  Diocletian  did 
not  scorn  to  pass  their  summers  there.  Augustus  in 
12  B.  C.  received  Herod,  king  of  Judea  there;  and  in  307 
A.  D.,  Constantine  the  Great  married  Fausta,  daughter  of 
Maximian  and  sister  of  Maxentius. 

IsTRiA  AND  Trieste.  The  Romans  in  Istria  (the  penin- 
sula which  pushes  out  into  the  Adriatic  at  the  extreme  north 
and  which  extends  from  the  mouth  of  the  Isonzo  to  the  small 
bay  of  the  gulf  of  Quarnero)  were  not  less  active  and  prodigal 
than  those  in  Friuli.     They  conquered  Istria,  177-178  B.  C.^ 

^Of   the    first   immigrants    from  Asia  to  Europe,  generically  known   as  the 
Pelasgi,   great  numbers  went  to  the  land  which  today  is  called    Istria,  and 


THE  ANCIENT  ROMAN  ORIGIN  93 

There  they  estabhshed  shipyards,  piers  and  fortifica- 
tions, made  shores  and  mountain  highways  leading  even  to 
the  heart  of  the  Carnic  Alps.  They  re-erected  several  cities 
whose  buildings  were  of  Roman  architecture.  At  Pola  they 
built  a  solid  wall  surrounding  the  city,  a  temple  to  Diana, 
a  temple  to  Augustus  with  colonnades,  an  arch  of  the  Sergii, 
many  tombs,  a  superb  granite  amphitheatre,  noted  for  its 
majestic  beauty  and  judged  inferior  in  size  only  to  the  Coli- 
seum of  Rome  (the  interior  in  its  eUiptical  form  measured 
140  metres  in  length  and  no  wide,  and  could  accommodate 
25,000  persons);  they  enlarged  and  fortified  the  port,  making 
it  a  naval  base  of  the  first  order.^ 

At  Parenzo  {Parenthium)  the  Romans  erected  a  campi- 
doglio,  a  forum,  temples  to  Mars  and  Neptune  and  an  en- 
closure for  public  meetings. 

But  at  Trieste  {Tergeste)  they  wished  especially  to  spend 
lavishly  the  treasures  and  influence  of  which  Rome  was 
never  sparing  with  the  people  who  were  faithful  to  her. 
They  constructed  an  aqueduct,  a  surrounding  wall,  a  cam- 
pidoglio,  public  baths,  an  amphitheatre,  a  temple  to  Jove, 
and  a  magnificent  military  port,  the  most  important  on  the 
Adriatic  Sea,  and  a  base  for  their  commercial  communication 
and  for  their  wars  with  Central  Europe;^  finally  they  united 

especially  to  that  part  which  extends  to  the  shores  of  Trieste.  Later  the 
Pelasgi  were  superseded  by  Etruscans.  Finally  toward  the  year  508  B.  C.  a 
great  tribe  came  from  Thrace,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Istro  (as  at  that  time  the 
Danube  was  called),  and  drove  off  the  first  settlers,  and  called  the  place  Istria  from 
the  name  of  the  river  from  which  they  emigrated.  This  is  the  tradition.  Later, 
Strabo  and  Pliny  teach  that  the  people  who  inhabited  Istria  before  the  Roman 
occupation  were  the  Celts,  Liburni,  the  Carnii  and  Siapidi,  with  a  preponderance 
of  the  Celts,  and  therefore,  it  is  certain  that  the  first  inhabitants  of  Istria  were  ethno- 
graphically  formed  as  the  other  people  of  Italy,  from  various  races  united  more  or 
less  by  affinity,  common  interests,  and  by  their  common  needs. 
Trieste  existed  before  the  Roman  conquest. 

^  In  the  rivalry  between  Caesar  and  Pompey  the  city  of  Pola  sided  with  Pompey. 
Caesar,  furious,  wished  to  destroy  it;  but  he  was  dissuaded  by  his  gentle  daughter 
Julia.  In  memory  and  recognition  of  this  act,  Pola  was  for  a  long  time  called 
Pietas  Juliae. 

^  In  the  Trojan  column  in  Rome  among  the  many  bas-reliefs  there  are  two  which 
represent  Roman  Trieste,  surrounded  by  solid  walls,  with  the  shores  guarded 
and  with  the  port  divided  in  two  parts  by  a  beautiful  pier  at  the  end  of  which  rose  a 
round  tower  surmounted  by  a  lighthouse;  in  the  part  of  the  bas-relief  which 
represents  the  port  of  Trieste,  one  sees  also  the  Emperor  Trajan  embarking  for 
home  on  his  return  from  one  of  his  victories  against  the  Dacians  (related  to  the 
German  race). 


94  SECOND   PART 

the  city  to  the  tribes  of  Papinia,  considering  it  a  continua- 
tion of  the  province  of  Veneto;  they  invested  it  with  the 
same  rights  as  Rome,  "thus  permitting  the  Triestians  to 
participate,  as  did  the  Romans,  in  the  elections  of  magis- 
trates of  the  Repubhc  and  afterward  of  the  Empire,  to 
be  electors  and  to  vote  for  laws."  In  other  words  the  Ro- 
mans made  Trieste  the  culminating  expression  of  their  con- 
structive energies  in  Istria,  radiating  its  fecund  life  to 
vast  zones. ^ 

When  emperor  Augustus  divided  Italy  into  eleven  regions, 
Trieste,  Istria  and  Venice  formed  the  tenth  Italian  region: 
X  Regio  Italica  it  was  called.  The  Triestian  militia  were 
included  in  the  tenth  Apollinare  region.  Just  then  the  city, 
thankful  to  have  been  raised  by  the  victorious  Roman  eagles 
to  the  apogee  of  riches,  culture  and  civilization,  proud  to 
have  been  and  to  be  an  integral  part  of  the  strongest  and 
most  enlightened  race  which  has  dominated  the  world,  en- 
graved on  its  coat  of  arms,  on  a  purple  field,  the  iron  halbert 
which  it  received  from  Rome,  the  halbert  symbolizing  the 
Alma  Mater  in  its  Latin  power  and  splendor. 

Trentino.  Trentino  is  the  charming  mountainous  reg- 
ion lying  between  Veneto  and  Lombardy,  dividing  along  its 
length  the  two  Italian  provinces  for  more  than  lOO  kilome- 
ters.^ Its  boundaries  extend  for  452  kilometers,  of  which  136 
divided  it  from  the  German  Tyrol,  138  from  Lombardy,  178 
from  Veneto.  From  Botzen  to  Riva  (on  Lake  Garda)  run 
the  Adige,  the  rapid  and  impetuous  river  of  which  Dante 
and  Virgil  sang  and  from  whose  shores  Trent  {Tridentum) 
the  most  important  city  of  the  Trentino,  rises. 

The  first  inhabitants  of  this  region  were  the  Etruscans; 
then  came  the  Gauls;  then  the  Romans.  From  the  fusion 
of  the  Quirites  with  the  Gallic  race  was  born  the  properly 
called  Italian  race.     The  Romans,  after  they  had  subjugated 

^  Julius  Caesar,  who  many  times  conquered  the  Teutonic  hordes  who  rushed 
down  upon  the  Romans  from  the  Alps  and  always  forced  them  back  to  their  sterile 
plains,  extended  the  confines  of  Italy  to  Arsia  on  the  gulf  of  Quarnero.  This  chain 
of  mountains  which  enclosed  Istria  at  the  north,  took  his  name  and  was  called  the 
"Julian  Alps." 

^  In  the  treaty  of  1815,  Austria  united  the  administration  of  Trentino  to  the 
German  Tyrol   and   from   that  time  Austria    called   it  the  Tyrol. 


THE  ANCIENT  ROMAN  ORIGIN  95 

the  Trentino  in  the  times  of  Augustus,  began  to  colonize  it 
with  great  diHgence  until  they  brought  it  to  an  economic 
and  civil  condition  worthy  of  their  name.  These  facts 
have  been  proved  historically,  but  notwithstanding  this, 
the  Roman  origin  of  Trentino  has  always  been  placed  in 
doubt  by  the  enemies  of  the  national  rights  of  Italy  in  the 
Trentino. 

But  every  doubt  must  disappear  in  the  face  of  an  un- 
expected discovery  during  the  past  century. 

On  April  29,  1869,  two  Italian  peasants  digging  in  a 
field  near  Cles  in  the  Trentino  found  a  bronze  tablet  in 
perfect  condition  upon  which  was  inscribed  a  decree  written 
in  Latin  by  which  the  Roman  Emperor  Claudius  in  the  year 
49  A.  D.  settled  the  dispute  that  had  lasted  so  long  con- 
cerning the  nationality  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley  on 
the  extreme  north  of  the  province  of  Trent. 

The  following  is  a  translation  of  the  Latin  tablet  dis- 
covered at  Cles: 

Marcus  Junius  Silanus  and  Quintus  Sulpicius  Camerinus, 
Consuls. 

At  Baia  on  the  15th  of  March,  in  an  edict  of  Tiberius  Claudius 
Caesar  Augustus  Germanicus,  the  following  was  proposed: 

Tiberius  Claudius  Caesar  Augustus,  Pontifex  Maximus,  with 
power  of  Tribune  for  the  sixth  time.  Emperor  for  the  eleventh 
time,  Consul  appointed  for  the  fourth  time,  father  of  the  country, 
says: 

Considering  that,  even  under  the  rule  of  Tiberius  Caesar,  my 
uncle,  Pinarius  Apollinaris  was  sent  to  regulate  the  old  contro- 
versies, of  which  my  memory  retains  only  that  between  the 
Commensi  and  the  Bergalei;  and  that  said  Pinarius  Apollinaris, 
on  account  of  the  absence  of  my  uncle  from  Rome  and  also  after- 
ward under  the  rule  of  Caius  (Caligula),  neglected  to  report,  as 
nobody  asked  him  to  do  so;  and  having  subsequently  been  told 
by  Camurius  Statutus  that  the  greater  part  of  the  lands  and  forests 
are  in  my  right,  I  sent  my  friend  Julius  Planta  to  settle  this 
question,  who,  with  the  help  of  my  procurators,  the  above  men- 
tioned peoples,  and  those  of  the  neighboring  territory,  was  to  in- 
vestigate all  things  and  report  carefully  to  me,  as  he  has  reported 
to  me,  in  the  memorial  prepared  by  him;  and  I  gave  him  authority 
to  investigate  and  settle  the  remaining  matters. 


96  SECOND  PART 

As  to  the  legal  condition  of  the  Nauni,  TuHassi,  and  Sinduni, 
a  part  of  them  are  united  with  the  Tridentini,  while  another 
part  is  not  united.  Although  the  origin  of  these  last  is  not  clear 
enough  to  determine  whether  they  have  Roman  citizenship, "yet, 
in  view  of  the  fact  that  they  are  so  mixed  with  the  Tridentini  and 
have  enjoyed  the  right  of  citizenship  for  a  long  time,  and  that  they 
could  not  be  separated  from  that  splendid  municipality  without 
great  damage  to  it,  I  permit  that  they  remain  in  possession  of  the 
right  that  they  have  for  a  long  time  believed  themselves  to  possess, 
and  this  I  do  willingly,  as  I  have  heard  that  the  majority  of  those 
people  have  been  soldiers  in  my  bodyguard,  that  others  have 
been  leaders  of  troops,  or,  as  members  of  juries,  have  taken  part 
in  trials  at  Rome.  These  rights  I  give  them  so  that  all  they  have 
done  as  Roman  citizens  among  themselves  and  with  the  Tridentini,  or 
elsewhere,  be  considered  legal,  and  that  they  may  retain  the  names 
which  they  had  previously  adopted  as  Roman  citizens. 

This  precious  document  was  soon  baptized  with  the 
name  of  Tavola  Clesiana  and  filled  the  hearts  of  Tren- 
tinians  and  Italians  with  joy.  It  interested  scholars  in 
every  part  of  the  world.  Only  from  Germany  and  Austria 
came  words  of  incredulity  and  scorn,  but  this  did  not  move 
the  bronze  tablet  containing  the  truth,  and  finally  from  the 
authors  of  these  words  of  scorn  themselves,  came  a  recogni- 
tion of  the  authenticity  of  the  Tavola  Clesiana.  In  the  mean- 
time, however,  it  was  insinuated  that  the  place  where  it  was 
found  had  always  been  inhabited  by  people  of  the  Teutonic 
race  gnd  never  by  the  Romans. 

The  Trentini  continued  their  excavations  and  came 
upon  large  quantities  of  human  bones  and  skulls,  together 
with  lances,  swords,  javelins,  coins,  etc. 

Theodore  Mommsen,  the  famous  German  historian  and 
archaeologist,  hastened  to  Cles  to  investigate.  He  was 
followed  by  other  German  professors  to  see  if  by  means  of 
later  objects  they  could  destroy  the  proof  brought  to  light 
by  the  Tavola  Clesiana. 

After  a  minute  examination  it  was  clearly  shov/n  that  the 
bones  and  skulls,  lances,  swords,  javelins,  and  coins  be- 
longed without  a  doubt  to  people  of  pure  Latin  and  not  of 
Teutonic  race. 

Theodore  Mommsen,  who  probably  knew  more  about 


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THE  "TAVOLA  CI. ESI  ANA" 


THE  ANCIENT  ROMAN  ORIGIN  97 

Roman  history  than  any  man  of  his  generation,  in  a  pam- 
phlet which  he  pubhshed  on  the  result  of  his  investigation, 
declared  that  all  the  facts  proved  that  the  region  of  "Trent 
is  Italian  and  belongs  to  Roman  Italy." 

Thus  the  insinuators  were  obliged  to  swallow  the  pill 
and  close  their  mouths. 

Dalmatia.^  a  controversy  between  the  Dalmatians 
and  some  other  people  (Lissani  and  Daorsi),  allies  of  Rome, 
provoked  for  the  first  time  the  intervention  of  Rome  in  the 
affairs  of  Dalmatia.  A  strong  army  commanded  by  the 
Roman  consul  Marcio  Figulo  arrived  in  that  region  in  156 
B.  C,  besieged  the  capital,  then  Dalminio,  which  they 
wiped  out,  and  forced  the  Dalmatians  to  an  onerous  peace. 

Much  later  Rome  was  able  definitely  to  subjugate  Dal- 
matia, however  proud  she  had  been  of  her  own  freedom, 
and  induced  her  to  change  from  a  barbaric  to  a  civilized 
country. 

On  her  coast,  ports  like  that  of  Zara,  Salona  near  Spalato, 
Ragusa,  Antivari,  received  a  wonderful  impulse,  and  to- 
gether with  the  ports  of  Fiume,  Trieste,  Pola,  Aquileia, 
Ravenna,  Rimini,  Ancona,  Bari,  Brindisi  and  Durazzo,  all 
being  very  important  cities,  made  of  the  Adriatic  Sea  a 
great  Roman  lake  flourishing  with  life  and  with  commerce. 

In  short,  the  Romanization  of  Dalmatia  was  so  deeply 
rooted  that  the  Emperor  Diocletian,  when  he  abdicated 
the  Empire  (305  A.  D.),  tired  in  both  mind  and  body  because 
of  the  great  cares  of  state  and  also  because  of  physical  in- 
disposition, preferred  to  return  to  Salona  in  Dalmatia  where 
he  engaged  in  nothing  more  serious  than  the  artistic  cultiva- 
tion of  his  garden  until  he  died  (313  a.d.). 

And  the  Emperor  Julius  Nepos  (the  father  of  Romulus 
Augustulus),  who  was  removed  by  Orestes  in  476,  could  not 
do  better  than  to  take  refuge  in  Dalmatia,  the  last  outpost 
of  Roman  influence. 

Thus  the  dominion  of  Rome,  at  first  feared  and  treated 
with  hostility,  finished  by  becoming  (thanks  to  the  wisdom 
which  it  exercised)  the  golden  age  for  the  populations  of 

^  The  region  on  the  east  shore  of  the  Adriatic  Sea. 


98  SECOND   PART 

Istria,  Trent,  Trieste  and  Dalmatia,  and  for  all  of  the 
people  who  today  dwell  on  the  north-eastern  boundaries  of 
Italy. 

And  the  sacred  name  of  Urbs  (Rome),  generator  of  light 
and  heat  like  the  sun,  however  stained  by  the  evils  of 
tyrants,  was  by  them  blessed,  loved,  defended,  and  glori- 
ously engraved  on  the  pages  of  their  history. 


II 

The  barbarian  invasion  into  Italy.  Attila,  flagellum 
Dei,  destroys  (452  A.  D.)  the  beautiful  city  of  Aquileia, 
founded  by  the  Romans  in  181-182  B.  C.  In  a  mass 
meeting,  presided  over  by  the  Emperor  Charlemagne, 
the  Italians  of  Istria  protest  against  the  Slavic  immi- 
gration (804  A. D.).  The  Republic  of  the  Doges  liberates 
the  Adriatic  sea  from  foreign  pirates.  The  marriage 
of  Venice  with  the  sea.  The  spontaneous  submission 
of  Dalmatia  (999  A.  D.)  after  eight  centuries  of  fidelity. 
The  "  honorable  burial  "  of  the  standard  of  St.  Mark. 

After  the  death  of  the  Roman  Emperor  Marcus  Aurelius 
at  Vindobona  (Vienna)  in  the  year  i8o,  the  golden  era 
passed  forever  from  these  north  eastern  boundaries  of  Italy. 
The  Roman  Empire  fell  into  the  hands  of  soldiers  blinded 
by  the  lowest  and  most  unbridled  and  degenerate  passions; 
it  lost  its  ancient  vigor,  its  ancient  prestige  and  its  ancient 
splendor.  It  fell.  And  then  the  barbarians  (Goths,  Van- 
dals, Suevi,  Burgundians,  Huns),  with  their  heads  adorned 
with  bulls'  horns,  their  shoulders  and  chests  covered  with 
skins  of  wild  animals  —  tribes  the  powerful  Roman  gladius 
had  kept  in  subjection  for  centuries  —  descended  upon  Italy 
like  an  avalanche  from  the  Alps,  thirsting  for  revenge,  avid 
for  spoils  and  dominion;  destroying  fields,  cities  and  people, 
taking  away  the  strength  of  the  country;  degrading  it;  sub- 
jecting it  to  most  humiliating  servitude.  And  Italy  sank 
to  that  deepest  abyss  of  darkness  which  was  called  the 
medieval  age. 


BARBARIAN  INVASION  99 

The  first  fury  of  the  barbarians  naturally  struck  the 
eastern  regions  of  Italy,  viz.:  Trentino,  FriuH,  Istria, 
Dalmatia.  But  these  were  not  easily  swallowed  up. 
They  opposed  the  ferocious  invaders;  they  defended 
their  Italianity  with  the  daring  and  heroism  which 
was  the  first  germ  of  the  present  Irredentist  movement 
and  which,  with  other  causes,  determined  the  intervention 
of  Italy  (May,  191 5)  in  the  great  conflict  of  the  nations, 
thus  repeating  with  the  everlasting  fatal  and  alternat- 
ing recurrence  of  human  events,  the  tragedies  which  took 
place  in  the  past,  among  the  same  people  and  in  the  same 
Alps. 

It  is  enough  to  recall  to  mind  Aquileia  besieged  by  the 
Huns.  Aquileia  fought  strenuously  against  her  enemies, 
repulsing  them  many  times.  To  punish  her  for  her  extraor- 
dinary defense  Attila,  flagellum  Dei,  after  he  had  taken 
the  city  by  a  furious  assault,  massacred  the  citizens,  the 
aged,  the  women,  and  children;  sacked;  burned;  wiped  the 
metropolis  from  the  face  of  the  earth  (452  A.  D.)  as  if  a 
torrent  of  lava  had  covered  it — the  metropolis,  full  of  strength 
and  beauty  which  the  Romans  had  erected  with  such  wis- 
dom and  such  love.^ 

The  survivors  of  Aquileia  and  those  of  the  other  cities 
in  the  confines  destroyed  by  Attila,  took  refuge  in  the  small 
islands  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Po  estuary,  and  there 
developed  by  degrees,  the  city  which  afterwards,  because 
of  its  superior  government,  became  theQueen  of  the  Adriatic: 
Venice. 

When  the  Italians  of  the  northeastern  boundaries  could 
not  maintain  their  nationality  by  military  means,  they  used 
other  methods.     It  will  suffice  to  remember  that  in  the  year 

^  Later  Aquileia  revived  and  again  became  powerful,  thanks  to  her  patriarchate, 
which  was  one  of  the  greatest  theocratic  and  military  principalities  of  medieval 
times.  Her  church,  established  by  the  council  as  early  as  38,  was,  after  that  of 
Rome,  the  most  famous  of  the  Christian  religion;  her  court  was  the  most  splendid 
and  most  celebrated  of  that  age.  The  patriarchs  were  independent.  They 
paid  only  a  simple  feudal  homage  to  the  emperor.  The  thirteenth  century  touched 
the  acme  of  patriarchal  power. 

In  1420  Venice  became  absolute  mistress  of  Friuli  and  suppressed  that  theocratic 
and  military  power.  The  Bishop  of  Venice  obtained  from  Rome  the  title  of  Patriarch 
of  Aquileia,  with  jurisdiction  over  that  diocese. 


100  SECOND   PART 

568  the  Longobardians  (Germans  of  the  north)  began  to  des- 
cend upon  Italy,  commanded  by  their  King  Alboin.  These 
new  barbarians,  Hke  the  former,  did  httle  but  destroy  and 
kill. 

The  Italians  on  the  eastern  boundaries  were  compelled 
to  abandon  the  interior  of  their  own  country  because  they 
were  continually  subjected  to  onslaughts  by  savage  invaders, 
and  were  obliged  to  take  refuge  on  the  sea  coast,  which 
opened  to  them  their  only  way  of  escape,  where  they  de- 
voted themselves  to  navigation  and  fishing. 

But  the  Emperor  Charlemagne  drove  the  Longobardians 
from  Italy,  and  with  the  intention,  perhaps  praiseworthy,  of 
repopulating  the  interior  of  Istria  which  the  Italians  had 
deserted,  he  committed  the  error  of  calling  some  tribes  of 
Slavs,  who  for  long  years  had  coveted  it. 

The  Istrians  did  not  take  kindly  to  such  action.  They 
believed  it  to  be  dangerous  to  their  ethnical  compages,  and 
to  the  reconstitution  of  their  future  political  unification. 
Therefore,  they  were  greatly  agitated  and  protested  in  a 
solemn  mass  meeting  held  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Risano, 
and  presided  over  by  Charlemagne  (804  A.  D.);  they  suc- 
ceeded in  convincing  the  powerful  Emperor  of  the  Franks 
of  the  error  which  he  had  committed.  He  immediately 
suspended  the  Slavic  immigration  into  Istria  and  instead  re- 
vived the  most  useful  Roman  institutions,  adapting  them 
to  the  changed  condition  of  the  times. 

When  the  Italians  of  the  northeastern  boundaries — who 
had  never  willingly  tolerated  the  domination  of  the  barbari- 
ans —  saw  that  Venice  followed  the  traditions  of  Rome 
better  than  the  other  contemporaneous  Italian  republics,  it 
did  not  hesitate  to  pass  under  the  protection  of  the  winged 
lion  of  St.  Mark. 

It  will  suffice  to  recall  Dalmatia.  The  Narentine, 
Slavic,  and  Croatian  pirates  infested  the  Adriatic  for  a  long 
time,  assaulting,  killing  and  plundering.  And  not  con- 
tent with  this,  they  demanded  great  tributes  from  the  terror- 
stricken  inhabitants  of  the  Dalmatian  coasts,  and  even  from 
the  Venetians. 


BARBARIAN  INVASION  101 

The  Dalmatians  implored  the  aid  of  the  Republic,  which 
at  other  times  had  defended  them  against  the  tyranny  of 
strangers.  Fortunately  there  was  a  doge  in  power  at  that 
time  who  was  extraordinarily  strong,  resolute  and  courageous 
and  who  was  the  dynamic  and  vibrating  amalgamation  of 
all  the  Venetian  energies:  Peter  Orseolo  II,  son  of  that  fa- 
mous Peter  Orseolo  who  was  canonized  by  the  Church,  who 
began  at  his  own  expense  and  brought  to  a  high  point  the 
construction  of  the  magnificent  cathedral  of  St.  Mark. 

Orseolo  listened  to  and  comforted  the  Dalmatian  ambas- 
sador and  declared  to  the  Venetians  in  firm  accents  that,  in 
order  to  wipe  out  the  ignominy  to  which  the  Republic  had 
been  subjected  for  so  long,  and  again  to  give  security  to  their 
brothers,  who  were  continually  tyrannized  over  by  the 
corsairs,  they  must  have  war! 

The  Venetians  were  so  moved  that  they  consented  and 
gave  full  liberty  of  action  to  their  doge. 

On  Ascension  Day  of  the  year  999  A.  D.,  a  fleet,  for- 
midably armed,  weighed  anchor  from  Venice  under  command 
of  Peter  Orseolo  II. 

The  pirates,  however,  insisted  more  than  ever  on  the 
collection  of  the  usual  tribute. 

The  doge  responded  that  he  himself  would  take  it  to 
them. 

In  fact,  he  went  immediately.  But  instead  of  a  pecuni- 
ary tribute,  he  took  the  brute  force  of  the  winged  lion  of 
St.  Mark. 

Great  naval  battles  were  fought,  especially  at  Curzola 
and  Lagosta.  The  Slavic  pirates  from  the  Gulf  of  Narente 
made  a  furious  resistance.  But  this  availed  them  nothing. 
Their  fleet  was  burned  by  the  Venetians.  And  those  not 
killed  were  pursued  to  the  continent  and  a  lin  repulsed  and 
dispersed  outside  of  its  confines. 

The  Adriatic  was  thus  finally  freed  froi  piracy  and  from 
the  terrors  of  barbarians. 

The  Venetians  received  the  conquerinj  doge  in  triumph; 
they  conferred  upon  him  the  title  of  C  ke  of  Dalmatia; 
they  further  ordered  that  at  the  annua  feast  of  the  As- 
cension the  great  achievement  should  also  \  e  commemorated. 


102  SECOND   PART 

celebrating  the  symbolic  marriage  of  Venice  with  the  sea 
(the  doge  embarked  with  other  magistrates  of  the  Republic  on 
the  golden  Bucintoro,  magnificently  ornamented,  where 
he  threw  a  ring  into  the  sea  pronouncing  these  significant 
words:  Desponsamus  teytnare  nostro,tnsignumveriperpetuique 
dominii;  in  memory  of  the  true  and  perpetual  dominion  that 
the  Republic  had  acquired  over  the  Adriatic  sea  which  was 
thenceforth  called  the  Gulf  of  Venice. Y 

Dalmatia  —  exulting  and  grateful  —  rewarded  the 
sister  liberator,  by  offering  spontaneous  homage  of  subjection 
to  her,  swearing  ''eternal"  obedience  and  fidelity  to  her. 
Dalmatia,  in  fact,  remained  under  the  merciful  government 
of  Venice,  first  for  four  entire  centuries;  then,  after  a  brief 
and  involuntary  interruption,  for  another  377  years  (al- 
together about  eight  centuries!).  She  would  have  remained 
"eternally"  in  reality  if  the  treaty  of  Campoformio,  drawn 
on  October  16,  1795,  between  Napoleon  I  and  Francis  II, 
Emperor  of  Austria,  had  not  treacherously  struck  a  death 
blow  to  the  Republic  of  the  Doges,  sacrificing  it  to  the  insa- 
tiable cupidity  of  the  Hapsburgs. 

One  can  well  imagine  the  sorrow  of  the  Dalmatians  in 
consequence  of  this. 

At  Zara,  the  capital  of  Dalmatia,  the  Venetian  flag  was 
placed  on  the  great  altar  of  the  church  and  there,  first  the 
officers,  then  the  soldiers,  then  the  people,  kissed  it  "and  so 
covered  it  with  their  tears  that  it  was  entirely  wet." 

At  Perasto,  the  standard  of  St.  Mark,  like  a  sacred  relic, 
was  placed  under  the  great  altar  of  the  church,  while  the 
commander,  in  the  presence  of  the  people,  spoke  these  touch- 
ing words  in  the  soft  Venetian  dialect:  "For  377  years  we 
have  defended  thee  with  our  faith  and  our  valor  on  tbe  sea 
when  thy  enemies  have  called  us.  For  377  years  our  sub- 
stance, our  blood  and  our  lives  have  at  all  times  been  de- 
dicated to  thee,  and  in  this  until  now  we  have  found  our 
greatest  happiness.  Thou  with  us,  we  with  thee,  have 
always  been  victorous,  always  illustrious.  Since  there  is 
nothing  more  we  can  do  for  thee,  let  our  hearts   be  thy 

^The  celebration  of  the  marriage  of  Venice  with  the  sea  for  centJuries  was 
observed  on  Ascension  Day. 


BARBARIAN  INVASION  103 

honored  tomb;  let  our  tears   be  thy  greatest  and  truest 
eulogy!" 

Also  the  islands  of  Quarnero/  conquered  by  the  Doge 
Peter  Orseolo  II,  always  remained  under  the  dominion  of 
Venice,  except  in  the  period  between  1378  to  1409  in  which 
they,  with  Dalmatia,  were  temporarily  ceded  to  Hungary. 
They  remained  under  Venice  until  the  end  of  the  Republic, 
when  as  a  result  of  the  treaty  of  Campoformio,  which  was 
confirmed,  as  we  have  seen,  by  the  the  congress  of  Vienna 
of  1815,  they  were  consigned  with  Venice  itself  to  Austria. 

^The  Gulf  of  Quarnero  is  that  wide  arm  of  the  Adriatic  Sea  which  insinuates  it- 
self between  the  eastern  coast  of  the  Istrian  peninsula  and  the  Croatian  shore. 
From  the  curve  of  Porto  Re  to  the  heights  of  Meia  and  Tersato,  finishing  at  Fiume, 
is  Italy,  and  marks  the  geographic  confines  of  Italy.  Its  islands  were  also  in  the 
power  of  the  Romans,  and  in  the  time  of  Julius  Caesar  were  added  to  Liburnia, 
this  latter  being  a  part  of  Illyria. 


104  SECOND  PART 


III 


The  Communes.  Frederick  Barbarossa,  Emperor  of 
Germany,  descends  upon  Italy  (1154)  massacres,  sacks 
and  burns;  captures  the  celebrated  reformer,  Arnold 
of  Brescia,  and  delivers  him  into  the  hands  of  Adrian  IV, 
who  bums  him  alive.  The  subservient  Diet  of  Roncaglia, 
Milan,  Crema  and  Piacenza  rebels.  Barbarossa  takes  a 
frightful  revenge,  besieges  the  smallest  town,  Crema. 
But  not  being  able  to  conquer  by  force  of  arms,  he  takes 
children  of  Crema  and  Milan  whom  he  holds  in  hostage, 
ties  them  to  movable  wooden  towers  and  exposes  them 
to  the  shots  of  the  besieged  citizens.  Love  of  Country 
overcomes  paternal  love  in  the  Italians.  The  destruction 
of  Crema  and  Milan.  The  Veronese  League.  An  ener- 
getic Pope.  The  Lombardian  League.  The  Archbishop 
Cristiano  of  Magonza,  plenipotentiary  of  Barbarossa  in 
Italy,  besieges  Ancona  and  forces  the  citizens  to  eat  net- 
tles and  leather.  The  heroism  of  the  women.  The  union 
of  the  communes  produces  the  epopee.  The  Carroccio. 
The  Company  of  Death.  Barbarossa  is  defeated  by  the 
Italians  at  Legnano  (1176).  He  is  defeated  also  on  the 
sea  by  the  combined  fleets  of  Venice  and  Trieste.  He 
suffers  the  humiUation  of  kissing  the  foot  of  his  enemy 
(Pope  Alexander  III).  He  sues  for  peace  and  leaves 
Italy  forever  without  having  put  it  under  the  yoke. 

When  the  Communes  of  Italy  attempted  to  re-establish 
the  unity  and  independence  of  the  Patria,  which  again  had 
been  invaded  and  devastated  by  the  Teutons,  the  regions  of 
the  eastern  confines  did  not  limit  themselves  simply  to  an 
exhibition  of  a  purely  spiritual  solidarity,  but  they  threw 
themselves  with  faith  and  zeal  into  the  field  of  action,  where 
danger  was  the  greatest,  giving  their  contribution  of  thought 
and  of  blood  to  the  national  cause.  In  this  connection  one 
has  only  to  recall  Trieste. 

It  is  well  known  that  on  the  ruins  of  the  old  feudal 
edifice  in  Italy  arose  the  communal  autonomy,  or  free  gov- 


.    THE  COMMUNES  AND  BARBAROSSA  105 

ernment  of  cities,  with  a  supreme  magistracy  of  three,  six,  or 
twelve  consuls;  with  a  minor  magistracy  of  notables  called 
Credenza,  who  deliberated  upon  ordinary  affairs;  with  a  gen- 
eral assembly  of  all  of  the  citizens  who  also  deliberated  upon 
the  more  important  things  (made  laws,  stipulated  treaties  of 
alliance,  declared  wars  and  concluded  peace,  coined  money, 
etc.). 

Frederick  Barbarossa,  Emperor  of  Germany,  decided  to 
reduce  Italy  to  its  ancientTeutonic  servitude,  and  invaded  it 
(1154)  with  a  great  army;  devastated  fields;  fired  villages 
and  cities,  among  them  Chieri  and  Asti;  he  then  besieged 
Tortona,  and  ordered  that  it  should  immediately  break  its 
alliance  with  Milan.  The  noble  little  city  refused  to  obey 
the  dishonoring  command.  Barbarossa,  however,  assaulted 
it,  and  after  two  months  of  bitter  fighting  took  the  city, 
sacked  and  destroyed  it.  After  he  had  achieved  such  brave 
ends,  he  went  to  Pavia,  where  he  crowned  himself  King  of 
Italy.  Afterward,  invited  expressly  by  Pope  Adrian  IV, 
he  betook  himself  to  southern  Italy  with  the  intention  of 
extending  his  dominion  and,  at  the  same  time,  capturing 
and  delivering  to  the  aforesaid  pontificate  the  bitterest  enemy, 
which  at  that  time  the  Church  had:    Arnold  of  Brescia. 

He  was  a  monk  with  an  inspired  and  serious  mind,  who 
dreamed  of  and  desired  above  all  things  the  religious  and 
political  elevation  of  mankind,  having  for  its  basis  truth 
and  morality  in  a  positive  and  sane  sense.  He  would  not 
recognize  the  doctrine  of  infant  baptism,  prayers  for  the 
dead,  or  the  sacrament  of  the  host.  Preaching  thus  with 
ardent  and  unbridled  impetuosity  against  the  temporal 
power  of  the  popes  and  against  the  corrupt  customs  of  the 
ecclesiastics,  he  was  able  to  gain  the  confidence  and  love  of 
the  people,  and  to  drive  out  successively  the  Popes  Lucius  II 
and  Eugenius  III,  and  to  found  in  Rome  a  democratic  re- 
public with  a  senate.  But  after  ten  years  of  power,  Adrian 
IV  —  an  astute  Pope,  audacious  and  unscrupulous  —  at- 
tacked Arnold  of  Brescia;  defamed  him;  excommunicated 
him,  together  with  those  who  supported  him;  filled  the  city 
of  Rome  with  such  terror  that  the  brave  reformer  was  re- 
pudiated, expelled  and  persecuted. 


106  SECOND   PART 

Barbarossa  found  him  a  refugee  in  a  castle  of  Campania. 
He  dragged  him  from  the  hands  of  those  who  had  given  him 
hospitahty;  he  dragged  him  in  chains  to  the  feet  of  Adrian 
IV  in  Rome  and  this  good  vicar  of  Christ  —  in  the  height  of 
his  joy  —  condemned  him  to  the  stake;  he  had  his  ashes 
thrown  into  the  river  Tiber;  he  rewarded  Barbarossa  for 
his  service  to  the  Church  by  placing  on  his  head  the  imperial 
crown  with  great  pomp  in  the  Vatican. 

The  Roman  people,  roused  by  such  infamous  treatment, 
forced  Barbarossa  to  leave  suddenly  for  Germany. 

The  tyrant  revenged  himself  for  such  humiliation  by  fir- 
ing and  destroying  the  innocent  city  of  Spoleto. 

Barbarossa,  always  thirsting  for  blood  and  power, 
again  hurled  himself  on  Italy  three  years  later,  and  took  the 
city  of  Brescia;  then  with  an  army  of  100,000  infantry 
and  15,000  cavalry  marched  on  Milan,  to  punish  it  for  hav- 
ing rebuilt  Tortona,  and  to  punish  it  above  all  for  the  spirit 
of  rebellion  which  it  too  stubbornly  showed  against  the 
Teutonic  suzerainty. 

The  metropolis  of  Lombardy  defended  itself  like  a  lioness 
so  long  as  it  had  provisions,  and  when  these  failed  it  sur- 
rendered; but  it  was  not  an  unconditional  surrender,  it  was 
an  honorable  pact  (1158). 

Barbarossa,  however,  called  a  subservient  Diet  at  Ron- 
caglia  in  the  Piacentino  and  determined  that  the  free  com- 
munes must  depend  administratively  and  judicially  on  an 
imperial  representative  called  the  Podestd. 

Milan,  Crema,  and  Piacenza  chafed,  protested,  and  said 
clearly  that  they  would  never  submit  to  such  humiliation. 

Barbarossa  arose  in  fury.  The  most  cruel  spirit  of  re- 
venge raged  in  his  proud  soul;  he  hurled  himself  with  a  pow- 
erful army  against  Crema,  which  was  the  weakest  of  the 
communes.  But  he  was  repulsed.  Then  he  had  recourse 
to  a  stratagem.  He  caused  several  movable  wooden  towers 
to  be  erected;  in  the  inside  of  these  he  posted  his  most  fero- 
cious soldiers  armed  to  the  teeth;  on  the  outside  were  bound 
the  little  children  of  Crema  and  of  Milan,  whom  he  held  as 
hostages.  Thus  loaded,  he  ordered  the  towers  taken  to  the 
walls  of  the  city,  hoping  that  the  besieged  citizens,  in  order 


THE  COMMUNES  AND  BARBAROSSA  107 

to  save  their  own  children,  would  no  longer  hold  off.  Instead 
the  opposite  occurred.  The  citizens,  especially  the  fathers, 
continued  their  defense  and  stormed  at  the  same  time  the 
hated  enemy  and  their  own  little  ones,  crying  with  the  faith 
of  neophytes,  *' Happy  are  those  who  die  for  their  country!'* 

For  six  months  —  from  July  1159,  to  January  1160  — 
the  tragic  battle  lasted.  Finally,  because  of  the  cutting 
of  the  aqueducts,  the  lack  of  food,  and  the  flower  of  her 
citizens  being  wasted,  Crema  was  constrained  to  yield  The 
Teuton,  thus  prizing  it  for  the  heroism  which  it  exhibited, 
sacked  and  burned  it! 

Nothwithstanding  the  slaughter  of  Crema,  Milan  per- 
sisted in  her  rebellious  attitude.  Barbarossa,  who  had 
already  received  reinforcements  from  Germany,  assaulted 
it  with  savage  force.  But  without  avail.  He  attacked  it 
more  than  once,  but  his  attempts  were  always  broken  like 
the  waves  of  the  sea  against  the  rocks.  Then  he  understood 
that  only  through  starvation  could  he  conquer  the  Milanese. 
He  called  for  other  reinforcements.  They  came.  He  be- 
sieged the  city.  It  resisted  for  two  long  years.  Then 
pressed  by  increasing  numbers  of  their  enemies,  and  ex- 
hausted by  the  absolute  lack  of  food,  it  surrendered 
(March,  1 162).  The  Teuton  treated  them  savagely;  he 
destroyed  the  entire  city  and  covered  it  with  salt,  a  sign 
that  it  should  never  rise  again! 

He  then  returned  to  Germany  to  receive  and  enjoy  the 
honors    of   his    triumph. 

But  the  destruction  of  Milan  greatly  impressed  the  other 
cities  of  Italy;  they  became  thoughtful  and  were  convinced 
that  for  their  common  safety  they  must  immediately  and 
solidly  combine. 

The  first  who  united  —  after  they  had  driven  out  from 
their  respective  places  the  garrisons  and  imperial  ministers 
— were  Verona,  Vicenza,  Padua  and  Treviso."  The  Veronese 
League. 

Barbarossa  fell  upon  Verona  like  a  falcon,  but  he  found 
it  no  easy  task;  indeed  it  proved  to  be  so  difficult  that  he 
deemed  it  prudent  to  return  to  Germany  for  reinforcements 
(1164). 


108  SECOND   PART 

Meanwhile  in  1159  Pope  Adrian  IV  died.  Barbarossa, 
by  corrupting,  threatening  and  intimidating,  forced  his 
cardinals  to  elect  an  anti-Pope,  who  would  serve  him  (Vittore 
IV),  and  after  the  death  of  the  latter  he  caused  Pasquale  III 
to  be  elected, —  as  vile  and  servile  a  soul  as  his  predecessor. 

The  independent  cardinals,  however,  voted  for  Ban- 
dinelli  of  Siena  (Alexander  III),  a  sagacious  and  energetic 
man  who  sympathized  with  the  cause  of  the  Communes. 
This  Pope  from  Anagni  excommunicated  Barbarossa  and 
afterward  prepared  to  combat  him  to  the  last  drop  of  blood, 
joining  with  Venice,  Bergamo,  Brescia,  Mantua  and  Fer- 
rara,  the  Veronese  League,  which  after  that  time  was  called 
the  Lombard  League. 

The  representatives  of  the  allied  cities  —  uniting  with 
the  fugitive  Milanese  —  met  with  them  on  April  7,  1176,  in 
the  convent  of  Pontida,  situated  between  Bergamo  and 
Lecco.  There  they  clasped  hands;  looked  into  each  others 
eyes,  read  one  another's  hearts,  fused  their  wills  into  a  single 
will,  swearing  by  fraternal  pacts  to  defend  the  liberty  of  the 
Patria  which  had  been  trampled  upon  and  villified  by  outside 
barbaric  tyranny. 

At  this  memorable  assembly  the  representatives  of 
Trieste  participated  in  the  proceedings  with  the  same  faith 
and  zeal  as  the  others.  In  the  progress  of  time  Piacenza, 
Parma,  Modena,  Bologna,  Reggio,  Novara,  Vercelli,  Como, 
Asti,  Tortona,  Ravenna,  Rimini,  Imola  and  Forli  joined 
the  Lombard  League. 

The  League  immediately  began  to  rebuild  Milan  in  spite 
of  the  prohibition  of  Barbarossa;  then  —  in  contraposition 
to  Pavia  and  the  Marquis  of  Monferrato  who  remained  parti- 
sans of  the  tyrant  —  they  founded  a  city  between  the  rivers 
Tenaro  and  Bormide,  which  they  named  Alessandria  in 
honor  of  Alexander  III,  the  Pope  who  gave  them  sustained 
help  and  directed  the  League. 

Meanwhile  the  Archbishop  Cristiano  of  Magonza, 
Envoy  Plenipotentiary  of  Barbarossa  in  Italy,  attempted  to 
subjugate  Ancona,  which  had  rebelled  against  the  Teuton 
yoke.  The  noble  city  of  the  Adriatic  was  besieged  by  land 
and  sea;  was  attacked  from  every  side  by  night  and  day; 


THE  COMMUNES  AND  BARBAROSSA  109 

but  it  defended  itself  with  sublime  heroism  even  when  its 
sons  were  so  reduced  by  the  cruelty  of  the  enemy  that  they 
were  obhged  to  feed  themselves  on  boiled  nettles  and  shoe- 
leather  cooked  in  vinegar. 

Some  episodes  may  be  given. 

A  young  mother,  with  a  child  at  her  breast,  saw  a  warrior 
near  the  wall  on  the  ground  gasping  from  starvation;  she 
approached  him  and  said:  *'I  have  not  eaten  for  several 
days;  I  have  no  more  milk,  not  even  for  my  little  one;  but 
if  a  drop  yet  remains,  take  it,  it  is  yours!"  These  words 
had  a  marvelous  effect.  The  warrior  revived;  arose;  smiled 
at  the  generous  creature;  ran  where  the  fighting  was  thick- 
est, and  courageously  faced  death. 

A  most  violent  attack  threatened  to  overthrow  the  city. 
The  defenders  fought  with  their  usual  valor,  but  they 
recognized  the  extreme  peril  which  faced  them.  Then  an 
aged  woman  by  the  name  of  Stamura  grasped  a  burning 
brand,  and  flung  it  into  a  pile  of  projectiles,  firing  and  des- 
troying the  machines  of  the  enemy. 

The  Lombardians  and  Romagnese  came  to  the  aid  of 
the  city.  The  Teutons  were  obliged  to  fly,  and  Ancona 
saved  her  freedom  (1174). 

Barbarossa,  disgusted  at  the  turn  things  in  Italy  had 
taken  against  him,  put  himself  at  the  head  of  another 
colossal  army  and  marched  toward  Mont  Cenis,  determined 
to  finish  for  all  time  the  hope  of  the  Italians  for  unity  and 
liberty. 

He  first  burned  Susa;  then  he  subjugated  Turin  and 
Asti;  then  marched  against  Alessandria.  This  latter  city, 
although  having  nothing  but  primitive  fortifications  of 
earth  and  straw,  resisted  the  assaults  of  the  enemy  for  four 
months.  Finally  the  besieged  citizens  learned  that  help 
from  the  allies  was  near.  Full  of  exultation  they  made  a 
sortie  in  the  night;  they  attacked  the  enemy,  killed  them  in 
great  numbers  and  forced  the  others  to  retreat  in  disorder 

(1175)- 

Barbarossa  became  worried.  He  understood  that  the 
enterprise  which  he  was  undertaking  presented  grave  diffi- 
culties; he  attempted  to  make  pacts  with  The  League^  but  the 


110  SECOND   PART 

negotiations  failed  entirely.  Then  he  waited  for  rein- 
forcements from  Germany,  and  as  soon  as  they  came,  he 
moved  resolutely  on  Milan. 

The  Italians  of  The  League  did  not  permit  him  to  finish 
his  journey;  they  went  to  meet  him  on  the  way  followed  by 
the  Carroccio} 

This  was  a  chariot  which,  according  to  the  description 
given  by  Lodovico  Antonio  Muratori,  in  his  Annals  of  Italy y 
had  four  wheels  built  higher  than  usual  with  a  much 
broader  platform  than  that  of  a  common  car  and  was 
painted  a  flaming  red.  In  the  middle  arose  an  altar  covered 
by  a  rich  red  rug  of  such  dimensions  that  it  fell  from  the 
sides  and  touched  the  wheels.  In  the  center  of  the  altar 
rose  a  flagstaff,  to  which  was  attached  a  huge  crucifix  and  a 
bell  which  rang  in  warning. 

The  car  was  drawn  by  four  pairs  of  great  oxen,  all  of  the 
same  size  and  color,  caparisoned  with  rich  drapery,  red  for 
those  on  the  right  and  white  for  those  on  the  left.  From 
this  center  the  orders  were  given.  Around  the  car  the  in- 
fantry formed  a  compact  guard  against  the  enemy's  cavalry. 
It  was  believed  if  the  Carroccio  fell  that  war  and  honor 
would  be  lost. 

The  Milanese  formed,  for  the  extra  protection  of  this 
their  sacred  shield,  two  companies  of  chosen  young  men 
(one  of  300  and  the  other  of  900)  armed  with  neck  guards, 
battle  axes  and  daggers.  The  one  of  900,  commanded  by 
Alberto  da  Giussano — who  wore  the  breastplate  and  carried 
the  sword  with  the  gilded  leather  presented  to  him  by  the 
people,  so  says  tradition — was  called  the  Company  of  Deathy 
for  these  young  warriors  had  sworn  to  conquer  or  die.  The 
300  also  had  sworn  to  protect  the  Carroccio  with  their  lives. 

On  May  29,  1176,  the  army  of  Barbarossa  and  that  of 
the  Lombard  League  found  themselves  face  to  face  near 
the  castle  of  Legnano  between  the  two  rivers  Olona  and 
Ticino,  about  twenty  miles  from  Milan. 

In  the  first  encounter  the  Milanese  cavalry  was  re- 
pulsed.    The  Teuton  cavalry  galloped  toward  the  chariot. 

^This  car  was  designed  and  put  into  use  by  Ariberto  da  Intimiano,  bishop  of 
Milan  and  supreme  magistrate  of  the  Commune,  in  1039. 


THE   COMMUNES  AND   BARBAROSSA  111 

The  defenders  threw  themselves  on  their  knees;  they 
invoked  God  and  St.  Ambrose.^  In  a  flash  they  were  on 
their  feet.  They  planted  themselves  like  giants.  They 
stolidly  received  the  blows  of  the  enemy.  They  fought 
as  one  man.  They  split  open  the  heads  of  horses  and 
horsemen.  They  were  on  the  point  of  defeat  because  of 
the  superior  number  of  the  enemy.  The  Carroccio — symbol 
of  Patria,  of  Liberty,  of  Glory  —  was  in  danger. 

Then  the  Company  of  Death  cried  again,  "We  conquer 
or  die ! "  and  hurled  themselves  into  the  thickest  of  the  fight. 
They  butchered  every  Teutonwhom  they  encountered.  They 
threw  the  imperial  standard  to  the  ground.  They  terrified 
and  put  to  flight  the  entire  army  of  the  enemy.  While  they 
were  fighting,  they  were  reinforced  by  the  cavalry  of  The 
League  which  gave  the  final  blow,  pursuing  the  enemy  with 
swords  at  their  backs  for  a  good  eight  miles. 

Barbarossa,  who  had  personally  fought  in  the  first  line 
of  battle,  remained  buried  with  his  horse  under  a  mountain 
of  corpses.^  He  was  believed  to  be  dead.  But  two  days 
later  he  appeared  at  Pavia,  alone,  without  his  helmet,  with- 
out his  sword,  covered  with  dust  and  blood,  pale,  silent  and 
sullen. 

The  battle  of  Legnano  was  the  strongest  afllirmation  of 
Italianity  which  the  Italians  made  in  the  medieval  era. 

The  city  of  Trieste  —  faithful  to  the  oath  proffered 
by  its  representatives  at  Pontida  —  not  only  contributed  the 
blood  of  its  own  sons,  but  it  did  more:  it  united  with  Venice 
to  combat  the  enemy  on  the  sea.  In  fact,  on  Ascension 
Day  the  combined  fleets  of  the  Venetians  and  Triestians, 
composed  of  fifty  vessels  commanded  by  the  Doge  Se- 
bastiano  Ziani,  encountered  near  Salvore  (a  promontory  a 
short  distance  from  Trieste)  the  imperial  fleet  composed  of 
75  vessels,  and  they  defeated  it  and  even  captured  the  flag- 
ship to  which  Otto,  son  of  Barbarossa,  was  assigned 

TheTeuton  tyrant  hastened  to  kiss  the  feet  of  Pope  Alex- 
ander III.  Only  thus  could  he  obtain  from  The  League  an 
armistice  of  six  years,  signed  at  Venice  during  the  year  1 177. 

*  Protector  of  Milan. 

^  Some  historians  say  that  he  fled  in  a  cowardly  manner. 


112  SECOND  PART 

He  attempted  too  late  (the  wolf  may  lose  his  hair,  but 
never  his  vices)  with  every  art,  with  every  effort,  to  revenge 
the  humiliation  which  he  had  suffered.  But  his  efforts 
were  in  vain.  For  example:  by  an  edict  in  1 182  he  com- 
manded the  city  of  Trent,  which  was  governed  as  a  Com- 
mune, never  again  to  elect  her  magistrate  council;  to  put 
a  stop  to  any  act  of  sovereignty;  to  submit  itself  to  an 
imperial  vicar.  But  Trent  refused  to  obey.  It  continued 
with  its  independent  government. 

Losing  thus  every  hope  of  subjugating  Italy,  Barbarossa, 
as  soon  as  the  accorded  armistice  expired,  was  forced  to 
conclude  a  definite  peace  with  the  Italians,  signed  at 
Constance  (a  city  of  Germany)  in  the  year  1183. 


IV 

The  struggle  of  the  Triestians  for  their  municipal 
independence  and  for  the  maintenance  of  their  Itali- 
anity  from  the  Peace  of  Constance  (1183).  Against  the 
Bishop-barons  (1295  to  1349).  Against  Venice  (1368 
to  1381).  The  "  dedition "  to  Austria  (1382).  The 
Anti-Austrian  party,  its  rebellions  and  martyrology. 
The  pride  of  their  Roman  heritage.  Triestine  history 
from  Fifteenth  to  Eighteenth  Centtuy. 

In  the  vicissitudes  which  followed  the  war  against 
Barbarossa  the  regions  of  the  eastern  boundaries  continued 
to  fight  for  their  Italian  liberty.  It  is  sufficient  to  remember 
Trieste,  in  which,  more  than  in  any  other  Irredentist  city, 
centers  most  of  the  historical,  traditional,  and  political  ideals 
of  this  region. 

When  Trieste  entered  into  the  Lombard  League,  it  was 
governed  by  a  Bishop-baron  dependent  on  the  Patriarchate 
of  Aquileia.  But  with  the  treaty  of  Constance  in  1183,  it 
obtained  (as  did  the  other  cities  of  the  Lombard  League)  the 
autonomy  of  its  own  administration,  the  right  to  elect  its 
own  magistrates  and  the  right  to  make  alliances,  to  declare 
war  and  to  treat  for  peace. 


TRIESTE  FROM  1183  TO  1800  113 

Notwithstanding  this,  only  in  1295  was  Trieste  emanci- 
pated. And  this  is  how  it  came  about.  The  Bishop-Baron 
Brisa  was  in  great  need  of  money  to  pay  his  debts.  The 
Triestians  who  were  rich,  profited  by  this.  They  offered  the 
Bishop-Baron  the  means  of  his  release  from  his  debts. 

The  offer  was  accepted.  The  notaries  were  called  in. 
They  drew  up  a  deed  by  which  the  Bishop-Baron  Brisa  ceded 
*'  for  himself  and  all  of  his  ancestors  "  all  rights  of  sovereignty 
over  Trieste.  From  that  moment  the  sovereign  power  of 
the  city  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  citizens.  The  first 
Podestd  elected  as  the  head  of  the  "free  state  of  Trieste" 
was  Enrico  della  Torre,  belonging  to  the  Torriani  family  of 
Milan  who  long  before  had  settled  in  Istria. 

Delia  Torre  immediately  promulgated  statutes  similar 
to  those  of  the  communes  of  Italy;  built  solid  walls  around 
the  city  to  prevent  outside  attacks;  systematized  internal 
affairs;  encouraged  every  good  enterprise;  constructed  many 
buildings;  organized  literary  circles  and  colleges  for  fine 
arts  and  trade.    Civic  virtue  increased. 

Such  rapid  moral  and  material  development  naturally 
gave  rise  to  envy  and  cupidity  among  the  city's  enemies. 

In  13 13,  the  former  majordomo  of  the  Bishop  Marco 
Ranfo  conspired  to  overthrow  the  municipal  government  of 
Trieste  and  to  re-establish  the  baronial  government  of  the 
Bishops.  But  the  plot  was  discovered  in  time.  The  Tries- 
tians armed  themselves  at  the  sound  of  the  tocsin,  assaulted 
the  house  of  Ranfo,  razed  it  to  the  ground  and  executed  the 
traitor  and  his  accomplices. 

In  1349  Bishop  Antonio  Negri,  a  creature  of  Charles  IV, 
a  quarrelsome  and  violent  man,  reopened  the  question  and 
claimed  the  baronial  domination  of  the  city.  The  Triestians 
responded  to  this  by  arming  themselves.  The  Bishop  ex- 
communicated them.  The  Triestians  replied  by  declaring 
a  sort  of  boycott  against  him  and  against  the  whole  body  of 
the  clergy  of  the  cathedral;  they  then  had  recourse  to  ar- 
bitration.    This  gave  a  decision  in  favor  of  the  Commune. 

In  the  summer  of  1368  a  Venetian  galley,  anchored  in  the 
port  of  Trieste,  captured  a  Triestian  merchant  ship,  which 
had  refused  to  pay  the  tax  of  free  passage  into  the  Adriatic 


114  SECOND  PART 

"which  was  the  property  of  the  Republic  of  St.  Mark," 
TheTriestians  assaulted  the  galley  and  massacred  the  captain 
and  crew. 

Venice  immediately  sent  a  fleet  and  an  army  to  avenge 
the  offense.  "After  a  long  drawn  out  siege,"  Trieste  was 
obliged  to  surrender.     But  a  year  later  she  again  revolted. 

The  Venetians  renewed  the  siege. 

The  Triestians,  not  knowing  to  what  saint  to  apply  to 
save  their  freedom,  invoked  the  assistance  of  Leopold  III, 
duke  of  Austria.  He  rushed  to  their  aid  with  an  army  of 
12,000  men,  but  was  overwhelmingly  defeated.  As  with 
superior  force  he  prepared  to  revenge  himself,  the  Venetians 
calmed  him  by  giving  him  75,000  sequins  of  gold  (about 
1,000,000  lire)  "for  the  inconvenience  of  the  voyage  and  for 
the  ships  seized." 

Trieste  was  thus  left  to  her  fate. 

She  attempted  five  years  later  with  the  help  of  the  Geno- 
ese, and  in  1379  with  the  help  of  the  Commune  of  Udine, 
and  again  in  1380  with  the  help  of  the  Genoese,  to  liberate 
herself  from  the  domination  of  the  "Serenissima"  (the 
Republic  of  Venice).     But  in  this  she  did  not  succeed. 

Finally  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  Amedeo  VI,  called  Conte 
Verde,  mediated  between  the  two  belligerent  cities.  And 
from  this  a  decision  resulted  August  24, 1 381,  which  affirmed 
among  other  things,  in  order  to  avoid  further  controversies, 
that  Venice  must  renounce  every  pretension  to  the  City  of 
Trieste    "and    her    dependencies."     Venice    renounced    it. 

But  such  a  solution,  however  favorable,  did  not  calm 
the  Triestians. 

They  thought  to  forestall  any  future  danger  by  assuring 
themselves  of  the  protection  of  a  potentate  who  would  be 
able  to  defend  them  effectively  against  any  who  might  again 
attempt  to  interfere  with  their  municipal  independence. 
And  they  were  not  wrong,  considering  that  Trieste  had  never 
had  peace  during  that  entire  century.  They  turned  first 
to  the  Italian  republics,  to  meet  only  refusal.  Then  they 
were  constrained  to  look  to  foreigners.  Had  not  other 
Italian  Communes  done  likewise.''  They  looked  about  and 
deemed  it  wise  to  select  one  who  was  near  at  hand.     At  the 


TRIESTE  FROM  1183  TO  1800  115 

north  of  the  territory  of  Trieste  were  the  boundary  Hnes  of 
the  Dukes  of  Austria.  These  more  than  others  would  be 
interested  in  Trieste,  because  they  could  easily  direct  the 
current  of  commerce  to  the  interior  of  their  country.  This 
consideration  especially  induced  the  Triestians  to  take  the 
memorable  step  which  afterward  was  called  by  the  enemies  of 
Italian  national  unity  "the  spontaneous  dedition  to  Austria." 

In  1382  the  Triestians  sent  ambassadors  to  Gratz  to 
offer  the  Commune  to  Duke  Leopold  in  exchange  for  his 
"protection  and  tutelage."  The  Duke  did  not  require  much 
urging  and  accepted  it.  But  he  was  obliged  to  swear  "for 
himself  and  for  his  successors"  to  respect  the  municipal 
government  of  Trieste  and  all  their  rights  of  sovereignty 
acquired  by  the  people  (especially  those  which  declared 
war  and  concluded  peace)  and  not  to  surrender  the  city  to 
feudal  tenure  or  sell  it  to  any  one. 

The  "spontaneous  dedition"  was  limited,  as  one  can 
see.  The  city  proved  this  later  by  the  sentences  which  the 
magistrates  of  the  Commune  inflicted  on  the  citizens  who 
went  into  the  military  service  of  Austria,  and  on  those  who 
had  recourse  to  imperial  authority  against  the  municipal 
judges,  and  on  those  who  conspired  in  favor  of  the  Emperor. 
This  was  proved  above  all  by  the  anti-Austrian  party  which 
rose  up  in  Trieste  after  the  "spontaneous  dedition,"  not- 
withstanding the  rights  which  the  city  had  reserved;  a 
party  which  also  had  its  martyrs.  In  fact  in  1424  Donato 
Scorpion  and  Nicolo  Urigio  were  hanged  (other  Triestians, 
among  whom  wasGiulio  Orefice,  were  condemned  to  prison) 
because  they  were  found  guilty  of  having  stirred  up  the 
people  against  the  sovereignty  of  Austria.  In  1443  the 
Triestian,  Giulio  Cancellieri,  leader  of  another  revolt  against 
Austria,  was  first  tied  to  the  tail  of  a  horse  and  dragged 
through  the  streets  of  the  city,  then  hanged  in  the  presence 
of  his  relatives.^ 

But  all  of  this  bloody  persecution  and  coercion  did  noth- 
ing save  increase  the  anti-Austrian  party  and  strengthen  its 

^  These  conditions  were  further  shown  in  the  first  volume  of  the  Statutes  revised 
in  1550  by  Ferdinand  I.  (brother  of  Charles  V),  King  of  the  Romans,  in  which  book 
the  city  of  Trieste  is  officially  mentioned  as  a  Republic. 


116  SECOND   PART 

political  power.  This  party  in  fact,  under  the  leadership 
of  Antonio  Bonomo,  in  1467  succeeded  in  conquering  the 
communal  administration  and  driving  the  mixed  population 
from  the  city,  and  the  city  then  returned  to  its  former 
freedom. 

The  Emperor  Frederick  III,  duke  of  Austria,  would  not 
endure  this  and  sent  one  of  his  vicars  immediately,  a  certain 
Lusgar  (some  historians  call  him  Luogar),with  one  thousand 
Teuton  mercenaries  to  restore  the  former  conditions. 

Lusgar  and  his  troops  stole  into  Trieste  during  the  night; 
assaulted  and  sacked  homes,  made  prisoners  of  the  best 
citizens,  and  shut  them  up  in  the  castle  of  Duino.  Then, 
by  means  of  every  sort  of  violence,  he  forcibly  secured  a 
letter  directed  to  the  Emperor,  signed  by  several  citizens  of 
Trieste,  *'in  which  they  declared  their  renunciation  of  the 
rights  guaranteed  to  the  city  by  the  pact  of  their  *spontane- 
ous  dedition.'" 

But  on  August  15,  1467,  suddenly  the  tocsin  was 
sounded.  This  was  the  signal  which  had  been  decided  upon. 
The  people,  once  more  led  by  Antonio  Bonomo,  rose  up; 
put  to  flight  the  commissioner  and  his  mercenaries ;  hanged  on 
the  battlements  of  the  city  hall  fifteen  magistrates  who  had 
burned  the  dwellings  of  the  imperialistic  patricians  and 
solemnly  reproclaimed  the  independence  of  Trieste! 

The  Emperor  in  a  state  of  fury  ground  his  teeth;  wrung 
his  hands  and  immediately  sent  another  army  to  this  same 
Lusgar  and  ordered  him  to  punish  every  one  within  the 
rebellious  city. 

Bonomo  and  the  people  defended  themselves  desperately, 
but  in  the  end  the  Teuton  troops,  well  practiced  in  arms, 
overcame  them;  they  burst  in  upon  the  city;  they  sacked  it 
for  three  days;  then  they  burned  it.  Many  citizens  fled 
(among  whom  was  Bonomo),  some  to  Istria  and  others  to 
Venice.  Those  who  could  not  escape  were  imprisoned, 
tortured  or  hanged. 

Thus  the  order  of  the  Emperor  was  obeyed  to  the  limit 
of  cruelty  and  destruction,  so  well  obeyed  that  the  chronicles 
registered  that  year  "as  the  year  of  the  destruction  of 
Trieste"  (1468). 


TRIESTE  FROM  1183    TO  1800  117 

With  all  of  this  his  majesty  —  when  afterward  (1470)  he 
deigned  to  officially  visit  the  city  which  he  had  so  subjug- 
ated —  thought  it  prudent  to  send  into  exile  300  other  citi- 
zens and  to  confiscate  their  goods. 

The  anti-imperial  party  was  thus  reduced  to  the  lowest 
numbers  and  in  fact  was  almost  entirely  destroyed.  But 
it  rose  little  by  little,  and  there  were  frequent  altercations 
between  the  citizens  and  the  milites  theutonic.  To  the  or- 
dinary corporal  punishments  were  added  that  of  pecuniary 
impositions  against  the  citizens  who  *' spoke  ill  of  the  Aus- 
trian sovereignty." 

In  1485,  Frederick  III  more  than  once  attempted  to  annex 
Trieste  to  the  Empire.  The  Triestians  always  forcibly 
resisted,  "remembering  that  their  city  was  Italian." 

In  1508,  at  a  public  mass  meeting,  while  an  old  man 
harangued  a  crowd  of  citizens,  urging  that  it  would  be  much 
better  for  Trieste  to  pass  under  the  domination  of  the 
government  of  Venice,  the  citizens  pulled  down  the 
imperial  colors  "into  the  mud  of  the  ditch  near  the 
walls." 

Also,  after  Charles  V  had  given  the  city  over  to  his 
brother  Ferdinand  in  1522,  the  Triestians  never  once  forgot 
to  feel  and  to  re-assert  themselves  Italian.  For  example: 
the  Imperial  Chancellery  in  1523  sent  to  the  Commune  of 
Trieste  an  act  written  in  German.  The  Commune  returned 
it  to  him  writing  with  simple  pride:  Cum  latini  simus  lin- 
guam  ignoramus  theutonicam.  In  1 524  the  Imperial  Chan- 
cellery "renewed  this  same  offense."  The  Commune  again 
rejected  the  act  repeating  with  Italian  pride:  Quia  civitas 
Tergestina  est  in  finibus  et  limitibus  Italiae,  omnes  civis  et 
ibidem  oriundi  habent  proprium  sermonem  et  idioma  Italicum. 
It  was  the  evidence  of  their  proud  Italianity,  but  it  was  the 
last  of  the  strong  communal  spirit.  Trieste  fell  from  her 
high  estate,  together  with  the  other  communes  of  Italy. 

Only  two  things  the  Triestians  conserved  with  tenacious 
jealousy:  pride  in  their  Roman  origin,  and  the  traditions  of 
their  communal  autonomy.  From  every  emperor  they 
insisted  on  the  confirmation  of  their  ancient  privileges.  In 
1564  they  refused  to  accept  the  changes  in  the  municipal 


118  SECOND   PART 

statutes,  as  the  Archduke  Charles  wished.  In  1660  they  re- 
ceived as  a  guest,  not  as  a  ruler,  the  Emperor  Leopold  I, 
who  had  come  to  Trieste;  on  this  occasion  they  thus  desig- 
nated themselves  in  Roman  phrase  as  Senatus  Populusque 
Tergestimis.  Ughelli,  who  visited  Trieste  in  the  17th  cen- 
tury, observed  that  the  Triestians  "prided  themselves  on 
their  Roman  origin."  And  the  historian  Scussa,  if  he  re- 
minds us  that  the  Commune  of  Trieste  had  kept  records  of 
the  events;  if  he  reminds  us  that  the  chief  official  of  the  city 
was  presented  with  a  baton  as  evidence  of  his  command;  if 
he  calls  to  mind  that  in  certain  games  they  gave  cross-bows 
as  prizes  to  the  winners,  always  adds  that  they  used  these 
things  "as  the  Romans  used  them,  of  whom  the  Triestians 
considered  themselves  the  descendants,  and  as  of  the  same 
blood."  In  1688  the  Commune  of  Trieste  collected  in  the 
great  public  square  the  relics  of  ancient  Rome  because  they 
would  testify  with  honor  to  the  origin  of  the  city.  In 
1694  the  Commune  decreed  that  the  History  of  Trieste,  by 
Ireneo  della  Croce  — a  stirring  exaltation  of  the  Romanism 
of  Trieste  —  should  be  printed.  And  not  a  few  of  the 
aristocratic  families  of  Trieste  at  that  time  used  on  their 
coat  of  arms  the  phrase  de  stirpe  quirita  to  magnify  the  as- 
sumption of  their  Roman  origin.  Even  up  to  1727  —  that 
is,  10  years  after  Charles  VI,  emperor  of  Austria,  had  de- 
clared Trieste  to  be  a  free  port,  profiting  by  the  decadence 
of  Venice  —  the  Triestian  patricians,  sending  an  act  to  the 
imperial  government,  boasted  of  having  been  the  descend- 
ants plurimis  ex  equestri  patricio  ac  consulari  ordine  familiis 
ad  has  extremas  oras  ex  Urbe  emigratis. 

In  17 17  Trieste  was  declared  a  free  port.  She  was  con- 
nected with  the  lands  behind  her  by  commercial  roads. 
She  revived  her  traffic  and  was  not  long  in  becoming  a  teem- 
ing center  of  immigration.  Thousands  of  Italians  flocked 
there,  especially  from  the  north  of  Italy.  But  at  the 
same  time,  thousands  of  Teutons,  Illyrians,  Greeks,  and 
Jews  came  in;  and  they  were  so  audacious,  intriguing, 
and  impertinent  that,  aided  and  protected  by  the  Austrian 
government,  they  soon  arrogated  to  themselves  the  right  to 
combat  the  Italianity  of  the  city  with  the  end  in  view  to 


TRIESTE  FROM  1183  TO  1800  119 

change,  even  to  destroy  the  city's  traditions,  its  spirit,  its 
physiognomy,  and  even  to  alter  its  name. 

Trieste  resisted  valorously.  She  was  constrained,  for 
example,  after  long  opposition  to  accept  the  imperial  nomi- 
nation of  one  of  her  judges.  She  sent  a  protest  to  the 
emperor:  "All  that  now  remains  for  the  city  to  do  is  to  de- 
plore forever  her  disgrace  because  of  the  non-observance  of 
her  laws." 

Thus  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century  found 
Trieste  full  of  strangers,  it  is  true,  immersed  in  business,  sunk 
into  a  bourgeois  opulence  and  without  political  pride;  but 
above  everything  else  one  found  it  Italian.  Italians  were  in 
the  city  councils,  the  schools,  the  academies,  the  theaters,  the 
clubs,  in  every  public  place.  The  best  citizens  were  Italian. 
In  the  field  of  letters,  it  is  enough  to  remember  Gian 
Rinaldo  Carli,  native  of  Capodistria  but  Triestian  by  adop- 
tion, author  of  the  celebrated  letter.  The  Patria  of  Italians^ 
which  with  his  appeal  "We  must  become  Italians  or  cease 
to  be  men"  expressed  for  the  first  time  —  at  the  end  of  the 
second  half  of  this  same  century  —  the  concrete  affirmation 
of  the  unity  of  Italy.  In  the  field  of  action,  one  recalls  the 
Triestian  family  Piatti,  who  were  sacrificed  at  Naples  for  the 
glory  of  that  Partenopean  Republic  which  was  one  of  the 
first  and  most  brilliant  episodes  of  the  Risorgimento  Ita- 
liano.  Peter,  father  of  the  family  Piatti,  and  his  son  An- 
tonio died  like  heroes  on  the  gallows.  The  mother  Andreana 
Prosdocimi  and  the  daughter  Elizabeth  were  thrown  into 
the  prison  of  Santa  Maria  Apparente.  The  son  Giuseppe, 
accorded  grace  on  account  of  his  youth,  was  locked'  up  in 
the  prison  of  Favignana.  The  son  Pietro  escaped  and  died 
of  a  broken  heart  in  exile  after  a  few  days.  These  were 
the  first  martyrs,  the  first  sacred  witnesses  of  the  new-born 
soul  of  Trieste. 


120  SECOND   PART 


The  struggle  for  Itallanity  sustained  with  perseverance 
by  the  Triestians,  Istrians,  Dalmatians  and  Trentini 
against  Austria,  from  the  time  of  the  treaty  of  Vienna 
1815,  until  the  ItaUan  revolutions  of  1848. 

After  the  treaty  of  Vienna  in  1815,  the  regions  of  the 
eastern  boundaries  of  Italy  —  notwithstanding  the  poHtical 
domination  of  Austria  and  the  efforts  made  by  the  Austrian 
Government  to  destroy  their  national  character — always 
maintained  themselves  Italian,  and  during  the  uprising  their 
sons  with  filial  love  gave  a  splendid  contribution  of  thought, 
of  money  and  of  blood  to  the  struggles  for  the  Patria. 

In  1821,  for  example,  not  a  few  Neapolitan  liberals  took 
refuge  in  Trieste. 

After  1 82 1  the  Vendite  carboniche  (committees  of  the  Car- 
bonari) worked  zealously  at  Trieste  and  Istria,  and  with  such 
fervor  that  the  Carbonari  counted  proselytes  even  among 
the  clergy.  Indeed  a  decree  of  the  Austrian  government 
of  August  20, 1823,  placed  upon  the  clergy  the  responsibility 
"of  the  political  transgressions  of  the  Istrian  people." 

In  1829  the  Triestian  Domenico  Rossetti,  poet,  historian, 
archaeologist  with  the  soul  of  a  proud  patrician,  of  the 
ancient  Italian  Communes,  founded  an  Italian  paper  en- 
titled U Archeografo  Triestino  and  in  it  censured  the 
Emperor  of  Austria  for  the  non-observance  of  the  pacts;  he 
accused  the  government  of  Austria  of  trying  to  denationalize 
the  Italianity  of  Trieste.  He  encouraged  the  protests  of  the 
Triestians  against  the  abuses  of  the  government. 

Pietro  Kandler  made  an  inquiry  into  the  traditions  of 
the  Roman  nobility  of  Trieste,  the  Roman  magnificence  of 
Pola,  the  surviving  Roman  palimpsests  of  Parenzo,  the 
evidences  of  Roman  power  of  the  X  Italic  Region;  the  Ro- 
man palisades  of  the  extreme  eastern  boundaries  of  Italy 
from  the  passes  of  Postumia  to  Fiume;  and  with  the  severe 
eloquence  of  history  he  proved  to  outsiders  the  deep  Italian- 
ity of  the  region  situated  between  the  Julian  Alps  and  the  sea. 


IRREDENTISTS  FROM  1815  TO  1848  121 

At  Trieste,  in  1833,  a  sea-captain,  Giuseppe  Sgarzolo  was 
arrested  on  the  charge  of  having  had  secret  meetings  with 
Itahan  conspirators  on  board  his  ship  Spartano,  and  of 
having  plotted  against  the  Hfe  of  Metternich. 

Between  1834-36  a  group  of  capitaHsts  —  a  great  part 
of  whom  were  ItaHans  —  founded  the  Lloyd-Austro-Hun- 
garian} 

About  this  time  Dr.  A.  Madonizza  of  Capodistria  and 
Giovanni  Orlandini,  a  bookseller  of  Trieste,  founded  an- 
other Italian  newspaper  called  La  Favilla  which  soon  be- 
came a  mouthpiece  of  their  Italianity.^ 

In  1843  hundreds  of  Triestini  went  to  Venice  to  take 
part  in  the  opening  of  the  railroads  and  the  congresses; 
they  even  participated  in  the  scientific  ones  and  transformed 
them  into  ardent  manifestations  of  Italianity. 

In  1843,  at  Trieste,  Verdi's  operas  NabuccOy  Lomhardiy 
and  in  1844,  Ernani  (all  of  deep  patriotic  significance)  were 
presented,  provoking  frantic  demonstrations  of  Itahanity. 

In  1844  the  propaganda  of  the  society  Young  Italy  at 
Trieste  in  Istria,  was  very  active;  so  much  so  that  the  Aus- 
trian police  hunted  out  four  zealous  leaders  of  the  society, 
G.  Berardi,  F.  Orioli,  R.  Carbonis,  and  G.  Grozet,  under  the 
accusation  of  traveling  "under  different  pretexts,  for  com- 
merce and  literature." 

Also  in  1844  the  brothers  Attilio  and  Emilio  Bandiera, 
officers   of  the   Austrian    marine,    deserted    and   went   to 

^  The  first  ship  of  this  company  sailed  for  Constantinople  on  May  i6,  1837. 
From  that  Azy  ihthistoxy  oi  the  Lloyd-Austro-Hungarianvizs  a  series  of  ever  grow- 
ing successes.  Their  ships  traversed  every  sea  in  the  world;  from  the  Mediterran- 
ean to  the  Pacific^  from  the  Red  Sea  to  the  Atlantic. 

The  Lloyd-Austro-Hungarian  has  always  remained  an  Italian  institution.  The 
names  of  their  steamships  were  Italian;  their  governing  board  was  Italian;  their 
sailors  were  Italian;  their  arsenals  were  Italian. 

The  office  building  of  the  Lloyd-Austro-Hungarian  is  one  of  the  most  sumptuous 
in  Trieste,  and  every  one  attests  to  the  Italianity  of  this  institution. 

'^The  first  issue  of  this  paper  was  published  on  July  31,  1836,  with  the 
motto,  "Poca  favilla  gran  fiamma  seconda"  (a  great  fire  follows  a  small  spark). 
For  collaborators  on  the  paper  were  the  poet  Francesco  Dall' Ongaro,  a  priest  of 
Mansue  (Oderzo) ;  the  poet  Antonio  Gazzoletti  of  Nago,  near  Riva,  in  the  Trentino, 
and  the  poet  Antonio  Summa  (the  noted  librettist  of  Verdi)  of  Carnia;  the  jour- 
nalist Pacifico  Valussi;  the  painter  Giovanni  Kandler;  the  novelist  Caterina 
Percoto  of  Friuli,  and  Graziadio  Ascoli  of  Goritz. 

Ascoli  became  a  glottologist,  phonetician  and  philologist  of  worldwide  fame.  He 
was  senator  of  the  Kingdom  of  Italy  (1829-1907). 


122  SECOND   PART 

Calabria  —  because  Mazzini,  whom  they  adored,  advised 
them  to  go— for  the  purpose  of  arousing  the  people  to  the 
national  cause.  But  they  were  betrayed,  taken  and  were 
shot  by  the  Bourbon  soldiers  in  Cosenza.  Trieste,  even,  at 
that  time,  offered  a  martyr:  Giulio  Canal,  who  was  arrested 
by  the  Austrians  as  an  accomplice,  and  died  in  1845  in  prison, 
on  account  of  the  moral  and  physical  tortures  to  which  he 
had  been  subjected. 

In  1846  another  great  opera  of  Verdi,  Attila,  was  pre- 
sented at  Trieste;  it  was  of  undoubted  patriotic  significance, 
and  provoked  new  and  frantic  demonstrations  of  Italianity. 

Trieste,  as  soon  as  she  knew  that  Ferdinand  II  (Bourbon) 
on  February  loth,  1848  had  promulgated  the  Constitution 
in  the  Kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies  —  a  Constitution  fol- 
lowed by  those  of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  of  Carlo 
Alberto  and  Pius  IX  and  by  the  revolutionary  movements 
in  Vienna — gave  herself  up  to  enthusiastic  manifestations 
of  Italianity.  The  crowd,  led  by  Leone  Fortis,  a  Triestian 
journalist  and  dramatist,  and  Federico  Seismit-Doda^  ran 
jubilantly  through  the  streets  of  the  city  singing  hymns 
to  liberty,  burning  the  effigy  of  Metternich,  the  Austrian 
minister,  and  obliging  the  Teuton  Bruck  to  spit  on  his 
effigy  and  to  salute  the  Italian  colors.  In  the  Communal 
Theatre  the  people  frantically  recalled  the  artists  who  pre- 
sented themselves  on  the  stage  wearing  the  tri-colored  badges 
on  their  breasts,  and  waving  a  great  Italian  flag.  In  the 
chamber  of  commerce  the  crowd,  during  the  night,  decreed 
that  the  following  day  (March  17th)  should  be  a  national 
festival  and  closed  the  stores,  government  offices  and  the 
board  of  trade.  They  changed  the  names  of  places  of  public 
resort.  For  example:  the  Theatre  Philodramatic  was  called 
the  Teatro  Costitutionale;  the  Hotel  Metternich  was  called 
Albergo  Nazionale;  the  Caffe  Stella  Polare  was  called  Caff's 
Gioberti;  the  Caffe  Tommasi  was  called  Caffe  Tom- 
maseo. 

A  national  guard  was  organized.  A  group  of  patriots 
asked    for    and    received    a   ship    from    the   Lloyd  Austro- 

*  Federico  Seismit-Doda  of  Ragusa  (Dalmatia)  was  twice  minister  of  finance  of 
the  kingdom  of  Italy  (1825-1893). 


IRREDENTISTS  FROM  1815  TO  1848  123 

Hungariany  and  with  it  went  to  Venice  to  bring  the  joyful 
news  of  the  Constitution  to  their  brothers  of  the  op- 
posite shore.  In  a  mass  meeting  they  declared  as  "in- 
famous" the  annexation  of  1815.  A  provisional  municipal 
assembly  protested  against  the  Diet  of  Frankfort  which  had 
planned  the  annexation  of  Trieste  to  the  German  Con- 
federation, affirming  that  Trieste  was  Italian;  sent  an  ad- 
dress of  sympathy  to  the  Revolutionary  Constituents  in 
Vienna;  made  a  programme  in  which  they  demanded  Italian 
schools  and  the  recognition  of  the  Italian  language  in  the 
government  offices;  and  the  creation,  if  not  of  an  entire 
University,  at  least  of  an  ItaHan  Faculty  of  Law.  And  the 
Association  of  Triestians  asked  to  have  the  pacts  of  1382 
restored  by  which  Trieste  should  be  annexed  to  Italy,  or 
that  it  might  at  least  be  declared  independent  of  the  other 
provinces  which  were  subject  to  Austria,  and  also  that  it 
should  have  its  own  statutes,  its  own  judiciary  and  all  of 
the  privileges  of  an  autonomous  and  perfectly  free  city. 
The  same  society  moreover  rejected  a  proposal  of  homage  to 
the  Emperor  and  vowed  to  burn  the  Austrian  ships  anchored 
in  the  port. 

Meanwhile  Lombard o-Veneto  rose  up  in  revolution. 

At  the  five  days  of  Milan  and  in  the  siege  of  Venice, 
Irredentist  Italians  were  not  lacking.  It  is  enough  to  recall 
Giuseppe  Revere  from  Trieste,  a  well  known  poet  and 
dramatist,  one  of  the  collaborators  of  the  journal  Italia  del 
Popolo  of  Mazzini,  in  whose  columns  Garibaldi  published 
his  first  appeal  to  the  youth  of  Italy. 

Also  it  is  sufficient  to  recall  the  following  episode: 

The  Austrian  governor,  Pallfly,  was  driven  out  of  Venice 
and  fled  toward  Trieste.  In  crossing,  the  ship  on  which  he 
was  sailing  encountered  the  one  on  which  Seismit-Doda 
was  saiHng  to  Venice.  The  following  episode  was  narrated 
by  this  same  Seismit-Doda  in  a  page  vibrant  with  Itali- 
anity: 

The  ships  neared  each  other;  as  soon  as  the  voice  could  be 
heard,  we  demanded,  What  nezvs  from  Venice?  They  responded 
with  a  single  word.  Republic!  I  had  strength  to  cry,  Viva 
San  Marco!     Viva  la  Republica!  but  the  sailors  did  not  have  this 


124  SECOND   PART 

same  force.  They  fell  on  their  faces  crying  and  lifting  up  their 
hands  to  heaven  in  gratitude  for  such  news.  The  greater  part  of 
these  were  Dalmatians.  Viva  San  Marco!  Viva  la  Repuhlica! 
and  these  cries  stabbed  the  hearts  of  those  who  heard  them  on  the 
other  ship  and  who  had  witnessed  the  frenzy  of  our  holy  en- 
thusiasm. 

Then  the  ship  directed  its  course  toward  Trieste,  retook  its 
way,  slowly  and  silently  like  a  funeral  ship;  when  the  two  ships, 
symbolizing  life  and  death,  were  separating,  a  shot  from  a  rifle 
on  our  ship  was  the  first  to  salute  the  Republic  of  Venice.  After 
fifty  years  the  flag  of  St.  Mark  again  waved  on  the  Adriatic,  and 
hurrahs  resounded  in  the  air.  That  shot,  Venetians,  came  from 
a  Dalmatian  rifle;  it  was  fired  by  a  Dalmatian!  A  never-to-be- 
forgotten  event,  if  w^e  remember  that  the  last  shots  of  salutation 
to  the  dying  republic  of  St.  Mark  fifty  years  ago  were  fired  by 
the  Dalmatians  on  the  Piazzetta,  when  Venice  was  obliged  to 
send  them  away  by  force,  weeping,  because  she  did  not  wish  use- 
lessly to  sacrifice  them  in  her  last  desperate  defense  against 
Austria.  Venetians,  as  we  were  brothers  in  the  days  of  your 
glory,  thus  are  we  today,  now  that  the  new  era  promises  greater 
glories  to  us  all. 

The  Dalmatians,  in  exchange  for  this,  will  give  to  you  their 
undying  love.  Because,  for  fifty  years  —  you  must  know  this 
publicly  —  for  fifty  years  in  a  little  unknown  church  of  Dalmatia 
areburied  the  flags  of  the  Republicof  St.Markto  whichDalmatian 
tears  rendered  funeral  honors  in  1797.  The  earth  was  the  altar 
of  the  flags;  but  our  hearts  are  the  altars  of  our  aff"ection  for  you. 

I  feel  myself  an  Italian,  even  though  born  in  Dalmatia.  In 
the  affections  which  you  have  shown  to  my  great  compatriot  and 
master  —  Niccolo  Tommaseo  —  I  see  the  proof  of  the  indis- 
soluble union  of  Italy  and  Dalmatia. 

Hagenaer,  deputy  from  Trieste  to  the  Assembly  of 
Vienna,  exclaimed,  'T  am  the  deputy  from  Italy." 

A  Teuton  journalist  —  all  this  was  in  1848  —  alluding 
to  the  geographic  form  of  Italy,  malignantly  asserted  that 
he  did  not  know  how  a  boot  was  made.  La  Gazzetta  di 
Trieste  taught  him  this  in  a  pungent  article,  in  which  the 
writer  showed,  among  other  things,  that  **Istria  is  in  fact 
the  pulling  strap  of  the  Italian  boot,  as  Metternich  well 
understood  —  he,  in  fact,  in  order  to  pull  up  such  a  boot,  had 
first  made  sure  of  the  strap." 


IRREDENTISTS  FROM  1815  TO  1848  125 

And  after  Curtatone^  and  Montanara,  the  Journal  oj 
Trieste  ventured  to  write: 

To  placate  the  spirits  of  the  dead  of  Curtatone  and  Montanara 
we  can  do  nothing  but  push  on  toward  the  Italian  rainbow. 
From  the  River  Ticino  to  the  Mincio;  from  the  River  Piave  to 
the  Isonzo,  as  far  as  the  smile  of  the  Italian  skies  sends  its  last 
ray  of  light! 

The  same  paper  of  Trieste,  expressing  the  deepest 
sentiments  of  the  Triestians,  added: 

The  only  enemy  that  Italy  has  today  [1848]  is  the  Teuton. 
I  am  not  speaking  of  individuals  nor  of  people,  but  of  that  atti- 
tude which  ancient  interests  and  modern  ambitions  have  per- 
suaded the  Teutons  to  assume.  But  of  what  importance  is  it 
that  Germany  does  not  want  Italy  to  be  victorious?  Who 
cares  about  this?  The  Italians  want  it;  the  Italians  have  sworn 
to  conquer,  and  that  settles  it.  Germany  protests;  the  Bavarian 
peasants  can  put  on  their  backs  the  military  uniform  of  the 
Austrians,  and  pass  over  the  Alps.  Italy  will  at  least  give  them 
also  a  pious  burial! 

And  the  Triestian  journal  II  Cosittuzionaley  the 
liberal  organ  of  Trieste  (this  still  in  1848),  turned  to  the 
Triestians  with  the  following  appeal: 

If  we  would  wish  to  be  different  from  that  which  God  made 
us  —  that  is,  Italians  —  it  would  be  a  crime  in  the  face  of  this 
same  God;  a  crime  in  the  face  of  our  sacred  dead,  who  thought 
that  they  had  lived  and  died  Italians;  a  crime,  O  people!  to  our 
sons,  whom  we  must  leave  with  an  added  heritage,  such  as  we 
received  when  we  were  born.  If  any  other  country  has  had,  or 
now  has  more  misfortunes,  no  other  land  under  the  sun  has  ever 
borne  a  better  name,  has  had  a  more  glorious,  a  more  majestic 
past  than  this  your  land,  linked  to  Italy  by  chains  formed  by  the 
hand  of  God. 

There  were  many  other  manifestations  —  led  by  Nicolo 
di  Rin  of  Capodistria'  and  Costantino  Cumano  of  Trieste, 

^  At  Curtatone  (province  of  Mantua),  on  May  29,  1848,  40,000  Austrian 
soldiers  commanded  by  Radetzky  encountered  6,500  Italian  students,  the  greater 
part  of  whom  were  Tuscans,  Neapolitans,  Modenese  and  Reggians  and  among 
whom  were  not  a  few  Triestians  and  Trentini.  After  a  combat  which  lasted  six 
hours,  the  students,  who  fought  like  young  lions,  were  overcome  by  numbers  and 
made  prisoners,  leaving  on  the  ground  many  dead  and  wounded. 


126  SECOND   PART 

men  of  tenacious  faith,  and  proudly  averse  to  Austrian 
domination;  and  by  the  young  Francesco  Hermet,  an 
ardent  patriot,  and  the  journalist  Giulio  Solitro  —  which 
demonstrated  the  Italian  sentiments  of  Trieste  in  1848. 
There  was  a  sharp  hand  to  hand  struggle  between  the 
Mazzinians  or  liberals  and  "the  policy  mixed  with  the  foreign 
mercenaries,"  and  many  were  wounded  and  killed.  Some 
Triestians  even  attempted  to  raise  the  Italian  flag  on  the 
castle.  Others,  arriving  in  boats  from  Venice  to  Trieste, 
landed,  crying,  "Long  live  the  Republic  of  Venice  and 
Trieste!" 

Thus  the  national  movement  was  always  on  the  in- 
crease in  the  Italian  region  governed  by  Austria.  The 
Austrian  government  was  harassed.  To  combat  this 
movement,  it  hurried  to  "import"  other  strangers  "famished 
and  faithful  as  dogs."  The  government  sent  more  than 
15,000  Teutons  and  Slavs  to  take  up  residence  in  Trieste 
alone  in  1848,  and  gave  to  them  every  sort  of  protection  and 
confided  to  them,  with  astounding  insolence,  the  most  im- 
portant and  lucrative  local  employments. 

A  city  journal  greeted  these  strangers  with  the  fol- 
lowing ingenuous  but  significant  words: 

Long  live  everybody!  But  bear  in  mind  that  this  [the  city 
of  Trieste]  is  Italian  ground;  Italian  is  the  smiling  sea  which 
washes  its  shores;  Italian  are  our  souls.  You  hold  in  your  hearts 
the  treasure  of  love  for  your  native  land  which  we  respect  and 
admire.  But  you  meanwhile  must  respect  our  love  for  Italy, 
because  we  are,  and  always  will  be  Italians. 

But  //  Costituzionale  was  more  explicit;  it  accused  the 
Austrian  government  of  favoring  and  defending  Slavism  in 
Trieste  after  having  favored  Germanism. 

La  Gazzetta  di  Trieste  corroborated  the  accusation, 
writing  bitterly: 

What  remains  to  us  citizens?  The  public  offices  and  schools 
have  been  invaded  by  others;  thought  has  been  dominated  by 
another  tongue;  the  Triestians  must  nourish  themselves  on  the 
odors  which  come  from  the  kitchens  of  others,  and  they  alone  — 
the  Triestians  —  are  the  only  strangers  in  their  own  city!  Addio, 
gentlemen,  to  whom  we  have  given  hospitality;  whom  our  fathers 


IRREDENTISTS  FROM  1815  TO  1848  127 

received  with  so  much,  with  too  much  faith.     Promise  us,  gentle- 
men, that  at  least  we  may  have  a  little  spot  in  our  own  cemetery. 

What  a  solid  basis  of  truth  the  affirmations  of  the  Tri- 
estian  newspaper  had  in  1858  was  shown  by  two  posthumous 
documents,  the  memorial  sent  in  the  name  of  Trieste  in 
1859  to  the  Congress  at  Paris,  and  the  pamphlet  by  Valussi 
and  Costantino  Ressmann  (another  Triestian  and  later 
Italian  Ambassador  to  Constantinople  and  Paris),  published 
in  1 861   and  diffused  throughout  Europe. 

The  first  said: 

Austria,  with  the  intrusion  of  the  Germans  and  other  strangers 
in  Trieste,  placing  them  in  all  important  positions,  even  to  seating 
them  in  our  municipal  councils;  ordering  and  undoing  at  their 
own  pleasure  our  interests  according  to  her  own  ends;  and  with 
German  schools  and  Slavic  priests,  employees  of  every  race,  is 
attempting  to  corrupt  and  make  us  forget  our  Italian  nationality 

The  second  said: 

In  1848  and  also  after,  seeing  that  Nature  had  taught  the 
Triestians  to  be  Italians,  the  Austrian  Government  brought  every 
effort  to  bear  against  anything  that  was  ItaHan.  It  spent  im- 
mense sums  to  corrupt  the  populace,  making  use  of  the  lowest 
classes  to  persecute  all  those  whom  they  thought  were  in  sym- 
pathy with  Italy.  Denunciations,  perquisitions,  personal  per- 
secutions, imprisonments,  law-suits,  arbitrary  expulsions,  viola- 
tions of  every  sort  against  Italian  sentiments,  form  the  history 
of  these  latter  thirteen  years. 

But  not  only  in  Trieste, in  1848,  did  the  fight  forltalianity 
assume  vast  proportions.  In  some  cities  of  Dalmatia  a 
civic  guard  was  formed.  At  Spalato  the  people  liberated 
from  prison  Antonio  Baiamonti  and  Pietro  Savo,  two 
ardent  defenders  of  the  Italian  cause. 

The  people  of  Trent,  on  March  19,  1848,  boldly  raised 
the  Italian  tri-color,  defied  the  shots  of  the  Austrian  pickets, 
destroyed  the  office  of  finance,  then  ran  to  the  city  hall  and 
demanded  that  a  commission  be  sent  at  once  to  Vienna  to 
ask  the  immediate  separation  of  Trentino  from  the  German 
Tyrol  and  its  annexation  to  Lombardo-Veneto.  The 
following  day,  March  20,  1848,  the  municipality  of  Trent 


128  SECOND  PART 

established  the  national  guard  and  sent  a  patriotic  appeal 
to  the  citizens  in  which  they  expressed  the  wish  that  the  ex- 
ample of  Trent  should  be  followed  by  all  of  Trentino.  In 
fact  at  Ala,  Rovereto,  Riva,  and  other  cities  and  in  the 
valleys,  the  inhabitants  of  Trentino  hoisted  the  Italian  flag 
and  decorated  their  breasts  with  the  tri-colored  cockade. 

On  April  4,  1848,  Tommaseo  sent  a  patriotic  mani- 
festo to  the  people  in  which  he  incited  them  to  fight  and  to 
conquer  in  the  name  of  Italy. 

On  the  6th  of  the  same  month,  from  Brescia,  General 
Allemandi  sent  a  proclamation  to  the  brothers  of  Trentino 
in  which  he  urged  them  to  unite  with  his  volunteers  to  drive 
the  foreigner  from  Italy. 

And  the  young  Trentini,  organizing  a  Treritino  Legion, 
a  corps  of  Franchi  Cacciatori  (hunters)  and  another  of 
Guide  del  Tirolo  (Tyrol  guides),  went  to  the  defense  of  the 
Patria  singing  a  hymn  which  the  Trentian  poet  Antonio 
Gazzoletti  wrote  for  the  occasion. 

The  trumpets  sound, 
The  muskets  are  ready, 
Our  dear  Patria 
Calls  us  to  arms. 

We  follow  the  files 
Of  Carlo  Alberto. 
Death  to  the  Austrians! 
Long  live  the  king! 

Meanwhile  the  Austrian  government  proclaimed  martial 
law  in  Trent,  commanding  the  citizens  to  bring  their  arms  to 
the  Castle  under  penalty  of  death,  prohibiting  all  gatherings 
of  more  than  two  persons  on  the  street,  abolishing  the 
national  guard,  arresting  the  most  prominent  patriots, 
among  whom  were  Gaetano  Manci,  Matteo  Thum,  Giuseppe 
Testi,  Pietro  Sizzo. 

In  answer  to  this,  Gazzoletti,  Angelo  Ducati,  Sigismondo 
Manci,  Giovanni  Danielli,  Lorenzo  Festi  and  Giambattista  Ze- 
nelli,  all  Trentini,  went  to  Valleggio  and  presented  an  ad- 
dress to  Carlo  Alberto  in  which  the  Trentino  solemnly 
consented  to  be  annexed  to  Piedmont.     An  identical  de- 


IRREDENTISTS  FROM  1815  TO  1848  129 

mand  was  presented  to  Carlo  Alberto  by  the  Trentini  Vittore 
Ricci  and  Giovanni  Rizzi. 

On  April  15,  1848,  there  was  a  skirmish  at  the  Castle 
Toblino  between  Italians  and  Austrians.  Twenty-one 
Italian  volunteers,  all  young  men,  remained  prisoners  of 
the  Austrians.  They  were  conducted  to  Trent  and  were 
presented  to  the  Austrian  commander  of  the  garrison.  Col. 
Zobel,  who  told  them  to  prepare  for  death  without  delay. 

These  young  fellows  passed  the  night  in  the  open  air  in  the 
moat  of  the  castle  on  some  hay.  Two  Franciscan  monks  com- 
forted them.  At  the  roll  of  the  drums,  a  squadron  of  Austrian 
soldiers  appeared  at  the  opening  of  the  moat.  The  victims  were 
divided  into  two  groups.  Then  the  execution  began.  In  the 
presence  of  their  comrades  the  young  men  of  the  first  group  were 
blindfolded;  but  they  tore  off"  the  bandages  and  threw  them 
away  crying,  Long  live  Italy!  There  was  a  volley.  After  a  few 
minutes,  a  second  volley,  and  all  was  over! 

The  prisoners  taken  by  the  Austrians  on  May  29, 
1848,  in  the  battles  of  Curtatone  and  Montanara  were  sent 
across  Trentino  as  above  mentioned  to  the  opposite  side  of 
the  Alps.  The  inhabitants  did  everything  to  minimize 
their  sufferings  during  the  stops  on  their  way.  From  the 
windows  of  the  houses  of  Trent  —  which  were  filled  with 
weeping  citizens  crying  "Addio,  Italian  brothers!" — they  were 
showered  with  money  and  bread.  Along  the  streets  they 
were  given  wine,  brandy,  tobacco,  sausages  and  cheese. 
There  was  a'truly  fraternal  demonstration  of  patriotism  which 
was  all  the  more  audacious  because  it  was  made  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  Austrian  soldiers  who  were  trembling  with  rage. 
At  Botzen  the  prisoners  were  given  a  cordial  reception. 
This  was  repeated  at  Bressanone  and  continued  up  to 
Brenner  Pass,  the  highest  peak  of  the  Rhaetian  Alps  (2,022 
meters). 

At  that  point  —  thus  says  Tarugi,  one  of  the  prisoners  — 
there  was  a  boundary  stone;  on  this  everyone  wrote  his  name. 
We  kissed  it  with  enthusiasm,  as  if  to  say  good  bye  to  Italy 
the  moment  we  placed  our  feet  on  foreign  soil;  or  because  we  felt 
in  our  hearts  the  hope  that  the  day  would  come  in  which  our 
country  would  regain  its  natural  boundary. 


130  SECOND  PART 

In  the  same  month  (May  1848)  the  Trentini  were 
invited  by  the  Austrian  Government  to  participate  in  the 
discussions  of  the  Diet  of  Tyrol.  They  energetically  refused, 
believing  that  their  participation  would  be  dangerous  to  the 
Italians  of  Tyrol,  and  in  open  contradiction  to  their  rights 
of  nationality  and  language  which  the  constitution  had 
guaranteed  to  them.  On  the  contrary  they  sent  deputies 
to  the  German  parliament  to  demonstrate  the  rights  of 
Italians  in  that  assembly.  Particularly  courageous  and 
characteristic  was  the  speech  of  the  deputy  from  Siessen, 
who  threw  a  last  free  lance  in  favor  of  Italianity  in  the  meet- 
ing of  June  31,  1848: 

The  following  is  a  part  of  his  speech; 

I  wish  I  could  know  —  said  the  orator  —  if  the  Italian  Tyrol 
is  called  Italian  Tyrol  because  it  is  inhabited  by  Germans!  I  wish 
I  might  know  if  the  four  German  cooks,  innkeepers  and  employees 
who  live  there  could  be  called  the  German  element!  If  you  wish 
to  make  an  enumeration,  I  can  assure  you  that  you  will  find  at 
Milan  and  Rome  a  larger  German  element  than  there  is  inRovereto. 
And  why  in  this  case  don't  you  annex  also  Rome  and  Milan  to 
the  German  confederation.? 

It  has  been  said  to  us,  moreover,  gentlemen,  that  the  Italian 
Tyrolese  deputies  with  their  participation  in  this  assembly  have 
recognized  that  they  belong  to  Germany.  Certainly  they  recog- 
nize the  fact  of  this  union;  but  they  have  wished  to  break  our  right 
to  this  union,  and  to  obtain  this  result  they  should  have  come  here. 
If  they  had  refused  to  elect  their  deputies,  who  would  have  come 
here  to  defend  the  rights  of  their  nationality?  You  have  heard 
that  the  orator  Prato  has  expressed  himself  with  difficulty.  Now, 
I  ask  you,  if  the  Italians  of  the  southern  Tyrol  had  been  able  to 
select  a  person  who  could  have  spoken  the  German  language 
correctly,  would  they  not  have  chosen  him?  The  fact  is  they  had 
no  one,  and  they  could  not  find  anyone,  simply  because  they  are 
Italians.  It  has  been  said  to  us  that  this  national  assembly  must 
be  German  and  not  Italian.  Let  it  be.  But  if  the  assembly  is 
to  be  German,  do  not  oblige  the  Italians  to  send  to  it  Italian 
deputies.  Let  them  send  their  deputies  elsewhere  to  an  Italian 
Diet  or  whenever  their  Patria  calls  them. 

Finally  the  Trentini  sent  their  deputies  to  Vienna  with 
instructions  to  insist  upon  the  separation  of  Trentino  from 


IRREDENTISTS  IN  1849  131 

the  Tyrol,  and  at  the  same  time  they  sent  a  petition  to  the 
constituency  with  46,000  names,  in  which  they  asked  that 
"the  administration  and  padiamentary  separation  of  the 
districts  of  Trent  and  Rovereto  from  the  German  part  of 
the  province  of  Tyrol  should  be  established,  and  that  all  of 
the  powers  based  upon  the  new  system  of  nationality  should 
be  equally  distributed  among  them." 


VI 

The  Trentini,  the  Triestians,  the  Istrians  and  the 
Dalmatians  battle  for  the  Roman  Republic,  which  is 
under  the  leadership  of  the  Triumvirate,  Mazzini,  Saffi 
and  Armellini,  and  is  defended  by  Garibaldi  against  the 
Pope,  and  for  the  Republic  of  Venice,  which  is  led  by 
Manin  and  Tommaseo  and  is  defended  by  General 
Guglielmo  Pepe  against  Austria  (1849). 

Numerous  were  the  Trentini,  Triestians,  Istrians,  and 
Dalmatians  who  went  to  the  defense  of  Rome  in  1849,  *'to 
seal  with  their  blood" — so  says  Guerrazzi  —  **the  pact  of 
family  which  binds  all  Italians  to  the  Eternal  City."  It 
will  suffice  to  say  that  of  the  400  defenders  who  fell  in  the 
memorable  battle  of  June  29,  1849  (the  last  in  which  Gari- 
baldi fought  for  the  life  and  honor  of  the  Roman  Republic) 
50  were  Trentini  and  Triestians. 

After  the  epic  fight  and  the  glorious  defeat,  the  majority 
of  the  volunteers  who  followed  the  Hero  to  his  unhappy 
retreat  were  Triestians,  Trentini,  Istrians,  and  Dalmatians. 
The  Trentini  were:  Edoardo  Negri,  Francesco  Mattedi, 
Pietro  Bertelli,  Achille  Bevilacqua,  Pietro  Cavali,  Don 
Pietro  Casanova,  Carlo  Marzari,  the  engineer  Domenico 
Dicio,  the  brothers  Pilade  and  Narciso  Bronzetti.^  Among 
the  Triestians   were  the  poet   Giuseppe   Revere,^  Filippo 

^  For  the  complete'  list  see    The  Trentini  in  the   Risorgimento   (uprising),    by 
Dr.  Levio  Marchetti. 

^  He  was  the  last  —  with  Dr.  Saglioso,  Francesco  DaH'Ongaro  and  Aurelio 
Saffi  —  to  leave  Rome. 


132  SECOND  PART 

Zamboni,'  Giacomo  Venezian,^Sansoni  Levi  (intimate  friend 
of  Garibaldi),  and  Giovanni  BrufFel. 

Still  more  numerous  were  the  Trentini,  Triestians, 
Istrians  and  Dalmatians  who,  after  the  fall  of  the  Roman 
Republic,  hastened  to  the  defense  of  the  Republic  of  Venice 
under  the  leadership  of  Manin  and  Tommaseo.  For  that 
occasion  they  even  formed  a  special  legion  called  the  Dal- 
mato-Istriana. 

And  from  every  shore  —  thus  wrote  the  young  Triestian 
Attilio  Tamaro  —  were  brought  tributes  of  life  and  genius;  of 
energy  and  of  heroism  to  the  resuscitated  Republic  of  St.  Mark. 
No  episode  has  incarnated  —  in  a  line  so  simple  and  representative 
—  that  flocking  of  the  Adriatic  people  toward  the  reborn  splendor 
of  St.  Mark,  so  well  as  the  following,  which  I  myself  heard  told 
with  profound  emotion: 

As  soon  as  the  struggle  began  between  the  Republic  and 
Radetzky,  two  young  Dalmatians  presented  themselves  to  the 
Doge  Daniele  Manin,  and  one  of  them  said  to  him  in  pure  Venetian 
dialect: 

Our  father  has  sent  us  to  defend  St.  Mark.  He  said  to  us  that 
he  had  heard  that  the  Lion  of  St.  Mark  has  reawakened,  and  of  his 
three  sons  he  sends  two  to  defend  him.  He  said  to  us  — ''''Salute  the 
Doge,  and  say  to  him  that  if  your  father  were  not  so  old  he  also  would 
have  come  to  kiss  his  hand,  to  defend  him." 

These  two  young  men  took  part  in  the  siege,  showing 
great  valor. 

Among  the  Trentini  were:  Captain  Federico  Martini, 
Giovan  Battista  Adami,  Domenico  Bonetti,  Bartolomeo 
Malfatti  and  Tommaso  Sar  (these  two  latter  were  re- 
membered in  the  documents  of  that  epoch  for  the  valor 
which  they  showed  in  the  "most  dangerous  moments"). 
The  following  were  Triestians:  the  journalist  and 
dramatist  Leone  Fortis,  Giovanni  Orlandini  (the  old  editor 

^  Zamboni  and  Piero  Fieri  were  the  last  on  the  battle  field  saving  the  flag,  which 
they  consigned  to  the  city  of  Rome,  capital  of  Italy  after  1870.  (laribaldi  wrote  to 
Zamboni:  "You  saved  the  flag  of  the  Italian  youths  at  the  risk  of  your  precious 
life." 

*  Venezian  fought  heroically  at  Rome  and  was  seriously  wounded.  He  breathed 
his  last  on  July  2,  1849,  in  the  arms  of  his  friend  and  fellow  citizen,  the  poet  Revere. 
His  mother  hurried  to  him  but  found  him  dead,  and  shortly  afterward  she  died  of 
grief. 


IRREDENTISTS  FROM  1850  TO  1859  133 

of  the  journal  La  Favilla  and  chief  magistrate  of  the  pro- 
visional government  of  Venice),  FiHppo  Coen,  Francesco 
Erberti,  Costantino  Cumano,  Samuele  Romanin  (teacher  of 
Venetian  history  in  the  chair  founded  by  the  new  RepubHc), 
Francesco  Poropat,  Arturo  Zanetti,  Pietro  Romano,  Francesco 
Herbert  and  the  painter  GiuseppeGattesi.  The Istrians  were 
Nicolo  Vergottini,  Captain  Marcantonio  Borisi  who,  in  a  bold 
sortie  from  Mestre,  took  several  cannon  from  the  Austrians, 
Alessandro  Almerigotti,  Alessandro  Godina,  Giuseppe  Dra- 
gicchio,  Giuseppe  Rubinisch,  Pietro  Scarboncich,  Luigi 
Ritozzo,  the  brothers  Giovanni  and  Lodovico  Almerigotti, 
Giovanni  Bevilacqua  (the  latter  fought  like  a  lion  under 
the  fortress  of  Montedoro,  and  three  times  at  Campalto, 
and  more  than  twenty  times  from  rafts).  Of  the  Dalmatians 
it  will  suffice  to  call  to  mind  Seismit-Doda,  and  that  most 
illustrious  of  all,  Niccolo  Tommaseo,  who  was  minister  of 
pubhc  instruction  in  the  Republic  of  St.  Mark. 


VII 

The  Trentini,  Triestians,  Istrians  and  Dalmatians  in 
defense  of  their  Italianity  from  1850  to  1858.  Their 
filial  contribution  of  blood  to  the  Second  War  of  Liberation 
of  Italy  against  Austria  (1859). 

The  struggle  for  Italianity,  after  1849,  continued  with 
the  same  zeal  as  at  first  in  Trentino,  at  Trieste,  in  Istria 
and  in  Dalmatia,  notwithstanding  the  severe  preventive  and 
repressive  measures  of  the  Austrian  police. 

On  August  20,  1850,  for  example,  Giuseppe  Verdi  went 
to  Trieste,  and  the  great  master  was  received  by  the  citizens 
with  rejoicings. 

In  the  same  year  the  Emperor  Francis  Joseph  went  there. 
**  But  the  reception  which  he  received  " — thus  wrote  the  Sar- 
dinian Consul  to  his  Government — *'was  very  cool;  indeed  it 
was  glacial;  one  did  not  hear  an  Evviva  during  the  whole  day.'* 

On  August  30,  1 85 1,  the  imperial  and  royal  representa- 
tives of  the  Austrian  government  in  Goritz,  irritated  by  the 


134  SECOND  PART 

appearance  of  the  characteristic  clothes  of  the  Italians, 
pubHshed  the  following  "notification"  which  is  a  choice 
sample  of  their  petty  tyranny: 

The  wearing  of  clothes  which  by  their  singularity  distinguishes 
them  in  a  surprising  manner  from  the  other  inhabitants  of  the 
country,  and  which,  in  this  singularity,  carries  with  them  a  certain 
sign  of  arrogance,  is  not  to  be  tolerated.  One  also  sees  among 
those  thus  dressed  the  wide  brimmed  brown  hat,  which  for  some 
time  has  been  in  great  fashion  in  this  section  of  the  empire  com- 
bined with  clothes  of  the  same  color.  We  are  thoroughly  con- 
vinced that  the  inhabitants  of  the  united  countries  of  Goritz 
and  Gradisca  wear  these  clothes  solely  for  the  purpose  of  showing 
sympathy  and  imitating  others,  and  for  this  reason  we  wish  you 
to  put  aside  anything  which  would  cast  suspicion  upon  your 
motives.  We  recommend  therefore  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Goritz  and  Gradisca  discontinue  the  use  of  such  clothes  and  other 
distinctive  signs.  We  wish  you  to  regard  this  suggestion  as  a 
friendly  admonition,  otherwise  we  shall  be  obliged  to  impute  to 
the  violators  of  this  a  perverse  tendency,  which  we  will  suppress 
with  vigor  and  punish  without  pity. 

The  most  ardent  patriots,  tiring  of  such  harassments,  de- 
cided to  start  a  revolutionary  movement  which  was  to  burst 
out  in  Trieste  on  March  i,  1853,  and  from  there  was  to 
spread  to  the  other  Irredentist  cities.  The  Austrian  Govern- 
ment discovered  the  plot  and  hastened  to  prepare  for  it, 
increasing  the  number  of  spies,  augmenting  the  garrisons, 
portioning  out  soldiers  to  the  barracks,  doubling  the  guards, 
and  increasing  the  patrol  in  every  direction,  besides  ordering 
perquisitions  and  arrests.  The  young  Dalmatian  Carlo 
Boscowich  was  exiled  and  took  refuge  in  Piedmont;  among 
the  newspapers  suppressed  "for  political  reasons"  was 
the  Journal  of  Goritz,  founded  by  Carlo  Favetti,  and  UEco 
delVIsonzo  of  Gradisca,  directed  by  the  distinguished  citizen 
Federico  Comelli;  prominent  citizens  were  condemned  to 
hard  labor;  and  Guiseppe  Grioli  was  sentenced  to  twelve 
years  imprisonment  "for  the  liberal  propaganda  which  he 
directed  in  Dalmatia." 

In  1856,  Antonio  Gazzoletti  and  many  others  thought 
to  call  the  attention  of  the  coming  Congress  of  Paris  to 
Trentino,  and  by  means  of  Cavour  to  obtain  its  separation 


IRREDENTISTS  FROM  1850  TO  1859  135 

from  the  German  federation.  One  of  the  Irredentists  went 
especially  to  Turin  to  confer  with  the  minister.  This  latter 
expressed  his  sympathy  for  the  Trentini,  assuring  them  that 
he  would  not  let  an  occasion  pass  when  he  could  speak  in  favor 
of  their  national  aspirations.  Demetrio  Livaditi  founded 
the  paper  called  La  Ciarla  at  Trieste  where  //  Pungolo  and 
another  called  Quel  che  si  vede  e  quel  che  non  si  vede  were  al- 
ready published.  Among  those  who  wrote  for  these  were 
the  poet  Arnaldo  Fusinato  and  Leone  Fortis.  The  Aus- 
trian government  ordered  the  arrest  of  Fortis  and  suppressed 
the  journals.  In  Istria,  //  Popolano  d'lstria  was  published 
by  Michele  Facchinetti,  author  of  a  national  prayer  which 
was  committed  to  memory  and  which  finished  thus :  **0  God ! 
make  me  love  my  native  land,  but  make  my  love  and  re- 
spect for  her  enlarge  my  sympathies  toward  others,  in  order 
that  all  may  be  linked  together  in  a  chain  of  peace  and 
happiness."  Tommaseo  wrote  letters  and  volumes  showing 
how  the  hearts  of  Dalmatia  always  beat  for  Italy. 

Thus  we  reach  the  year  1859.  Austria  attacked  little 
Piedmont,  which  allied  itself  to  France.  At  the  onset  of  the 
war  other  volunteers  gathered  from  Trieste,  from  Istria,* 
from  Friuli  —  and  the  flower  of  Trentino  youths  ran  to  the 
defense  of  the  Patria,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the 
Austrian  bayonets  were  massed  on  the  frontiers;  notwith- 
standing the  fact  that  dangers  of  every  sort  awaited  them. 

The  Austrian  Government,  on  June  7,  1859,  in  vain  de- 
creed, in  the  name  of  the  emperor,  that  the  country  of  Trent, 
on  the  second  conscription,  must  furnish  one  thousand  men. 
The  young  men  eluded  this  by  flocking  under  the  banners 
of  Victor  Emanuel  II  and  Garibaldi. 

Besides  this,  a  Trentian  deputation  presented  to  Victor 
Emanuel  II  on  the  battlefield  the  following  address: 

Now  that  at  the  side  of  your  generous  ally,  the  Emperor  of 
France,  on  a  road  sown  at  every  step  with  victories  and  blessings, 
you  advance  toward  the  Italian  provinces  redeemed  in  your  name, 
permit,  O  Sire,  that  the  Italians  of  the  province  of  Trent  present 

^  Professor  Antonio  Coiz,  native  of  Faedils  (Friuli),  who  was  teaching  in  Istria» 
gathered  his  pupils  together  and  they  all  enrolled  themselves  under  the  Italian 
leaders.  At  Turin  the  wealthy  Goritzian  Francesco  Verzegnasse  placed  himself 
and  all  his  wealth  at  the  disposal  of  the  volunteers. 


136  SECOND  PART 

themselves  to  you  by  means  of  us,  to  repeat  that  the  cross  of 
Savoy  is  not  less  worshipped  in  their  mountains  than  in  other 
parts  of  upper  Italy;  that  in  the  province  of  Trent  you  are  also 
awaited  and  yearned  for  as  their  Liberator  and  King.  We  fully 
realize,  O  Sire,  the  gravity  of  the  exceptional  circumstances  in 
which  our  country  finds  itself  in  the  face  of  your  glorious  enter- 
prise. But  precisely  because  we  are  monstrously  chained  to  Ger- 
many, we  feel  with  greater  fervor  that  we  are  Italians,  and  we 
wish  to  be  more  closely  bound  to  the  cause  of  our  brothers  whom 
you  defended  with  such  loyalty  and  valor.  Heaven,  O  Sire, 
will  not  cease  for  an  instant  to  make  your  arms  victorious;  but 
may  the  triumph  and  glory  —  that  will  come  after  the  accom- 
plishment of  the  great  enterprise  —  not  be  saddened  by  the 
cries  of  Italians  still  bent  under  a  foreign  yoke. 

In  this  same  year,  1859,  the  M^omen  of  Istria  sent  the 
flag  of  the  37th  infantry  to  Victor  Emanuel  II  Vi^ith  an 
address  in  which  they  said  among  other  things: 

We,  the  women  of  Istria,  send  and  offer  this  flag  to  you  as  a 
pledge  of  our  tears.  This  standard  brings  good  fortune.  We 
remember  that  Istria  has  always  been  Italian  from  the  time  in 
which  ancient  Rome  confided  to  it  the  guardianship  of  the  most 
envied  pass  into  Italy. 

In  the  victorious  campaigns  the  volunteers  of  the 
Irredentist  Italian  regions  covered  themselves  with  glory. 

The  Trentian  lieutenant,  Leopold©  Martini,  fell  at  San 
Martino,  June  24, 1859,  while  fearlessly  guiding  his  company 
of  Bersaglieri  to  an  assault. 

The  Trentian  Narciso  Bronzetti,  captain  of  the  third 
company  of  the  first  regiment  of  Alpine  Hunters,  fought 
valorously  at  the  side  of  Garibaldi  at  Varese  and  San 
Fermo.  Near  Seriate,  on  June  8,  1859,  with  only  ninety- 
four  volunteers,  he  put  to  flight  fifteen  hundred  Austrian 
soldiers.  "With  men  of  such  heroism,  "  Garibaldi  said, 
"one  can  attempt  anything;  Italy  must  always  remember 
them." 

In  the  battle  of  Treponti  (June  15,  1859)  Bronzetti  per- 
formed acts  worthy  of  an  epopee.  A  first  Austrian  ball 
wounded  his  right  arm,  causing  his  sword  to  fall  from  his 
hands.    'The  brave  fellow  caught  it  up  with  his  left  hand 


IRREDENTISTS  FROM  1850  TO  1859  137 

and  shook  it  on  high  crying,  "Go  on!"  and  he  continued  to 
fight  and  to  cry,  ** Forward!"  as  long  as  he  could. 

Forward!  Forward! 

The  hero  cried;  and,  the  right  arm  broken 
By  a  ball,  with  the  other  he  raised  his  sword, 
And  forward!  Another  ball  broke  even  the 
Left  arm,  and  forward!  And  thus  all  bloody 
He  ran  against  the  enemy! 

Finally  a  third  ball  struck  him  in  the  side  and  mortally 
wounded  him. 

Until  a  third  ball 

Penetrated  his  side,  and  even  then  he  took  two  steps, 

And  forward,  forward  always! 
He  cried  to  his  followers,  falling. 

He  was  then  taken  to  Brescia  to  the  house  of  his  friend. 
Basilic  MafFezzoli,  where  Major  Ferrari  carried  to  him  the 
silver  medal  of  military  bravery.  "Garibaldi,"  he  said  to 
him,  "has  sent  you  this  medal  of  honor  for  the  battle  of 
Seriate.  He  wishes  worthily  to  reward  you  for  that  act  of 
yesterday."  The  dying  hero  kissed  the  medal  and  breathed 
his  last,  smiling,  while  Major  Ferrari  was  reading  the  letter 
to  him  which  Garibaldi  had  sent: 

Dearest  Bronzetti, — You  are  certainly  beyond  any  eulogy,  and 
you  have  justly  merited  the  title  of  "Hero  of  Heroes"  of  our  col- 
umn.    Your  courage  surpasses  the  gravity  of  your  wounds,  and 
you  will  yet  be  returned  to  your  companions  at  arms.  \ 
Receive  a  brotherly  embrace  from, 

Your  friend, 

Giuseppe  Garibaldi. 

The  military  cross  of  Savoy  and  the  title  of  Major  were 
awarded  to  the  memory  of  Bronzetti. 

At  the  end  of  the  war  Garibaldi,  in  an  address  to  the 
Trentini,  tried  to  interpret  the  national  sentiments  toward 
those  generous  ones,  writing: 

There  were  hundreds  and  hundreds  of  the  fellow  citizens  of 
Bronzetti  who  distinguished  themselves  in  the  sacred  war,  and 
not  one  word  has  been  said  to  give  them  recognition  of  national 


138  SECOND  PART 

gratitude!  I  trust  my  feeble  words  may  be  able  to  supply  in 
part  this  involuntary  forgetfulness,  and  to  make  us  remember 
some  of  the  most  noble  and  generous  Italian  families,  who  have 
never  failed  to  assist  us  in  our  expectations  of  redemption. 

And  the  Trentini  responded  to  Garibaldi: 

As  much  as  an  Italian  country  oppressed  by  strangers  can 
exult,  the  Trentini  rejoice  in  the  words  you  have  spoken  in  its 
praise;  and  it  thanks  and  blesses  you  from  the  depths  of  its  mis- 
fortunes. Its  blood  has  been  poured  out,  and  the  bitter  disil- 
lusions, all  of  the  grief  it  has  suffered,  it  can  endure  more  easily 
now  that  we  have  received  your  encomiums  and  commendations. 

The  council  of  Trent,  the  councils  of  the  other  important 
cities  of  Trentino  (Rovereto,  Ala,  Tione,  Condino,  Levico, 
Strigno)  claimed  from  Vienna  their  annexation  to  Veneto, 
"annexation  urged  because  of  the  national  sentiments  of 
Trentino  and  also  because  of  its  needs  and  its  interests." 
With  this  demand  the  Trentini  hoped  to  share  the  status  of 
Venetia  "when  this  province  should  be  united  to  Italy." 

In  December,  1859,  the  Trentini  also  drew^  up  a  me- 
morial (which  was  presented  afterward  to  the  European  con- 
gress) in  which  they  asked  that  Trieste,  whose  liberty  was 
imperiled,  be  declared  a  free  city,  and  part  of  the  Italian 
confederation,  "as  it  seemed  to  them  that  Veneto  might 
be." 

VIII 

The  Trentini,  the  Triestians,  the  Istrians  in  the 
campaign  of  The  Thousand.  Their  filial  contribution 
of  blood  during  the  entire  War  for  the  Liberation  of 
Southern  and  Central  Italy  ( 1 860) .  The  fierce  reaction  of 
the  Austrians.  The  sums  of  money  gathered  from  the 
Istrians  for  the  national  cause.  The  Triestian  women 
present  an  Italian  flag  to  Garibaldi  (1860). 

Garibaldi,  in  preparing  the  expedition  of  The  Thousandy 
opened  a  national  subscription  for  a  million  rifles.  At 
Trieste,  in  Trentino,  in  eastern  Friuli,  in  Istria,  as  in  every 
other  part  of  Italy,  this  news  awakened  an  extraordinary  en- 


IRREDENTISTS  IN  1860  139 

thusiasm.  In  the  cafes,  in  the  public  places  and  in  private 
nothing  else  was  talked  of.  In  many  towns  in  Istria  the 
Italian  flag  was  seen  flying.  On  the  walls  appeared  pla- 
cards exalting  Garibaldi  and  Victor  Emanuel  II  and  denoun- 
cing the  Austrian  government  and  its  spies. 

The  police  recommenced  perquisitions  and  repressions. 
At  Trieste,  for  instance,  they  sequestered  more  than  three 
thousand  rifles  in  the  house  of  a  certain  Brul  and  violently 
repressed  an  anti-Austrian  demonstration.  At  Goritz,  to 
prevent  the  Italians  from  making  demonstrations,  the  police 
prohibited  the  daily  promenade  on  the  Corso.  Martial 
law  was  declared  in  many  cities.  The  goods  of  the  Tren- 
tini  and  Istrians  who  had  emigrated  to  Italy  were  confis- 
cated. An  imperial  decree  ordered  the  sentinels  of  patrol 
to  "exercise  the  greatest  freedom  in  the  use  of  arms"  against 
persons  who  attempted  to  pass  the  frontiers. 

But  notwithstanding  this,  the  Trentini  succeeded  in 
expressing  their  sentiments  in  a  plebiscitary  document 
abridged  into  the  following  formula:  "The  undersigned 
declare  their  desire  for  the  annexation  of  their  country  to 
the  constitutional  Kingdom  of  Victor  Emanuel  II."  In 
Istria  a  bit  of  popular  poetry  went  the  rounds  in  which  the 
Bourbon  and  the  court  of  Vienna  were  placed  in  ridicule. 
Not  a  few  guns  were  sent  to  Italy. 

On  the  morning  of  May  6,  i860,  on  the  ships  Piedmont 
and  Lombardy,  which  were  sailing  from  the  fatal  rock  of 
Quarto  with  Garibaldi  and  The  Thousand,  there  were  among 
the  Trentini:  Antonio  Armani,  Oreste  Baratieri,  Ergisto 
Bezzi,  Tomaso  Bolcego,  Domenico  Toller  called  Giacomo 
Costa,  Giovanni  Dalla  Costa,  Antonio  Fattori,  Giuseppe 
Fontana,  Enrico  Isnenghi,  Giuseppe  Leonardi,  Filippo 
Manci,  Quirino  Moiola,  Pietro  Martori,  Anselmo  Sterchele, 
Filippo  Tranquillini,  Camillo  Zancani  and  Attilio  Zanotti 
(Enoch  Bezzi,  brother  of  Ergisto,  Count  Francesco  Martini 
and  Luigi  Marcabruni,  who  were  not  in  time  to  embark  at 
Quarto,  rejoined  Garibaldi  at  Milazzo),  Francesco  Bidischini 
of  Friuli  Goritzian,  Marziano  Ciotti  of  Gradisca  and  others. 
At  Trieste  an  entire  enrollment  committee  was  captured. 
Many  Triestians  could  not  join  the  glorious  expedition  of 


140  SECOND   PART 

The  Thousand  because  of  the  great  rigor  of  the  Austrian 
government. 

Giuseppe  Fontana  and  Camillo  Zancani  were  the  first 
of  their  company  (the  fifth)  to  cHmb  the  memorable  hill  of 
Calatafimi  and  at  their  left  were  Filippo  Manci,  Filippo 
Tranquillini  and  Ergisto  Bezzi,  called  the  Three  Musketeers. 
These  three  were  also  the  first  at  the  assault  of  Palermo. 
And  Enrico  Isnenghi  and  Giuseppe  Leonardi,  notwith- 
standing their  wounds,  continued  to  fight  on  the  barricades 
of  that  city. 

Giuseppe  Caesar  Abba^  in  few  words  gives  a  graphic 
picture  of  these,  his  Trentini  military  fellow  soldiers. 
For  example  here  is  Zancani:  "With  his  temples  already 
whitening  and  the  deep  wrinkles  from  the  nose  to  the  angles 
of  his  mouth  showing  that  he  had  known  sorrow  for  a  long 
time,  he  carried  an  almost  cheerful  air  and  seemed  to  talk 
continually  about  himself;  cheerful  and  always  seeming  to 
say,  forward!" 

Zanotti:  "Always  young  and  beautiful,  always  gener- 
ous-hearted." 

Isnenghi:  "Simple  as  the  water  from  the  highest  spring, 
humble  as  a  little  monk  in  everything,  as  those  to  whom 
St.  Francis  said  his  gentle  words  as  he  traveled." 

Tranquillini:  "Blossom  of  joy  and  of  courtesy  worthy 
to  be  in  an  epic  poem." 

Manci:  "So  virginal  was  the  refinement  of  his  face  that 
had  it  not  been  for  the  vigor  of  his  body  it  would  have  been 
said  that  he  was  a  girl  in  a  Garibaldian  uniform;  and  he  so 
courted  danger  that  if  there  were  a  contest  as  to  who  should 
take  a  risk,  he  was  capable  of  fighting  his  best  friend  in 
order  to  win  it." 

Ergisto  Bezzi:  "He  seemed  tobeFerruccio  detached  from 
a  sixteenth  century  painting,  coming  back  to  life  to  see  what 
we  were  doing  after  we  had  sung  with  Mameli  that  our 
hearts  and  our  hands  were  like  his  (Ferruccio's).     Cusiana 

'  Abba  was  one  of  the  most  heroic  of  The  Thousand.  Afterward  he  became  the 
incomparable  illustrator  of  the  famous  expedition,  author  of  several  other  historical 
works,  and  a  great  educator.  Silent  and  modest,  he  lived  in  dignified  poverty, 
not  showing  pride  or  ostentation  in  the  service  that  he  had  rendered  his  Country. 
He  was  named  senator  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy  in  1910,  five  months  before  his  death 
(1838-1910). 


IRREDENTISTS  IN  1860  141 

in  Trent,  his    native    village,  should   be   sacred  ground  if 
only  for  his  deeds,  and  worthy  to  be  annexed  to  Italy." 

Many  other  Trentini  rejoined  Garibaldi  in  Sicily  and 
followed  him  to  southern  Italy,  and  in  all  of  his  campaigns 
up  to  the  time  that  the  Bourbon  was  completely  defeated. 
It  will  suffice  to  call  to  mind  Pilade  Bronzetti,  brother  of 
Narciso,  the  Hero  of  Heroes.  At  Milazzo  (July  20,  i860), 
in  a  bloody  hand-to-hand  struggle  between  the  Garibaldians 
and  the  Bourbons,  Pilade  Bronzetti,  who  had  the  rank  of 
major,  took  three  pieces  of  artillery  from  the  enemy.  And 
later,  at  Castle  Morone  with  only  270  men,  for  eleven  con- 
tinuous hours  he  kept  back  the  assault  of  4,000  Bourbons, 
until  he  was  wounded  by  a  bayonet  and  struck  by  a  ball  in 
the  chest  and  fell  with  his  brandishing  sword,  never  to  rise 
again. 

Disdaining 
Any  surrender  —  a  new  Leonidas  — 
Waving  aloft  the  sword  of  his  brother. 
He  hurled  himself  to  death  on  the  heap 
Of  his  dead  comrades. 

Garibaldi,  announcing  the  fact  in  the  order  of  the  day, 
to  his  legion,  said: 

At  Castle  Morone,  Pilade  Bronzetti,  emulating  his  brother, 
repeated  a  deed  which  history  will  certainly  place  side  by  side 
with  those  accomplished  by  Leonidas  and  Fabius. 

And  in  his  Memoirs  Garibaldi  added: 

Near  the  immortal  families  of  the  Cairoli  and  De  Benedetti 
are  many  others  for  whom  Italy  mourns,  and  among  these  we 
must  place  the  family  of  the  Bronzetti.  The  eldest  brother  fell 
fighting  against  the  Austrians  at  Treponti;  the  second  fell  not  less 
heroically  at  Castle  Morone.  There  remains  a  third  for  the 
venerable  parents,  and  this  one,  with  their  consent,  is  ready  to 
give  his  life  to  Italy. 

In  the  liberation  of  Ancona,  Leopoldo  Tonini  and  Captain 
Venturi  were  not  a  little  distinguished.  The  latter  also  did 
much  to  promote  an  insurrection  in  the  pontifical  state. 

In  fact  in  i860  the  Trentini  fought  everywhere:  in  the 
Piedmontesearmyaswellasin  the  armyof  Central  and  South- 


142  SECOND   PART 

ern  Italy.  There  was  not  a  brigade  complete  without  its 
quota  of  Trentini.  For  example:  we  find  22  in  the  Modena 
brigade;  29  in  theReggio  brigade;  loi  in  the  Bologna  brigade; 
almost  100  in  the  Vignola  battalion  and  120  in  the  southern 
army  —  about  500  in  all.  There  were  very  few  of  the 
Italian  provinces  which  gave  an  equal  number.  Taking  as 
a  base  the  proportion  of  ordinary  conscription,  which  in 
Italy  was  then  twenty-five  for  every  thousand,  the  Trentino 
with  a  population  of  330,000,  would  have  furnished  825 
soldiers.  It,  however,  furnished  500;  that  is,  two  thirds  of 
the  ordinary  quota.  In  addition  to  this,  one  must  remember 
that  Trentino  was  forced  to  support  the  burden  of  the 
Austrian  conscription. 

Also  the  quota  furnished  by  Trentino  to  the  heroic 
legion  of  The  Thousand  was  altogether  flattering.  In  the 
proportion  of  1,000  to  25,000,000  inhabitants  (thus  Italy 
was  counted  in  i860)  Trentino,  in  proportion  to  its  popula- 
tion, should  have  given  only  about  13  men.  It  gave  how- 
ever, 17. 

Although  in  lesser  numbers,  the  Triestians  and  Istrians 
hastened  to  enroll  themselves  under  the  Italian  flag  in  i860 
and  distinguished  themselves  by  their  heroism  equally  with 
their  other  Irredentist  brothers.  In  the  assault  upon  Perugia, 
for  instance,  a  company  composed  entirely  of  Triestians  and 
Istrians  captured  the  papal  garrison  of  not  less  than  8,000 
Irish  mercenaries  (September  18,  i860). 

Moreover  large  sums  of  money  were  collected  and  con- 
tinued to  be  collected  from  the  people  of  the  Irredentist 
regions  to  carry  on  the  war.  The  Triestian  committee  for 
the  aid  of  Garibaldi  wrote  to  the  committee  of  Milan: 

Trieste  was  the  generous  victim  in  1849  at  Rome;  and  this 
year  (1860)  it  has  its  sons  in  the  army  of  the  magnanimous  Re 
Galantuomo  (so  Victor  Emanuel  II  was  and  is  called)  and  under 
the  flag  of  the  invincible  Garibaldi.  But  it  will  not  cease  in  its 
eff"orts  to  do  everything  possible  to  elude  the  restless  vigilance 
of  the  satraps  of  Austria. 

And  what  vigilance,  truly,  it  was!  Michele  Buono,  or- 
ganizer of  a  secret  committee  of  enrollment  in  Trieste,  was 
condemned  to  death   (this  was  changed   afterward  to   20 


IRREDENTISTS  IN  1860  143 

years  of  hard  labor).  A  sailor  of  Pola,  who  in  the  public 
square  had  shouted  *'''Viva  L' Italia!"  was  immediately  killed 
with  a  blow  from  the  sabre  of  an  Austrian  officer.  At  Pirano 
a  laborer  by  the  name  of  Mistare  was  shot  by  an  Austrian 
sentinel  for  an  expression  of  his  sympathy  with  Italy.  The 
families  of  deserters  were  tormented  in  every  way.  The 
Austrian  government  obliged  them  even  to  "reimburse  it" 
for  the  price  of  the  deserters'  uniforms.  And  it  promised  a 
fat  price  in  money  to  any  soldier  who  would  reveal  the  names 
of  those  who  incited  to  desertion  and  who  criticized  the  gov- 
ernment. In  Trentino,  the  Austrian  Commissary,  Count 
Hohenwarth,  sent  out  a  circular  in  which  he  ordered  the 
officers  of  the  Government  to  "energetically  oppose  the  ideas 
of  separation  of  Trentino  from  the  Tyrol,  which  were  so 
deeply  rooted  in  the  region."  To  Gaetano  Manci,  Podesta 
of  Trent,  Count  Hohenwarth  says  "it  has  been  decided 
to  vigorously  repress  all  demonstrations  of  Italianity  from 
whatever  source  they  may  come";  and  then  the  Podesta 
was  deposed;  and  the  Podesta  of  Rovereto  and  those  of 
many  other  Communes  were  also  deposed  and  officers  faith- 
ful to  the  government  were  substituted.  At  last  the  Aus- 
trian count  made  the  usual  perquisitions  for  arms.  Per- 
secutions, proscriptions,  public  whippings  and  law  suits  en- 
sued, followed  by  the  confiscation  of  goods,  etc.  Many  pro- 
minent citizens,  such  as  the  octogenarian  Tito  De  Bassetti, 
Giovanni  De  Pretis  and  Antonio  Marsili  were  arrested, 
maltreated  and  exiled  at  the  whim  of  the  Austrians. 

But  nothing  could  repress  the  smoldering  sentiments  of 
Italianity  which  animated  the  population  of  the  eastern 
boundaries  of  Italy. 

The  National  Committee  of  Istria,  sending  to  Milan 
(in  i860)  a  sum  of  money  gathered  for  the  national  cause, 
wrote : 

Istria,  poor  in  everything  except  m  generous  feeling  and  ten- 
derest  love  for  the  common  Mother,  Italy,  can  offer  but  a  small 
sum;  however,  it  comforts  itself  with  the  thought  that  Italy  will 
understand  that,  better  than  the  offering,  was  the  courage  with 
which  this  their  subscription  was  gathered  from  the  people 
despite  threats  of  the  Austrian  police,  and  they  will  consider  the 


144  SECOND  PART 

heart  with  which  Istria  brings  this  little  gift  to  the  altar  of  the 
Patria.  Say  to  the  brave  Garibaldi,  that  Istria  never  has  hesi- 
tated and  never  will  hesitate  to  make  sacrifices  for  the  glorious 
national  cause.  But  also  say  to  him  that  on  that  day  when  he 
can  plant  the  Italian  flag  on  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic,  Istria  will 
rise  in  exultation  and  reinforce  the  army  and  navy  of  the  Patria 
with  its  most  courageous  sons.  Then  the  sister  provinces  will 
see  that  Istria — which  Austria  has  so  oppressed  as  to  take  her 
language  from  her  and  to  attempt  to  wipe  out  her  national  sent- 
iment, if  this  were  possible  —  will  not  be  unworthy  of  her.  Now 
only  in  her  secret  soul  and  in  the  midst  of  torment  can  the  adored 
names  of  Italy,  .Victor  Emanuel  II,  and  Garibaldi  be  spoken; 
but  this  secret  voice  —  in  the  exaltation  of  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  hearts  —  will  change  into  a  loud  shout  which  will  extend  from 
our  hills,  and  will  reach  to  the  sea  as  far  as  the  opposite  shore  of 
the  Adriatic  Gulf. 

And  to  Garibaldi,  the  Triestian  w^omen  sent  a  flag  made 
by  themselves  and  wrote  to  him: 

Austrian  despotism,  for  its  own  advantage,  has  ameliorated 
the  material  conditions  of  Trieste  by  opening  the  city  to  immi- 
grants and  to  commerce  and  lauds  itself  for  the  prerogatives  given; 
but  it  has  hidden  a  deadly  poison  for  the  "spontaneous  dedition." 
Notwithstanding  the  most  solemn  pacts,  it  has  for  years  and  years 
used  every  art  of  violence  to  crush  out  her  natural  aspirations  for 
civil  and  moral  progress,  and  has  tried  to  destroy  her  customs  and 
language.  It  will  not  even  respect  its  honor,  and  calls  it  most 
faithful,  now.  This  is  a  lie,  0  General!  because  neither  the  abuses 
of  the  dominators  nor  aulic  decrees  nor  the  cowardice  of  the 
degenerate  patricians  have  been  able  to  denationalize  our  people 
who  have  remained  Italian;  and  who  today  more  than  ever  have 
the  consciousness  of  their  imprescriptible  right  to  belong  to  the 
Italian  family.  And  this  flag,  which  we  women  of  Trieste  present 
to  you,  O  General!  let  it  be  a  token  of  the  national  sentiment  which 
reanimates  our  husbands  and  sons.  Accept  this  flag,  O  General! 
and  accord  to  it  the  honor  of  being  held  by  one  of  your  intrepid 
legions,  in  the  future  battles  for  the  common  independence  and 
common  liberty,  who  shall  cry,  Fiva  V Italia!  Viva  Victor  Emanuel 
111 

The  Triestino-Istrian  committee  made  a  sort  of  state- 
ment at  the  end  of  i860,  with  a  proclamation  in  which  it 
said: 


IRREDENTISTS  FROM  1861  TO  1865  145 

Many  of  our  sons  have  shed  their  blood  on  the  glorious  fields 
of  Calatafimi  and  Castelfidardo;  many  others  groan  in  Austrian 
prisons  or  are  in  exile. 

And  Carlo  Ferrari  wrote,  a  short  time  after: 

Trieste  a  envoye  des  sommes  considerables  au  comite  Garibaldien. 
Une  bonne  pariie  de  ses  enfants  etait  avec  les  vainquers  de  Palerme 
et  de  Milazzo.  Les  dames  Triestines  out  brode  des  drapeaux,  envoye 
des  addresses  aux  soldats  de  V independence  italienne. 

Finally  the  Triestian  journalist  Pacifico  Valussi,  records 
one  of  many  episodes  which  show  the  spirit  of  Italianity 
that  animated  the  population  of  the  eastern  boundaries  in 
i860. 

Once  upon  a  time — thus  wrote  Valussi — a  worthy  Goritzian 
brought  a  sum  of  money  to  me  which  his  compatriots  wished  to 
spend  for  the  Italian  Patria.  It  was  the  time  when  the  Bourbon 
fleet  was  captured  by  Garibaldi,  and  he  entrusted  it  to  Admiral 
Persano,  but  the  ship  was  abandoned  by  the  sailors.  When  this 
occurred  some  Triestians,  Istrians,  and  Friulians  collected  a  fund 
to  attract  sailors  of  Istria,  Veneto,  and  Dalmatia  to  equip  the 
new  Italian  fleet;  and  they  succeeded.  Cavour  accepted  the 
gift,  for  he  well  understood  the  double  advantage  of  taking 
sailors  from  Austria  and  making  Italians  of  them.  Now  I  say 
to  the  Gorzitian  patriots  that  that  sum,  deposited  so  confidently 
in  my  hands,  went  to  augment  that  equipment  fund. 


IX 

The  struggle  for  Italianity,  sustained  with  indomitable 
pride  by  the  Trentini,  Triestians,  Istrians,  and  Dalma- 
tians against  Austria  from  1861  to  1865. 

Cavour  died  June  6,  1861.  The  population  within  the 
boundaries  of  eastern  Italy  manifested  their  grief  by  clos- 
ing the  shops,  by  abstaining  from  theaters  and  holiday 
rejoicings  and  in  a  hundred  diflPerent  ways,  notwithstand- 
ing the  ferocity  of  the  Austrian  police  who  attempted  to 
smother  such  demonstrations. 

From  1861  to  1865  there  was  a  suspension  of  arms  in 


146  SECOND   PART 

Italy,  but  no  suspension  of  fighting  for  the  national  cause. 
The  Trentini  would  not  resign  themselves  to  being  an- 
nexed to  the  Teuton  Tyrol.  When  in  1861  there  was  an 
election  for  the  Diet  of  Innsbruck,  at  Trent,  only  one 
citizen  and  twenty-seven  employees  of  the  government 
voted;  at  Rovereto  only  seven  citizens  and  seventy  em- 
ployees; at  Riva  only  two  citizens  and  sixteen  employees. 
In  other  places  the  employees  did  not  trouble  themselves 
to  go  to  the  polls.  In  the  meantime  the  electors  of  Trent 
signed  a  declaration  to  refrain  from  the  election,  "in  the 
certainty  of  thus  expressing  the  general  sentiments  of  the 
country."  Similar  declarations  were  signed  by  voters  in 
several  other  places.  Two  of  the  elected  deputies  went  to 
the  Diet  and  proposed  the  separation  of  Trentino  from  Tyrol. 
The  other  deputies  present  said  that  ''their  general 
silence  must  be  more  eloquent  than  words  and  the  solemn 
manifestation  of  the  popular  will  must  no  longer  be  mis- 
understood." 

It  was  in  the  elections  of  1861  that  the  Italian  liberal 
party  of  Trieste  won  with  a  majority  in  all  the  public  offices 
(Municipal  Council  and  Provincial  Diet).  And  from  that 
time  to  this  they  have  always  held  them  **as  the  result  of 
their  wise  patriotic  administration." 

In  the  same  year,  1861,  the  Diet  of  Istria,  invited  by  the 
Austrian  Government  to  elect  its  representatives  to  the 
parliament  of  Vienna,  wrote  on  their  ballots  the  single 
word  Nessuno  [no  one]  and  placed  them  in  the  ballot-box. 

After  a  year  the  Austrian  Government  again  called 
the  voters  of  Trentino  for  the  elections.  The  electoral  body 
this  time  went  to  vote  en  masse  and  succeeded  in  making 
the  heads  of  the  Italian  autonomous  party  victorious.  These 
newly  elected  leaders  hastened  to  send  a  memorial  to  the 
Diet,  in  which  they  declared  they  would  not  attend  the  ses- 
sion; and  they  sent  another  memorial  to  the  council  of  the 
empire  requesting  the  separation  of  Trentino  from  the  Tyrol. 

On  June  8,  1862,  the  Triestian  and  Istrian  emigrants 
sent  a  gift  to  Garibaldi  consisting  of  several  geographic  and 
eidographic  maps  of  the  Adriatic  Sea  and  of  its  eastern  shore, 
and  wrote  to  him: 


IRREDENTISTS  FROM  1861  TO  1865  147 

General!  Istria  and  Trieste  earnestly  wish  to  be  released 
from  the  Austrian  yoke.  God  grant  that  this  little  gift  which  the 
sons  of  Istria  and  Trieste  offer  to  you  may  be  useful  to  you  in 
helping  to  gratify  their  desires. 

And  Garibaldi  on  June  lo,  1862,  responded: 

I  know  that  Istria  and  Trieste  long  to  break  the  chain  with 
which  they  have  been  tied  to  the  hated  foreign  sovereignty.  I 
know  that  they  are  impatient  to  be  restored  to  the  mother  country. 
I  have  faith  to  believe  that  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when  com- 
plete national  redemption  will  be  effected. 

On  August  16,  1862,  the  populations  of  Trentino  and 
Trieste  and  Istria  sent  a  considerable  sum  of  money  to  the 
central  Venetian  committee  toward  the  erection  of  a  monu- 
ment to  Cavour  in  Turin,  writing: 

We  send  to  your  excellencies  this  offering  as  a  pledge  of 
patriotic  sentiment  which  animates  the  Italian  people  who  still 
live  in  a  land  that,  as  yet,  is  foreign  soil,  but  who  have  aspirations 
to  become  a  part  in  the  great  Italian  family,  and  who,  after  many 
centuries  of  misfortune,  wish  to  be  gathered  in  unity  under  the 
constitutional  scepter  of  Victor  Emanuel  II. 

On  November  11,  1862,  after  a  clamorous  trial  of  the 
journal  //  Tempo  of  Trieste,  which  showed  how  intelligent, 
intense  and  daring  was  the  Italian  propaganda  that  year 
among  the  Triestians,  Professor  Paolo  Tedeschi  and  Antonio 
Antonaz,  who  had  been  the  editors  of  the  foregoing  paper, 
were  condemned  to  severe  penalties. 

In  the  first  part  of  the  year  1863  the  gentle  Veronese  poet, 
Aleardo  Aleardi,  who,  in  1848,  had  been  entrusted  by  Manin 
as  ambassador  from  the  Republicof  Veniceto  Paris,  presented 
Victor  Emanuel  II  with  an  album  which  the  Istrian,  Trentini 
and  Venetian  women  had  sent  to  Maria  Pia,  his  daughter, 
who  was  about  to  marry  Louis  I,  King  of  Portugal.  In 
presenting  the  gift,  the  poet  said,  among  others,  these  words: 

They  know  (the  women  in  Istria,  Trentino  and  Veneto)  that 
when  God,  in  the  battles  of  the  past,  diverted  the  bullets  from 
your  heroic  breast,  he  did  this  to  save  you  for  this  splendid  mission 
of  uniting  Italy.  And  when  our  flag  shall  wave  from  the  Italian 
hills  of  Trent  and  Pola,  and  shall  be  mirrored  in  the  waters  of  our 
Adriatic,  then  O  Sire!  you  will  be  able  to  say  to  your  son  with 


148  SECOND  PART 

supreme  pride:   Humbert,  I  have  wrought  for  thee  the  most  beautiful 
crozvn  of  Europe. 

The  King  graciously  received  the  gift  and  the  good  wishes. 

About  the  first  of  the  year  1863,  the  Austrian  Govern- 
ment refused  the  demand  to  separate  Trentino  from  the 
Tyrol  and  notified  the  Irredentist  deputies  that  if  at  the 
end  of  a  week  they  still  refused  to  accept  and  to  exercise 
the  mandate  which  they  had  received  from  the  voters,  a 
new  election  would  be  necessary.  The  deputies  did  not 
even  disturb  themselves  enough  to  reply  to  the  imperial 
notification.  And  at  the  new  election  all  were  re-elected. 
Then  all  sent  their  resignations  to  the  Diet,  declaring  them- 
selves ^'pleased  to  have  been  able  to  offer  again  to  their  fellow 
countrymen  the  opportunity  to  express  to  the  legislative 
powers  of  the  State  in  a  legal  and  constitutional  manner 
what  the  tendency  of  public  opinion  was  and  what  was  the 
will  of  the  country."  The  successive  elections  were  always 
followed  by  the  same  results. 

On  February  17,  1863,  at  a  masquerade  in  a  theater  of 
Goritz,  sixteen  young  men  and  girls,  all  Goritzians,  came 
dressed  as  Garibaldians.  The  Austrian  police  arrested 
them  and  condemned  the  leaders  to  hard  labor.  Among 
them  were  Nepomuceno  Favetti  and  Clemente  Riaviz, 
who  had  indulged  in  the  amusement  of  saluting  one  another 
with  these  words:  "One,  two,  three!  Garibaldi  our  King!" 
And  a  second  reason  for  their  punishment  was  that  Riaviz 
compelled  one  of  the  Austrians  to  kiss  the  picture  of  Gari- 
baldi. 

On  May  14,  1863,  the  Austrian  government  dissolved  the 
Common  Council  of  Pisino,  because  it  sent  representatives  to 
the  centennial  festival  of  Florence. 

In  1864,  inspired  by  Mazzini  and  with  the  encourage- 
ment of  Garibaldi,  a  military  action  was  instigated  against 
Austria  in  Trentino.  The  leader  of  it  was  the  Garibaldian 
Ergisto  Bezzi,  who  gathered  around  him  his  co-religionists 
and  fellow-soldiers  of  The  Thousand  (Fontana,  Manci,  Tran- 
quillini,  Zancani,  and  all  the  others)  and  organized  a  central 
committee  at  Trent  and  sub-committees  in  smaller  places. 
But  the  Austrian  Government  learned  of  his  plot  and  had 


IRREDENTISTS  FROM  1861  TO  1865  149 

the  leaders  (about  forty)  arrested  and  dragged  to  Innsbruck 
where  there  was  a  special  military  tribunal;  and  there  they 
were  condemned  for  high  treason,  a  part  of  them  to  nine 
years,  others  to  seven,  to  five,  to  three,  and  to  two  years,  of 
hard  labor. 

Mazzini,  who  had  suffered  so  much  because  of  the  failure 
of  the  enterprise,  wrote  to  Bezzi: 

Only  a  special  line  to  say  to  you  that  I  admire  and  love  you 
more  than  ever.  I  know  that  you  have  done  all  that  it  was  in 
the  power  of  anyone  to  do.  God  knows  how  much  I  suffer  for 
your  present  condition;  but  you  are  young  and  the  future  will 
give  justice  to  you  and  to  your  faith.  Ask  anything  of  me  in 
which  you  believe  that  I  can  be  useful  to  you,  freely,  as  brother 
to  brother. 

Even  Garibaldi  wrote  to  Bezzi,  saying: 

You  have  done  your  duty  nobly.  Until  all  Italians  will  follow 
the  example  of  men  like  you,  they  will  deserve  to  remain  under 
the  lash,  and  will  merit  universal  contempt.  To  your  brave 
companions  in  prison  I  send  a  salutation  from  my  soul. 

In  1864  a  conservative  Italian  senator  imprudently  de- 
clared in  open  Assembly  that  ''Trieste  was  not  within  the 
aspirations  of  the  Italian  government."  From  Trieste  a 
protest  was  quickly  signed  and  sent  by  the  most  prominent 
citizens  and  by  hundreds  of  patriots.  The  Austrian  Govern- 
ment hoped  that  on  the  first  occasion  the  municipal  council 
of  Trieste  would  declare  this  protest  false.  In  January,  1865, 
the  Council  met:  the  Podesta,  faithful  to  Austria,  pro- 
posed to  negate  the  importance  of  the  protest,  and  carefully 
considered  making  unanimous  an  act  of  homage  to  the 
Emperor  Francis  Joseph.  But  the  members  of  the  council, 
enlightened  and  guided  by  the  patriot  De  Rin,  proudly  re- 
jected the  proposal.  Naturally  the  Council  was  dissolved. 
But  the  Triestians  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  published, 
in  the  Official  Gazette  of  the  Kingdom  of  Italy^  a  declaration 
of  the  Italian  Government  contradicting  the  assertion  of 
the  conservative  senator  and  affirming  that  not  only  was 
Trieste  Italian  and  for  that  reason  within  the  aspiration 
of  the  mother  country,  but  having  rejected  the  proposal  of 


150  SECOND  PART 

homage  to  Francis  Joseph,  it  more  than  ever  merited  the 
recognition  of  Italy. 

In  the  meantime  there  were  many  books  pubHshed  prov- 
ing the  ItaHanity  and  the  aspirations  of  Trentino,  Trieste, 
and  Istria. 

NiccoloTommaseo  through  his  untiring  writings  defended 
the  ItaHanity  of  Dalmatia,  affirming  among  other  things 
that  the  ItaHan  language  had  always  been  maintained  in 
its  purest  form  in  Dalmatia,  and  it  was  used  there  in  a 
"much  better  manner  than  that  used  by  Cavour  himself  in 
speaking  and  writing." 


X 

The  filial  contribution  of  blood  by  the  Trentini,  the 
Triestians,  the  Istrians  and  Dalmatians,  who  battle  for 
the  independence  and  unity  of  Italy  against  the  Austrians 
in  the  war  of  1866.  Trieste  and  Istria  fight  for  their 
annexation  to  the  Mother  Country  (1866). 

The  year  i866  passed  like  a  whirlwind.  As  soon  as  it 
was  known  that  Prussia  and  Italy  were  to  be  allied  against 
Austria,  the  emigration  committee  of  Trieste  and  Istria 
immediately  pleaded  the  cause  of  the  unredeemed  regions, 
sending  addresses  to  Victor  Emanuel  II  and  to  the  members 
of  his  government. 

Alfonso  Lamarmora,  then  President  of  the  Ministry, 
replied: 

The  past  rivalry  between  Trieste  and  Venice  is  an  old  story 
and  can  be  placed  side  by  side  with  that  of  Florence  and  Pisa; 
Venice  and  Genoa;  and  between  hundreds  of  other  Italian  cities. 
The  regions  on  the  other  side  of  the  Isonzo  river  are  Italian, 
exactly  as  are  any  other  provinces  within  the  borders  of  the  great 
peninsula;  that  these  regions  feel  themselves  to  be  Italian  and 
that  they  have  decided  that  they  wish  to  be  Italians  is  proved  by  a 
series  of  courageous  and  clamorous  manifestations  which  have 
followed  one  another  for  so  long  in  their  principal  centers. 

The  repeated  dissolutions  of  the  municipal  councils  of  Trieste, 
Goritz,  Pisino  and  Capodistria;  the  dissolving  of  the  provincial 


IRREDENTISTS  IN  1866  151 

Diets  of  Trieste  and  of  Istria  (Parenzo)  because  they  did  not  wish 
to  send  any  one  to  the  Reichsrath  of  Vienna;  the  martial  law  of 
1848-1859;  the  trials  instituted  and  the  political  convictions  at 
that  time  and  after;  the  prohibitions  even  of  geographic  maps, 
the  historic  and  diplomatic  articles  which  treated  calmly  of  those 
regions;  finally  the  banishments,  arrests,  and  suspensions  of  per- 
sonal liberty  which  even  now  are  perpetrated,  are  facts  which 
cannot  be  destroyed  with  the  usual  phrase:  Oh,  they  are  a  jew 
seditious  husybodies  of  Piedmont! 

The  Austrian  Government  responded  to  this  by  holding 
as  hostages  and  incarcerating  in  its  fortresses  many  of  the 
most  prominent  citizens  of  Trieste  and  Istria;  such  as 
Martino  Zucchi,  Gioacchino  Lovisoni,  Hermet,  Hortis,  Ma- 
donizza,  Rismondo  and  others. 

But  the  patriots  v^ere  not  discouraged  by  these  harass- 
ments.  Instead,  on  June  i8,  i866,  these  exiles  sent  to 
Victor  Emanuel  II,  who  was  on  his  way  to  the  battlefield, 
the  greeting  of  their  oppressed  brothers: 

We  [the  Triestians  and  Istrians]  will  be  the  guardians  of  the 
Julian  Alps;  of  those  Alps  which  many  times  have  been  infringed 
upon  by  foreigners  and  are  the  necessary  boundary  and  security 
of  national  territory.  We  will  give  into  your  hands  that  Pola 
which  was  an  Italian  naval  port  from  the  time  of  ancient  Rome, 
Austria  has  converted  it  into  a  menace  to  all  of  our  Adriatic 
shore.  We  will  give  to  you  that  Trieste  which  Austria  would 
malignantly  make  the  world  believe  is  of  German  origin.  It  is 
the  vox  populi  which  calls  you  to  those  regions;  it  is  a  cry  of  sor- 
row and  hope  which  bursts  forth  from  the  hearts  of  Italians  who 
invoke  you  as  their  liberator  and  salute  you  as  their  king. 

The  young  Triestians,  Istrians,  Dalmatians  and  Tren- 
tini  hastened  to  place  themselves  under  the  flag  of  the 
Patria  (in  the  regular  army  and  with  Garibaldi).  And 
they  fought  with  ardor  against  Austria. 

At  Custozza,  June  24,  1866,  for  instance,  Lieutenant 
Leonardo  D'Andri  of  Capodistria  fell  while  he  was  fighting  at 
the  head  of  his  company,  which  had  lost  its  captain.  He  had 
run  to  the  aid  of  the  grenadiers  of  Sardinia,  who  were  sorely 
tried  at  M(5nte  Croce;  he  impetuously  assaulted  that  hill,  re- 
took it  from  the  Austrians,  and  at  the  same  time  recaptured 


152  SECOND   PART 

the  prisoners  and  cannon  which  they  had  seized  on  taking 
the  mountain.  For  this  act  D'Andri  was  given  the  gold 
medal  for  heroism. 

In  this  same  battle  Claudio  Zambelli,  a  Trentian,  fell. 
And  not  less  distinguished  for  their  valor  were  the  Tries- 
tians,  Adolfo  Sartori,  R.  Donaggio,  Davide  Milla,  Giovanni 
Druffel,  Eugenio  Popovich,  Gustavo  Buchler  and  Enrico 
Ferolli;]  the  Istrians  Girolamo  Gravisi,  Giovanni  Vascon, 
Michele  Gallo,  Carlo  Depaugher,  Domenico  Grio,  Domenico 
Vidacowich,  Pietro  Madonizza,  the  Goritzian  Angelo  Maz- 
zini,  the  Trentian  Professor  Alberto  Eccher  and  others  of 
every  state  and  social  condition,  all  united  with  a  single 
thought:   Italy. 

On  July  3,  1866,  Garibaldi  made  an  assault  upon  the 
Austrians,  who  were  superior  in  numbers,  better  armed,  and 
in  a  more  favorable  position  at  Monte  Suello,  and  defeated 
them.  Among  those,  who  contributed  not  a  little  by  their 
valor  to  this  victory  were:  Bezzi,  Tranquillini,  Ciotti,  Fon- 
tana,  Manci,  Zancani,  Leonardi,  Zanolla  and  other  Garibal- 
dian  Irredentists.^ 

The  news  of  this  brilliant  feat  of  arms,  coupled  with  the 
fact  that  General  Medici  had  come  with  his  men  to  within  a 
few  miles  of  Trent  and  that  General  Cadorna  at  the  extreme 
right  was  marching  upon  Trieste,  did  much  to  relieve  the 
minds  of  Italians,  who  were  greatly  disturbed  by  the  dis- 
aster at  Custozza. 

On  July  9th,  the  Irredentists  sent  an  address  to  King 
Victor  Emanuel  II,  repeating  with  fervor: 

Italian  soil  must  be  rid  of  foreigners  and  the  whole  circle  of 
the  Alps,  our  natural  boundaries,  must  be  in  our  power. 

On  July  i6th,  after  a  bitter  fight  against  the  Austrians 
in  the  Trentino,  Garibaldi  occupied  Condino.  This  victory 
cost  the  Garibaldians  much  blood.  Among  those  who  fell 
in  this  battle  were  the  Triestians,  Giuseppe  Fenali,  Giuseppe 
Donati,  Fillipo  Faienz,  Pietro  Chiozza,  Capria  and  Walfer. 

Garibaldi,  who  in  the  last  few  days  had  freed  a  large  part 
of  the  Trentino  from  the  Austrians,  issued  (July  i8th), 
the  following  proclamation  to  the  people: 

^  Garibaldi  was  wounded  in  the  thigh  at  the  battle  of  Monte  Suello. 


IRREDENTISTS  IN  1866  153 

Trentini:  Your  hopes  and  the  hopes  of  all  Italians  are  on  the 
eve  of  fulfillment.  The  war  song  of  our  musketry  brings  to  you 
the  first  echo  of  liberty;  it  brings  to  you  a  fraternal  salutation. 
You  understand  both.  We  will  fight  together  for  the  liberty  and 
unity  of  Italy,  and  here  on  these  your  mountains,  which  are  a 
formidable  defense  for  free  men,  clasping  each  others'  hands  we 
will  swear  together  to  fight  for  the  Finis  Austriae;  the  end  of  for- 
eign rule. 

On  July  20th,  in  a  naval  battle  fought  at  Lissa  between 
the  Italians  and  Austrians,  an  officer  of  the  marine,  Giovanni 
Ivancich,  a  Dalmatian,  fell  with  the  name  of  Italy  on  his  lips. 
And  on  July  21st,  the  Garibaldians  fought  at  Bezzecca  the 
greatest  battle  of  the  campaign,  which  lasted  for  more 
than  twelve  hours.  This  victory  cost  the  Hero  1,522  vol- 
unteers, many  of  whom  were  from  the  Irredentist  regions. 

On  July  25th,  Garibaldi  received  from  the  government 
of  the  King  of  Italy  the  famous  telegram :  "Armistice  signed. 
Evacuate  Trentino.'*  To  which  the  Hero  respondedwith  the 
more  famous:  "I  obey!" 

Then  (at  the  end  of  July,  1866),  in  the  liberated  towns 
(Storo,  Darzo,  Lodrone,  Magaza,  Dondone,  Condino, 
Cimego,  Dono,  Bersone,  Upper  and  Lower  Tiarno,  Drione, 
Strada,  Bezzecca,  Pieve  of  Ledro,  Mezzolago,  Molina  and 
Barcesina,  Legos,  Pie  of  Ledro,  Biacesa,  Concei,  Locca, 
Eugenise  and  Leusumo)  the  municipal  councils  and  the 
clergy  signed  and  sent  to  Victor  Emanuel  II  the  following 
address: 

Now  that  the  greatest  sacrifices  have  been  made;  now  that 
Austria  is  crumbling  in  every  direction,  here  comes  'diplomacy'  as 
an  obstacle  between  us  and  our  rights;  and  the  voices  of  peace 
become  so  insistent  that  we  fear  them,  whereas  a  few  days  ago 
we  had  so  much  hope  in  them.  In  this  our  distress  we  turn  to 
you,  who  have  never  been  deaf  to  the  cry  of  sorrow  of  your  people; 
and  we  say  to  you  that  we  are  yours,  because  we  are  part  of  the 
Italian  nation,  and  we  are  ready  to  give  our  substance  and  our 
lives  for  her. 

Numerous  Trentian  families  in  the  war  of  1866  gave  each 
two  brothers  to  the  Italian  army;  as,  for  example,  the 
Brescian  family  of  Riva,  the  family  De  Pretis  of  Cagno, 
the  Ducati  and  the  Molinari  of  Trent,  the  Eccheli  of  Ala, 


154  SECOND   PART 

the  Tavernini  family  of  Dro,  the  Weiss  family  of  Strigno. 
The  family  of  Count  Sizzode  Norisof  Trent  gave  three.  And 
other  families,  like  the  Eccheli  of  Brentonico,  the  Jagher  of 
Trent  and  Martini  of  Riva,  gave  as  many  as  four  each. 

Among  those  who  earned  the  silver  medal  for  valor  was 
the  Triestian  Enrico  Ferolli,  who  was  seriously  wounded  at 
Cimego.  Honorable  mention  was  given  to  the  Triestian, 
Rodolfo  Donaggio;  medal  and  mention  to  the  Trentini, 
Carlo  Chimelli,  Virgilio  Inama,  Giovanni  Jagher,  Alessandro 
Zinis,  Carlo  De  Pretis,  Ferdinando  Rinaldi,  Virgilio  Covi  and 
Filippo  Tranquillini.  The  cross  of  officer  of  the  military 
order  of  Savoy  was  offered  to  Ergisto  Bezzi  for  his  extraor- 
dinary service  during  the  entire  campaign,  but  he  refused 
it  as  at  other  times  he  had  refused  the  cross  of  cavalier. 

In  the  Garibaldian  legions  the  following  greatly  dis- 
tinguished themselves:  the  Trentian,  Oreste  Bronzetti, 
brother  of  the  two  fallen  heroes  Narciso  and  Pilade;  the 
Trentian  lieutenant,  Pietro  Montanari,  and  Carlo  Tivaroni. 

Some  volunteers  were  recent  deserters  from  Austria,  and 
consequently  they  put  their  lives  at  a  double  risk.  Such 
were,  for  instance,  the  lieutenant  Paolo  Cortella  of  Storo, 
Cernio  Battorchi  of  Tione,  and  Isidoro  Canella  of  Riva. 

About  August  I,  1866,  some  Trentian  patriots,  led  by 
the  Garibaldian  captains,  Francesco  Martini  and  Filippo 
Manci,  attempted  a  revolutionary  movement  in  Trentino 
which  had  for  its  object  the  annexation  to  Italy  (as  soon  as 
peace  should  be  declared),  at  least  of  the  Trentino  territory 
occupied  by  the  soldiers  of  Garibaldi.      The  attempt  failed. 

On  August  nth,  the  Triestians  sent  an  appeal  in  which 
they  said: 

In  order  that  Italy  may  be  a  guarantee  of  the  peace  of  Europe, 
she  should  be  placed  in  the  political  family  as  a  unit.  Lacking 
that,  and,  consequently  discontented  and  longing  for  affiliation, 
she  would  have  within  herself  the  reason  for  new  dissensions  and 
new    conflicts. 

Now  the  Alps,  which  form  the  eternal  and  natural  boundary 
of  the  Italian  peninsula,  rise  back  of  Istria,  just  as  they  do  behind 
Piedmont,  Lombardy  and  Veneto,  properly  so  called.  The  Isonzo 
River  has  its  source  in  the  Tricorno,  one  of  the  giant  mountains  of 
the  Alps,  and  distributes  its  waters  to  the  regions  of  Drava, 


IRREDENTISTS  IN  1866  155 

Sava,  and  Culpa,  and  also  to  those  of  the  Adriatic  Sea,  through  the 
regions  which  send  their  quota  of  waters  to  the  plains  of  the 
Danube,  and  thence  to  the  Black  Sea  and  also  to  the  declivities 
of  the  Italian  continent.  Nature,  therefore,  was  not  uncertain 
on  the  eastern  limits  of  Italy  in  raising  up  such  a  notable  barrier 
to  separate  countries  that  diflPer  so  radically  in  every  respect;  so 
much  so  that  one  can  easily  see  even  in  the  color  and  temperature 
of  the  air,  and  by  the  vegetation,  how  they  are  separated  by 
unalterable  laws. 

The  Isonzo  River,  the  aulic  boundary  of  Italy  imposed  by 
Vienna,  would  have  remained  almost  unknown  if  a  little  back  of 
its  right  bank,  Austria  had  not  created  a  separate  administration 
for  the  imperial  lieutenancy  of  Venice.  Even  when  the  counts  of 
Goritz  and  the  Archduke  of  Austria  ruled  over  the  Isonzo  River 
opposite  the  republic  of  Venice,  its  whole  course  was  not  all  of 
the  boundary  of  the  two  dominions,  but  other  minor  waters  and 
moats,  and  other  evidences  of  private  estates  beyond  on  the  low- 
lands and  in  the  mountains  of  Friuli  were  the  boundaries. 

Those,  however,  who  have  learned  to  limit  Venice  on  the 
east  to  the  margin  of  a  little  stream,  should  (to  show  coherence 
in  their  historical  reminiscences)  cede  to  Austria  that  part  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  Isonzo  already  conceded  to  it  by  the  hasty  adjust- 
ments made  at  the  time  of  the  Napoleonic  kingdom  in  Italy,  in 
face  of  the  fact  that  Istria  was  annexing  itself  to  that  kingdom. 

Stop,  therefore,  such  notions  of  the  geography  of  Italy  as  have 
no  foundation  other  than  the  insidious  ambition  of  the  Austrian 
chancellery.  The  geography  of  our  Patria  we  learn  from  nature, 
and  not  as  Austria  would  have  us  learn  it,  in  order  to  preserve  her 
illusions  of  a  new  conquest. 

To  recognize  and  to  protect  our  own  is  our  firS*t  duty;  and 
civilized  nations  cannot  do  other  than  recognize  that  such  duty 
is  also  our  right. 

The  Istrians  with  the  Triestians  published  another 
memorial  directing  it  to  Visconti  Venosta,  foreign  minister 
of  Italy.     Here  are  the  most  salient  points: 

Istria  is  a  point  facing  the  Lagoon,  and  it  is  attached  to  the 
mainland  by  means  of  little  islands  and  the  swamps  of  Grado, 
Marano  and  Aquileia;  Istria  is  a  portion  of  land  detached  from 
our  Alps  and  slipped  down  into  our  sea;  it  is  to  us  almost  a  harbor. 
It  is  a  necessar)^  stopping  place  for  us.  The  Roman  and  Venetian 
fleets  wintered  at  Pola,  which,  following  the  changes  of  centuries. 


156  SECOND  PART 

was  a  branch  of  Aquileia,  of  Ravenna  and  of  Venice.  The 
Venetian  galleys  equipped  themselves  at  the  port  of  Quieto. 
Large  and  small  ships  which  are  on  the  way  to  Venice  are  obliged 
to  stop  at  Quieto,  at  Umago  and  at  Pirano.  One  cannot  go  to 
Venice  without  touching  the  coast  of  Istria.  No  boat,  not  a 
steamer,  could  venture  into  the  upper  Adriatic  without  danger 
from  the  cannons  of  Pola. 

Istria,  on  her  part,  is  Italian  by  origin,  but  is  Venetian  by 
spontaneous  surrender.  She  fell  with  Venice  in  1797  after  the 
ill-advised  peace  of  Campoformio;  it  is  right  and  it  is  necessary 
that  with  Venice  she  shall  rise  again;  otherwise  not  only  Istria 
would  suffer,  but  Venice  with  her. 

Istria  formed  a  part  of  the  first  Kingdom  of  Italy  from  1805 
to  1810,  and  when  it  fell  again  into  the  hands  of  Austria,  the 
latter  promised  to  annex  it  to  the  other  provinces  of  Venice;  but 
such  promises  —  Austrian  promises  —  were  as  usual  not  fulfilled. 
In  1848  and  in  1859  Istria  —  at  the  demand  of  the  people  and 
by  means  of  its  municipal  council  —  demanded  and  re-demanded 
to  be  united  to  Venice,  but  always  in  vain,  because  Austria  re- 
mained mistress  of  the  situation. 

With  the  new  order  of  things  into  which  Europe  must  neces- 
sarily enter,  it  is  in  the  interests  of  civilization  that  there  shall  be 
a  satisfied  and  a  strong  Italy.  But  that  Italy  will  never  be,  with- 
out the  frontiers  of  the  Rhaetian,  Carnic  and  Julian  Alps,  and 
without  the  ports  which  nature  offers  on  the  coast  of  Istria  in 
compensation  for  those  ports  which  nature  has  denied  her  on  the 
remaining  Adriatic  coast  from  Otranto  to  Grado. 

The  Italian  nation  has  her  eyes  turned  to  the  army  and  navy; 
she  thinks  that  a  rapid  and  daring  action  would  give  those  lands 
into  our  possession,  would  facilitate  the  work  of  diplomacy,  would 
offer  to  the  Istrian  population  the  longed  for  opportunity  to 
disprove  with  facts  the  doubts  which  from  some  quarters  are 
still  circulating  about  them. 

In  repeating  therefore  the  high  confidence  which  we  have  in 
you,  in  the  entire  council  of  ministers,  and  in  its  illustrious  head, 
we  do  not  hide  the  hope  of  the  Italian  Government,  which  the 
memory  of  the  great  Cavour  inspires,  for  the  command  of  land 
nnd  sea,  and  we  must  be  in  readiness,  in  concord,  with  vigorous 
decisions  which  are  necessary  for  the  interest  and  honor  of  Italy 
who  waits,  but  feels  a  sense  of  life  in  her  whole  being.  She  wishes 
to  be  a  whole  and  not  simply  to  exist,  but  to  occupy  the  position 
with  her  peers,  which  she  expects  finally  to  hold  in  Europe. 

In  fact,  in  Istria  there  is  not  a  village  that  shows  even  a  little 


IRREDENTISTS  IN  1860  157 

civic  life  which  is  not  purely  Italian.     The  national  character  is 
conspicuously  Italian  in  all  of  its  exterior  manifestations. 

Its  manner  of  dressing,  its  customs,  traditions,  legends,  songs, 
proverbs,  are  Italian.  The  architecture,  from  the  humblest 
cottage  to  the  city  hall,  is  Italian.  The  brush  and  chisel,  which 
decorate  the  temples  and  the  public  buildings,  are  Italian.  Italian 
are  the  laws  of  the  Communes,  of  which  they  have  striking  ex- 
amples in  the  municipal  statutes  as  far  back  as  the  year  1200, 
fashioned  after  those  of  the  Romans,  and  such  statutes  regulated 
the  civic  life  of  the  Istrian  regions  during  the  time  that  in  many 
other  parts  of  Italy  there  were  only  feudal  lords  and  plebs  ignorant 
of  their  past,  their  present  or  their  future.  Istria  has  illustrious 
names,  which  stand  among  the  greatest  of  Italy.  Who  does  not 
know  the  names  of  Vergerio  and  Flaccio,  celebrated  in  the  history 
of  the  Reformation;  Sartorio,  a  leader  in  medical  science;  Muzio, 
competitor  of  Davanzati;  Carli,  the  economist;  Carpaccioand  his 
paintings;  the  music  of  Tortini,  not  to  mention  the  hundreds  of 
others  from  Istria  who  reached  the  highest  and  most  honored 
seats  in  the  universities  of  Padua,  Pisa,  Bologna  and  Rome.? 

Under  Rome,  the  province  of  Istria  was  always  the  most 
jealously  guarded  region  of  Italy,  as  the  military  monuments 
prove,  of  which  we  today  admire  the  numerous  remains  and 
which  Roman  genius  erected  along  the  frontier  against  the  nations 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Alps.  And  when  those  nations  con- 
quered the  Roman  Empire  and  irrupted  on  them  and  plundered 
and  made  Italy  servile,  it  was  the  people  of  Istria  and  the  people 
of  the  sea  coast  of  Venice  who,  more  than  any  other,  saved  the 
name  of  Italy,  forming  themselves  into  a  government  of  free  Com- 
munes (the  first  Italian  Communes  of  the  medieval  age)  under  the 
nominal  sovereignty  of  Byzantium. 

Afterward,  Istria  continued  to  fight  against  foreigners  (Longo- 
bardians,  Slavs,  Mongolians,  Huns,  Avars,  Saracens);  and  we 
know  that  from  that  period  the  honor  of  the  Venetian  flag,  or,  as 
they  said,  the  "Beatified  Mark,"  was  confided  to  the  allied 
galleys  and  arms  of  the  Istrians. 

Butalldemandswereinvain.  In  the  treaty  of  peace  signed 
at  Prague,  August  24,  1866,  the  just  pretensions  of  Italy  to 
the  unredeemed  regions  and  to  that  part  of  the  Trentino 
acquired  by  Garibaldi  v^ere  not  recognized  by  conquering 
Prussia  nor  by  the  mediator,  France.  Thus  the  Govern- 
ment of  Victor  Emanuel  II,  by  virtue  of  the  treaty  of  peace 


158  SECOND   PART 

signed  at  Vienna,  October  3,  1866,  had  to  remain  content 
with  Venice  only,  ceded  by  Francis  Joseph  to  Napoleon  III, 
and  by  him  given  to  Italy. 

What  sorrow  this  produced  in  the  hearts  of  the  people 
of  the  unredeemed  regions  can  well  be  imagined  especially 
if  one  consider  that  the  Triestian,  Pietro  Brambilla,  was  in- 
formed by  the  Minister  Visconti-Venosta,  that  Trieste  was 
the  objective  point  of  the  Italian  military  operations;  and 
that  Hortis  and  Carlo  Combi,  Triestians,  were  named  vice 
commissioners  of  the  Italian  Government;  one  for  Trieste 
and  the  other  for  Istria;  and  Carlo  Boggio,  a  lawyer,  who 
died  in  the  naval  battle  of  Lissa,  had  in  his  pocket  the  decree 
with  which  he  was  nominated  royal  commissioner  of  Trieste. 

On  November  14,  1866,  Victor  Emanuel  II  in  traveling, 
stopped  at  Udine.  In  the  procession  of  citizens  there  were 
more  than  3,000  Goritzians,  Triestians  and  Istrians.  A 
Garibaldian  of  The  Thousand^  a  native  of  Trieste,  carried  an 
Italian  flag  draped  with  crepe.  On  the  following  day  they 
(the  3,000)  presented  the  draped  flag  to  the  mayor  of  Udine 
with  a  considerable  sum  of  money  as  a  contribution  from  the 
Italians  of  the  Irredentist  region  for  a  monument  to  Daniele 
Manin,  Doge  of  the  Republic  of  Venice  during  the  memor- 
able years  1848-49. 


XI 

The  filial  contributions  of  blood  by  the  Triestians, 
Istrians,  Trentini  and  Dalmatians  to  Italy  in  the  taking 
of  Rome  (1867-1870). 

Thfe  unredeemed  regions  of  Italy  were  shocked  by  the 
way  in  which  they  were  abandoned  in  1866,  but  the  patriots 
did  not  despair.  They  continued  to  work  ardently  for  the 
complete  unity  of  the  Patria. 

In  May,  1867,  the  Italian  Government  consigned  to 
the  Austrians  the  convicts  whom  the  latter  had  left  in 
Veneto.  They  sent  them  to  the  station  of  Goritz,  where 
from  the  hands  of  the  Italian  carabinieri  they  were  given  in- 


IRREDENTISTS  FROM  1867  TO  1870  159 

to  the  hands  of  the  Austrian  gendarmes.  The  Goritzians 
received  the  ItaHan  carabinieri  with  rejoicings,  offering 
them  food  and  champagne;  cheering  Italy,  Garibaldi  and 
Victor  Emanuel  11.  During  the  night,  the  Austrian  police 
made  many  arrests,  and  after  a  couple  of  days  fourteen  young 
Goritzians  were  condemned  each  to  two  weeks  in  prison  and 
two  da^^s  without  food. 

On  the  night  of  July  I2,  1867,  numerous  rough  Slovenes 
farmers,  incited  and  protected  by  the  Austrian  police,  went 
in  procession  to  Trieste,  hectoring  the  citizens  with  the  cry, 
"  Long  live  Austria !"  These  latter  responded  crying,  "Long 
live  Italy!"  and  repulsed  the  assailants.  The  provocation 
was  renewed  the  next  day,  and  the  citizens  attacked  and 
disarmed  the  Slovenes.  But  the  imperial  Austrian  troops 
intervened  and  fired  on  the  Triestians,  killingtwo  and  wound- 
ing twenty-three. 

When  Garibaldi  was  ''arrested"  in  September,  1867,  by 
the  order  of  the  government  of  Savoy,  indignation  blazed  in 
the  hearts  of  the  Irredentists.  At  the  mass  meeting  held  in 
the  Theatre  Minerva  in  Udine,  September  26,  1867,  Pietro 
De  Carina  of  Monfalcone,  protesting  in  thenameof  the  Italian 
provinces  subject  to  Austria,  reminded  the  meeting  among 
other  things  of  the  words  which  the  Hero  a  few  months  be- 
fore had  directed  to  the  Irredentist  immigrants  in  this  same 
city  of  Udine:  "Words  of  hope  and  of  comfort,"  said  the 
speaker,  "which  quickly  passed  to  the  not  far  distant 
boundaries,  meeting  a  joyful  echo  from  the  fringe  of  the 
Julian  Alps  to  the  rock  of  Timavo,  and  to  the  shores  of  the 
gulf  of  Quarnero,  and,  it  makes  my  heart  tremble  to  say  it, 
to  the  graves  of  Trentini  which  are  even  yet  bloody;  to 
the  graves  of  the  poor  victims  of  1866." 

In  the  Garibaldian  expedition  of  the  Agro  Romano  all 
the  unredeemed  provinces  of  Italy  were  represented.  The 
Trentian,  Giuseppe  Fontana,  was  the  first  to  pass  the  boun- 
dary of  the  Roman  State  at  the  head  of  150  volunteers.  Of 
the  seventy-five  Italians,  forming  the  handful  who  were 
led  by  the  brothers  Cairoli  and  aided  by  revolutionary 
patriots  of  Rome,  twenty  were  Triestians.  In  the  glorious 
combat  of  Villa  Glori   (October  23,   1867)   four  Triestians 


160  SECOND   PART 

fell  dead,  and  others  were  wounded,  among  whom  were 
Gian  Luigi  Vidali  and  Pietro  Mosettig  who  fell  near  Gio- 
vanni Cairoli.  And  among  those  who  penetrated  into  Rome 
was  Giusto  Muratti,  also  a  Triestian. 

In  the  wool  shop  of  Giulio  Ajani  in  Trastevere,  at  the 
side  of  the  heroine  Giuditta  Arquati-Tavani,  and  the  other 
generous  patriots  also  massacred  by  the  Pope's  merce- 
naries the  same  day  (October  23d),  were  Francesco  Mauro 
and  Enrico  Ferolli,  Triestians;  and  Rodolfo  Donaggio, 
also  a  Triestian,  was  seriously  wounded. 

At  Monterotondo  (October  25,  1867)  the  Garibaldian 
captain  Marziano  Ciotti  of  Gradisca,  kindled  a  fire  at 
the  door  of  the  fortress,  forcing  its  defenders  to  surrender 
and  thus  decided  the  famous  victory  which  Garibaldi  gained 
over  the  papal  army.     Afterward  the  Hero  wrote  to  Ciotti: 

You  at  the  head  of  your  company  were  the  first  to  enter 
Monterotondo  on  the  burning  ruins  at  the  Porta  San  Rocco.  I 
proclaim  you  a  hero,  and  brave  was  the  company  which  you 
commanded.  The  Italian  women  will  honor  the  champions  of  our 
glories.     And  I  send  to  you  a  fraternal  kiss. 

Afterward  at  Mentana,  in  that  glorious  defeat,  Marziano 
Ciotti  of  Gradisca  fought  heroically;  Luigi  Pecenco  of  Trieste 
and  a  sixteen  year  old  volunteer,  Giuseppe  PoUini  of  Rove- 
reto,  fell  dead  on  the  field;  and  the  Trentian,  Ergisto  Bezzi 
remained  seriously  wounded  and  a  prisoner.  And  among 
the  last  to  leave  the  field  of  battle  were  captain  Emilio 
Maddali,  Triestian;  Carlo  Tivaroni,  Dalmatian;  Federico 
Cuder,  Istrian;  and  Vincenzo  Cattarozzi,  Trentian. 

At  Florence  the  two  Dalmatian  brothers,  Tommaso  and 
Rovis  Vusio,  worked  for  the  rescue  of  Rome. 

At  Padua,  the  Istrian  University  students,  with  Domenico 
Lavisato  as  their  leader,  conspired  for  the  same  purpose. 
Garibaldi,  responding  from  Caprera  to  an  address  which 
they  sent  him,  encouraged  them  with  these  words: 

Thank  you  for  your  kind  attestation  of  love.  You  are  Italian 
by  origin  and  aspirations,  and  therefore  Italy  must  not  forget  you, 
as  Istria  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  gems  in  her  crown.  I  would 
willingly  give  my  life  for  the  complete  rescue  of  our  family. 


IRREDENTISTS  FROM  1867  TO  1870  161 

On  April  20,  i868,  the  marriage  of  Prince  Humbert  of 
Savoy  to  his  cousin,  the  Princess  Margherita,  was  celebrated. 
The  Irredentist  immigrants  presented  an  address  to  Victor 
Emanuel  II,  extending  from  Udine  the  good  wishes  of  the 
Trentian  and  Julian  regions,  reminding  him  and  the  newly 
wedded  pair  that  "only  by  the  rescue  of  these  regions  would 
the  star  of  Italy  shine  without  a  blemish." 

In  the  same  year,  i868,  the  Istrians, Triestians,  Friulians 
and  Dalmatians  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  the  Italian 
parliament  approve  the  law  by  which  "all  Italians  of  the 
provinces,  which  do  not  yet  form  a  part  of  the  Kingdom  of 
Italy,  are  equal  in  the  exercise  of  civil  rights  as  citizens  of 
the  nation,  on  condition  —  after  presenting  their  birth 
papers  and  conforming  to  the  other  formalities  of  the  law  — 
that  they  register  their  names  in  the  books  of  an  Italian 
town  of  their  choice." 

The  members  of  the  national  committee  of  Goritz  wrote 
to  Benedetto  Cairoli,^  who  had  presented  and  supported  this 
law  from  1862,  reminding  him  that  "as  in  the  past  the  faith 
of  the  Goritzians  in  Italy  was  unshaken,  it  would  continue 
unshaken  in  the  future,  and  it  was  necessary  that  their  free 
brothers  should  sometimes  encourage  them  with  words  of 
comfort."  The  committee,  thanking  Cairoli  for  his  having 
said  these  words  of  comfort,  begged  of  him  always  to  re- 
member them  and  they  prayed  for  the  day  of  their  deliver- 
ance. 

Cairoli  responded: 

Your  misfortune  is  a  common  evil  and  it  would  also  be  a 
shame  if  it  could  be  forgotten;  but  it  is  not.  I  shall  remember 
your  sufferings,  your  daring  protests  and  the  aid  which  you  have 
given  in  the  battles,  in  the  sorrows,  and  your  share  in  the  glories, 
of  the  Italian  Patria.  Your  cause  therefore  is  ours,  and  I  hope  to 
be  able  to  consecrate  to  it  not  only  my  word  but  my  life.  Receive 
from  me,  brave  citizens  and  worthy  interpreters  of  the  national 
thought,  a  fraternal  salute. 

In  July  1868,  after  several  demonstrations  by  the  munici- 

^  Sonof  Dr.  Carlos  Cairoli  and  Adelaide  Bono,  the  modern  mother  of  the  Gracchi; 
one  of  the  finest  heroes  of  the  Italian  Risorgimento,  a  deputy  to  the  National  Parli- 
ament for  thirty  years,  and  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  under  Humbert  1(1825-1889) 


162  SECOND   PART 

pal  council  and  by  the  people  of  Trieste,  a  crowd  of  Slavic 
farmers,  incited  and  abetted  by  a  territorial  battalion  com- 
posed of  the  fiercest  Slavs,  called  hdcoli  (cockroaches)  by  the 
people,  brutally  assaulted  the  Triestians  with  the  cry  "Long 
live  Austria!"  The  Triestians  repulsed  them,  crying.  Viva 
Vltalia!  The  fight  continued  until  the  following  day.  A 
Triestian  student,  Rodolfo  Parisi,  and  twoTriestian  workmen, 
Francesco  Sussa  and  Niccolo  Zecchia,  fell  dead  in  the  street 
(the  first  received  22  blows  of  bayonets) ;  in  the  main  street  of 
the  city  there  were  dozens  of  wounded.  At  the  funeral  of 
the  victims  there  was  an  immense  crowd,  from  whom  were 
gathered  more  than  11,000  signatures  with  which  the  city 
demanded  from  the  government  the  dissolving  of  the 
territorial  battalion.  But  instead  of  justice,  the  Triestians 
received  more  terrible  persecutions  from  the  police.  Many 
citizens  were  arrested.  The  condemnations  were  serious. 
The  spirit  of  the  Triestians  was  embittered.  They  felt  the 
yoke  of  Austria  grow  heavier  than  ever. 

In  August  1868,  at  Goritz,  a  small  bomb  was  exploded 
in  the  cathedral  during  the  mass  which  was  celebrated  for 
the  birthday  of  Francis  Joseph.  Carlo  Blasig  was  suspected 
by  the  Austrian  police  and  was  condemned  to  six  years'  im- 
prisonment. In  the  prison  of  Gradisca  where  he  was 
incarcerated,  he  met  Melchiorre  De  Pregel,  a  fellow-citizen 
and  brother  of  the  same  faith,  who  had  been  condemned  for 
four  years;  between  them  they  concocted  a  plan  of  escape 
which  they  put  into  execution,  fleeing  and  taking  refuge  in 
Udine. 

Thus,  between  conspiracies,  demonstrations,  persecu- 
tions, trials,  condemnations,  martyrdom  of  every  sort, 
the  Italian  Irredentists  arrived  at  the  second  half  of  the  year 
1870. 

On  September  20th  of  that  year,  the  Italian  soldiers, 
commanded  by  General  RafFaele  Cadorna,  entered  Rome. 
On  that  memorable  occasion,  the  officer,  Cristoforo  Venier  of 
Capodistria,  distinguished  himself  and  was  wounded,  to- 
gether with  other  Irredentists. 

At  Trieste  the  news  of  the  taking  of  Rome  was  received 
with  great  joy.     The  people  ran  hurrying  through  the  streets 


THE  MARTYRDOM  OF  OBERDAN      163 

cheering  for  Italy.  The  Austrian  police  charged  with  fixed 
bayonets  and  dispersed  the  crowds,  but  they  always  re- 
assembled and  defended  themselves.  In  the  evening  all  the 
windows  of  the  houses  were  brilliantly  illuminated.  The 
Austrian  pohce  ran  from  house  to  house  blowing  out  the 
lights,  but  they  were  quickly  relighted.  This  infuriated  the 
police  against  the  people. 

It  has  been  truly  said  that  on  that  day  (September  20, 
1870)  there  was  more  blood  spilled  at  Trieste  than  at  Rome. 


XII 

Triestians  are  found  among  the  Garibaldian  volunteers 
in  defense  of  France  against  Prussia  in  the  war  of  1870. 
Continued  demonstrations  of  Italianity  in  the  Irredentist 
regions  (1872-1882).  The  young  Triestian,  William 
Oberdan,  university  student  at  Rome,  ardent  apostle  of 
Italianity,  is  hanged  at  Trieste  for  attempting  to  take  the 
life  of  Francis  Joseph.  Tremendous  Italian  demonstra- 
tions against  Austria  (December  1882). 

In  the  autumn  of  1870,  Garibaldi,  forgetting  his  treat- 
ment in  1848  and  in  1866,  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  an 
Italian  corps  of  volunteers  among  whom  were  his  sons, 
Menotti  and  Ricciotti,  and  his  son-in-law,  Stefano  Canzio, 
and  went  to  France  to  defend  the  Republic  against  Prussia, 
The  Hero  defeated  the  Prussians,  charging  with  bayonets 
at  Pasques,  Prenois  andCommarin;  he  defeated  them  again 
at  Dijon  after  three  days  of  terrible  fighting  (January  21, 
22,  23,  1871)  and  there  captured  the  flag  of  the  6ist  regiment 
of  infantry.  This  was  the  only  flag  which  the  Prussians 
lost  in  the  memorable  war  with  France. 

Caprin,  Dudovich  and  several  other  Triestians,  for  whom 
Garibaldi  impersonated  the  ideal  of  liberty  for  all  oppressed 
people,  took  part  with  him  in  the  aforesaid  battle. 

The  death  of  Mazzini  took  place  at  Pisa,  March  10,  1872, 
and  produced  immense  sorrow  in  the  unredeemed  lands.  At 
Trieste  black-bordered  manifestos  were  circulated  expressing 


164  SECOND  PART 

the  citizens'  grief.  The  Austrian  police  sequestered  that 
number  of  the  journal  UOperaio  (organ  of  the  local  society 
of  workmen  of  which  Edgardo  Rascovich  was  president), 
because  it  had  been  made  the  interpreter  of  the  Triestian 
sentiments  of  sorrow. 

In  1873  Victor  Emanuel  II,  going  to  Vienna,  passed 
through  Nabresina.  The  Austrian  police  stopped  hundreds 
of  carriages  which  carried  Triestians  who  wished  to  salute 
"their  King,"  and  arrested  great  numbers.  In  the  same 
year  Alessandro  Manzoni  ^  died  in  Italy.  At  Trieste  mani- 
festations of  grief  were  shown  by  the  citizens,  followed  by 
persecutions  by  the  Austrian  police. 

In  July  1877,  the  Istria-Triestian  committee  published 
a  proclamation  in  which  they  assured  the  Italian  Irredentists 
that  the  staunchest  patriots  of  Italy — Garibaldi,  Cairoli, 
Avezzana,  Fabrizi  and  others — had  always  been  determined 
to  recover  the  regions  subject  to  the  Hapsburgs. 

When  the  news  came  to  Trieste  that  Victor  Emanuel  II 
had  died  January  9,  1878,  the  Triestians,  as  an  evidence  of 
their  sorrow,  immediately  closed  their  shops  and  theaters. 
The  Austrian  police  attempted,  but  in  vain,  to  re-open  them; 
they  tore  down  the  Italian  flags  which  were  draped  with 
black;  sequestered  the  newspapers;  arrested  and  condemned 
citizens  en  masse.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  on  January  14, 
1878,  at  the  funeral  in  the  Pantheon,  at  Rome,  there  appeared 
a  superb  wreath  of  flowers,  which  the  city  of  Trieste  had  sent 
"To  their  King'*  by  the  hands  of  a  special  committee.  And 
on  JaAuary  15,  1878,  at  the  funeral  mass  under  the  auspices 
of  the  Italian  consulate  in  Trieste,  new  and  popular  mani- 
festations of  Italianity  were  followed  by  other  arrests  and 
other  condemnations.  Among  other  marks  of  loyalty,  the 
Common  Council  at  the  suggestion  of  the  Councillor  Antonio 
Vidacovich,  suspended  the  session  as  a  mark  of  their 
sorrow. 

At  Goritz,  on  June  2,  1878,  an  Italian  flag  waved  from 
the  hill  of  Montuzza  and  on  the  same  day,  from  the  highest 

^This  distinguished  Milanese  novelist  and  poet  was  the  author  of  /  Promessi 
S*OJi,  which  has  been  translated  into  every  modern  tongue.  One  day,  on  receiving 
Garibaldi  into  his  own  home,  he  exclaimed:  "This  is  the  happiest  day  of  my  life!" 
(1785-1873.) 


THE  MARTYRDOM  OF  OBERDAN      165 

point  of  the  hill,  another  great  Italian  flag  was  raised  with 
an  invocation  for  unity. 

In  the  same  year  Giosue  Carducci  visited  Trieste  and 
was  received  with  rejoicings.  From  that  visit  the  poet 
derived  the  inspiration  for  his  odes  Saluto  Italico  and  Mira- 
mar.  The  first  edition  of  Saluto  Italico  was  made  into  loose 
leaves  by  the  society  Young  Trieste  and  the  edition  was 
quickly  exhausted.  In  the  last  verse  in  this  volume  the  poet 
referred  to  the  Italian  Irredentists,  saying  to  them: 

In  the  face  of  strangers,  who  are  encamped  on  your  soil,  cry: 
Italia,  Italia,  Italia! 

For  circulating  this  many  were  arrested  and  convicted. 
On  October  15,  1878,  Garibaldi  wrote  from  Caprera  to 
the  Triestian  society  called  Young  Trieste: 

If  today  I  feel  myself  to  be  an  old  man,  it  is  because  I  feel  my- 
self to  be  useless  to  the  sacred  cause  of  Trieste  and  Trent.  I 
should  be  proud,  however,  to  give  to  you  the  last  days  of  my  life. 

On  October  19,  1878,  at  a  secret  meeting  at  Forli  pre- 
sided over  by  Aurelio  Saffi,  at  which  Edgardo  Rascovich  of 
Trieste  was  present,  it  was  decided  to  open  a  recruiting 
station  in  Italy  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  liberating 
expedition  into  the  Irredentist  region,  its  first  object  being 
immediately  to  collect  arms. 

In  this  same  year  a  number  of  Triestian  students  were 
arrested,  among  whom  was  one  Salvatore  Barzilai.^ 

In  Goritz,  in  1878,  a  national  journal  called  //  Goriziano 
was  started.  Notwithstanding  continual  persecutions  it 
imperturbably  continued  its  battle  for  Italianity.  But 
the  Austrian  authorities  arrested  the  editors,  brought  them 
to  trial  and  condemned  them  to  prison.  The  principal 
persons  accused  were  Antonio  Tabai,  an  architect,  and  Giu- 
seppe Vinci;  both  were  condemned  to  prison;  but  on  Decem- 
ber 15th,  they  audaciously  escaped  to  Udine  in  Italy. 

Also  the  Goritzians,  Giuseppe  Ricchetti,  Carlo  Jamsy, 

^The  Triestian  Barzilai  has  been  deputy  to  the  ItaHan  National  Parliament 
from  a  district  of  Rome  representing  the  Italian  Irredentists  during  the  last 
twenty-five  years.  For  a  long  time  he  had  been  president  of  the  Associated  Press 
in  Italy  and  was  Minister  in  the  Salandra  Cabinet. 


166  SECOND   PART 

Giuseppe  de  Mulitsch,  Luigi  Gregorich,  Stefano  Riaviz, 
Emilio  Pogatschnig  and  Vincenzo  Luccardi  were  condemned 
to  several  years  of  imprisonment. 

In  February  1879,  at  Goritz  some  bombs  were  exploded. 
The  Austrian  police  searched  the  houses  of  the  best  families 
of  the  city  and  arrested  Ugo  Zanardi,  Menotti  Delfino, 
Attilio  and  Emilio  Mortera,  Gustavo  Fabricci,  Sigismondo 
Stella  and  Alessandro  Regazzini,  and  they  were  condemned, 
some  to  two  and  some  to  three  years  in  the  dungeons  of 
Capodistria  and  Gradisca. 

When  on  June  3,  1882,  it  was  known  that  Giuseppe 
Garibaldi  had  died  at  Caprera  the  evening  before,  at 
Trieste,  at  Trent  and  in  all  of  the  unredeemed  regions 
there  occurred  demonstrations  similar  to  those  that  had 
followed  the  death  of  Victor  Emanuel  II:  great  manifesta- 
tions of  sorrow  on  the  part  of  the  citizens,  ferocious  per- 
secutions on  the  part  of  the  Austrian  police. 

Thus  the  year  1882  was  one  of  the  most  restless  and 
important  for  the  Italian  Irredentists.  The  death  of 
Garibaldi  resuscitated  in  the  hearts  of  the  oldest,  all  of 
the  charm  and  the  poetry  of  the  Garibaldian  epopee,  and 
aroused  glorious  memories  in  the  young.  More  than  this, 
the  insistent  voice  of  an  imminent  alliance  between  the 
Italian  and  Austrian  Governments  was  heard.  The  souls 
of  the  Italian  people  rebelled  at  the  idea  of  a  union  with  an 
ancient  tyranny,  which  as  yet  bound  Italian  soil  with  an 
iron  chain.  Such  a  union  meant  formal  and  decisive  re- 
nunciation of  the  unredeemed  lands.  The  patriots  could 
not  resign  themselves  to  accepting  the  cold  and  calculating 
reasons  of  state,  judging  them  to  be  illogical,  unnatural 
and  monstrous. 

Austria,  however,  indifferent  to  Italian  sentiment,  wished 
to  celebrate  in  the  year  1882,  the  fifth  centenary  of  the  so- 
called  "dedition"  of  Trieste  as  a  challenge  to  the  sup- 
pressed Irredentist  agitation.  The  Austrian  Government 
promoted  and  organized  an  Industrial  Exposition  at  Trieste, 
and  ordered  the  Triestians  to  take  their  part  in  it.  The 
citizens  responded  by  showing  themselves  hostile  to  the 
proposed  festivities.     Then  the  representative  of  the  Aus- 


THE  MARTYRDOM  OF  OBERDAN      167 

trian  Government  enlisted  outsiders,  debauched  them,  and 
with  them  tried  to  improvise  in  Trieste  demonstrations  fav- 
orable to  the  Empire.  The  paid  press  swelled  the  import- 
ance of  such  demonstrations,  making  Europe  understand 
that  Trieste  was  loyal  to  the  Hapsburgs. 

But  the  resolute  attitude  of  the  citizens  frustrated  the 
attempts  of  the  court  followers.  For  instance:  a  local 
Austrian  society  attempted  to  raise  a  flag  given  to  it  by  the 
Austrian  Princess,  Stefania;  but  at  the  moment  of  the  raising 
it  could  not  be  found,  having  been  ''mislaid"  by  Italian  pa- 
triots. The  Slav  sculptor  Rendic  one  morning  entered  his 
studio  prepared  to  take  to  the  public  square  one  of  his 
statues  representing  the  "dedition"  of  Trieste,  but  he 
found  it  headless.     The  Austrian  police  rose  in  fury. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  visit  of  the  Austrian  Archduke 
Charles  Ludwig  and  on  the  evening  before  the  opening  of  the 
exposition,  the  government  ordered  military  bands  to  play 
through  the  streets,  and  they  were  followed  by  crowds  of 
the  lowest  Croatian  element,  led  by  a  dozen  or  more  high 
functionaries  of  the  Austrian  Government.  These  shouted 
"Down  with  Italy  and  death  to  Italians!  Prison,  gallows 
and  bullets  for  the  liberals!"  The  results  of  the  provocation 
were  serious.  Two  bombs  were  exploded.  Three  high 
Austrian  functionaries  and  about  twenty  lesser  ones  and 
some  spies  were  struck.  Some  of  them  lost  their  lives  and 
others  were  seriously  wounded,  thus  expiating  the  insult  to 
the  sentiments  of  Italianity  and  of  Hberty  held  by  an  entire 
population. 

The  police  did  not  succeed  in  discovering  the  authors 
of  this  attempt;  but  they  took  revenge  by  incarcerating  num- 
erous suspected  citizens.  They  also  arrested  the  young 
printers  Luigi  Schirone,  Ricciotti  Gervasio  and  Arturo 
Kattenbrunner  for  having  clandestinely  printed  the  approval 
of  the  attempt,  and  they  were  condemned  for  defending  the 
crime.  For  the  same  reason  they  convicted  two  peasant 
women,  Giulietta  Krammer  and  Carolina  Olacutti,  one  to 
one  and  one-half  years  and  the  other  to  two  years  of  hard 
labor. 

On  August  i8,  1882,  the  police  sequestered  a  trunk  con- 


168  SECOND   PART 

taining  a  bomb  of  the  Orsini  type,  and  a  smaller  bomb  be- 
longing to  Filippo  Spongia  of  Rovigno  of  Istria,  a  sailor  of 
the  Lloyd  Company.  These  had  been  sent  by  theTriestians 
exiled  in  Milan,  who  were  affiliated  with  the  Garibaldian 
Circle  of  Trieste  and  presided  over  by  Raimondo  Battera. 
Numerous  arrests  and  condemnations  followed. 

At  the  opening  of  the  exposition  only  the  employees  of 
the  government  attended,  and  they  were  protected  by  the 
Austrian  soldiers.  The  citizens  absolutely  refused  to  go. 
At  the  ticket  office  only  one  paid  ticket  was  found;  while  the 
next  morning  the  garden  of  the  exposition  was  covered  with 
the  tri-colored  badges  and  proclamations  of  the  Italians. 

At  Vienna  the  haughty  conduct  of  the  Triestians  irri- 
tated the  government  circles.  It  was  immediately  officially 
announced  that  in  the  following  September,  1882,  Emperor 
Francis  Joseph  would  visit  Trieste  to  assure  the  success  of 
the  exposition  by  his  august  presence  and  to  put  a  bridle  on 
the  rebellious  conduct  of  the  Triestians. 

Meanwhile  at  Rome  there  was  a  Triestian  student  named 
Guglielmo  Oberdan,  twenty-four  years  of  age,  in  the  en- 
gineering department  of  the  university.  He  was  a  young 
man  of  fine  culture  and  of  austere  moral  qualities,  a  fervent 
apostle  of  Irredentism,  greatly  esteemed  and  loved  by  the 
professors  as  well  as  by  his  fellow  students  and  other  Italian 
patriots.  He  was  poor  and  fatherless.  His  mother  was  a 
native  of  Goritz.  He  was  a  private  tutor  to  his  compan- 
ions and  worked  as  designer  with  an  engineer  in  Rome,  by 
means  of  which  he  was  able  to  earn  twenty  dollars  a  month, 
and  on  this  sum  he  lived  "Hkealord"  and  also  sent  a  small 
sum  to  his  mother,  whom  he  adored. 

In  1882  Oberdan  was  approaching  his  graduation.  But 
the  Irredentist  fermentation,  the  rumors  of  an  imminent 
Italo-Austrian  alliance  and  recent  events  in  his  Trieste 
fired  his  soul.  More  than  once  he  said  that**the  cause  of 
Trieste  needed  the  blood  of  a  Triestian  martyr,"  and  when 
he  believed  that  the  time  was  ripe  he  dedicated  himself  to 
the  sacrifice.  And,  considering  that  the  plans  of  the  armed 
expeditions  from  Italy  to  the  Irredentist  regions  (plans 
which  were  renewed  every  year)  always  failed,  he  himself 


THE  MARTYRDOM  OF  OBERDAN      169 

decided  to  promote  an  insurrectional  movement  at  Trieste 
in  the  hope  of  having  the  aid  of  Italy. 

Before  leaving  to  carry  out  his  plan,  Oberdan  went 
to  the  office  of  //  DoverCy  a  republican  journal  of  Rome 
directed  by  Felice  Albani,  where  he  wrote  and  signed  his 
political  testament: 

To  my  Italian  Brothers: 

I  go  to  perform  a  solemn  and  important  act. 

Solemn,  because  I  prepare  myself  for  a  sacrifice;  important, 
because  it  will  bring  forth  fruit. 

It  is  necessary  that  similar  acts  shall  shake  from  their  shameful 
torpor  the  souls  of  youths  who  are  free  and  those  who  are  not 
free. 

Too  long  these  generous  sentiments  have  been  silenced;  too 
long  has  the  head  been  bowed  to  every  sort  of  insult  from  strangers. 
Sons  forget  their  fathers.  The  name  Italian  threatens  to  become 
synonymous  with  cowardice  or  indiflPerence. 

No!  Our  generous  instincts  cannot  thus  die.  They  only  lie 
dormant,  they  will  awaken. 

At  the  first  cry  of  alarm  the  youth  of  Italy  will  rise;  they  will 
run  with  the  names  of  our  Great  Ones  on  their  lips  and  expel  for- 
ever from  Trieste  and  Trent  the  hated  stranger,  who  for  so  long 
has  menaced  and  oppressed  us. 

Oh,  I  would  that  this  my  act  might  lead  Italy  into  war  against 
the  enemy!  To  war!  the  only  salvation,  the  only  barrier  that  can 
arrest  the  increasing  moral  dissolution  of  our  youth. 

To  war,  youth,  while  we  yet  have  time  to  blot  out  the  shame 
of  the  present  generation;  and  let  us  fight  like  lions! 

Out  with  the  strangers!  And  as  winners,  strong  with  great 
love  for  the  true  Patria,  we  will  prepare  ourselves  to  fight  other 
battles  and  conquer  for  the  true  idea,  for  the  idea  which  has  always 
pushed  the  strong  to  bloody  battle,  for  the  Republican  idea. 

First  be  independent,  then  be  free,  Brothers  of  Italy!    Avenge 
Trieste  and  then  avenge  me! 
September  1882.  Guglielmo  Oberdan. 

The  young  man  left  Rome,  after  having  received  from 
the  Triestians  the  promise  of  an  insurrection,  of  a  sort 
of  "Triestian  Vespers, "  for  which  it  was  said  the  means  were 
ready.  He  received  encouragement  and  promises  of  aid 
from  various  prominent  democrats  of  Italy. 


170  SECOND  PART 

He  arrived  at  Udine,  September  15  1882.  From  Udlne 
he  directed  his  steps  to  the  Italo-Austrian  boundary  and 
succeeded  in  passing  it  under  a  stormy  sky  (the  preceding 
night  there  had  been  a  deluge).  Facing  a  cold  wind  and 
through  b>^'ays  steep  and  muddy,  he  reached  the  little 
hamlet  of  Ronchi  in  Eastern  Friuli  and  stopping  at  the  inn 
of  a  certain  Giovanni  Berini,  asked  for  a  room.  He  was 
weary;  he  threw  himself  on  the  bed;  he  slept;  but  suddenly 
he  was  wakened  by  a  loud  knock  on  the  door.  Shoeless 
and  in  his  night  shirt  he  hastened  to  open  it  and  saw  before 
him  the  Austrian  gendarmes. 

*' Who  are  you?"  demanded  the  leader. 

"Giovanni  Rossi  from  Goritz, "  responded  Oberdan,  who 
understood  that  he  had  been  betrayed;  and  he  quickly 
snatched  his  revolver,  crying  in  his  dialect,  "It  must  be  you 
or  me!"  and  fired. 

The  leader  of  the  gendarmes,  who  had  quickly  snatched 
the  revolver  of  Oberdan,  hoping  to  divert  the  shot,  had  the 
finger  of  one  hand  crushed.  The  youth  was  overpowered 
by  the  Austrian  patrol,  disarmed  and  tightly  tied.  In  his 
valise  were  found  two  bombs  and  a  flask  of  powder.  The 
gendarmes  dragged  him  in  chains  to  Monfalcone.  Then, 
to  the  imperial  Austrian  commissioners,  Oberdan  declared 
himself  to  be  Giovanni  Rossi,  son  of  the  dead  Francesco 
(Rossi)  and  Giuseppina  Ciani,  who  was  living;  twenty-four 
years  of  age;  of  Trieste;  student  of  physical  and  mathemat- 
ical sciences.  He  also  declared  that  he  had  fired  at  the 
captain  of  the  gendarmes,  because  the  Austrian  uniform  to 
him,  an  Italian,  was  most  abhorrent  as  representing  a  power 
"which  remained  by  force  in  our  home."  As  to  his  in- 
tentions, he  confessed  that  he  was  headed  toward  Trieste  to 
take  part  in  the  celebration  which  they  were  holding  "and 
to  give  in  some  way  a  greeting  to  his  Imperial  Majesty." 
He  acknowledged  as  his  the  bombs,  the  revolver,  the 
powder  flask,  certain  explosive  capsules  and  all  of  the  other 
things  found  in  his  valise.  In  consequence  of  such  declara- 
tions, Oberdan  was  dragged  to  Trieste,  surrounded  by  an 
escort  of  armed  Austrians,  and  was  incarcerated  in  the  for- 
tress of  San  Giusto  to  await  his  trial. 


THE  MARTYRDOM  OF  OBERDAN      171 

Francis  Joseph  arrived  to  visit  the  exposition  of  Trieste. 
The  city  appeared  Austrian  only  because  of  the  imperial 
flags  on  the  ships  anchored  in  the  port,  by  emblems  on  the 
government  offices  and  by  the  presence  of  soldiers  and  the 
guards  with  their  spiked  helmets.  But  the  citizens  were  not 
to  be  seen  anywhere. 

Whoever  in  those  days  made  himself  familiar  with  the  life  of 
a  Trlestian  citizen,  would  have  known  that  his  heart  was  Italian, 
Whoever  had  heard  the  intimate  voice  of  those  hearts  would  have 
heard  repeated  without  end  one  name:    Italia! 

On  the  birthday  of  the  emperor,  the  exposition  of 
Trieste  reached  the  maximum  of  its  visitors  —  two  hundred. 
Meanwhile  three  months  had  passed  since  the  arrest  of 
Oberdan.  Finally,  he  was  recognized^  as  a  deserter  and  then 
as  the  culprit  who  had  attempted  to  take  the  Hfe  of  Francis 
Joseph  and  the  compages  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Em- 
pire, and  by  court  martial  he  was  condemned  to  death 
by  means  of  the  halter. 

While  listening  to  the  reading  of  the  sentence,  Oberdan 
smiled,  and  fixing  his  calm  blue  eyes  on  the  judges,  simply 
said,  "Thank  you."  The  desperate  mother  implored  grace 
from  the  Emperor.  But  she  was  denied  it.  She  was  only 
granted  permission  "in  an  exceptional  manner"  to  visit  her 
son  on  the  condition  that  she  would  induce  him  to  ask  di- 
rectly for  imperial  grace.  This  the  poor  creature  tried  to 
do,  but  the  young  man  proudly  rejected  the  card  presented 
for  his  signature.  And  to  the  sobbing  mother  he  said  with 
voice  sweet  but  firm,  "Mother,  be  quiet,  I  shall  know  how  to 
be  worthy  of  you."  From  that  moment  the  unhappy  woman 
was  not  again  permitted  to  see  the  child  of  her  bosom. 

An  infinite  number  of  telegrams,  invoking  grace  for  the 
young  Triestian  condemned  to  death,  arrived  for  Francis 
Joseph   from   every  part  of  Europe.     Among  others  who 

^  The  city  of  Trieste  had  accorded  to  Oberdan,  when  he  was  younger,  a  "  Borsa 
di  studio"  of  300  lire  a  year  ($60.00)  because  at  Vienna  he  had  graduated  in  engi- 
neering. Thus  he  arrived  at  the  age  of  military  service  and  as  a  university  student 
he  was  incorporated  in  the  zzd  Austrian  Weber  regiment,  which  in  that  year, 
1878,  repressed  the  revolts  of  the  proud  mountaineers  of  Bosnia,  who  defended 
their  rights  of  independence  against  Austria.  Guglielmo  Oberdan,  ardent  soul  of 
liberty,  thirsty  for  justice,  deserted  the  Austrian  army  and  went  first  to  Ancona 
and  thence  to  Rome. 


172  SECOND   PART 

telegraphed  was  the  great  jurist  and  Italian  criminologist, 
Francesco  Carrara  and  the  poet,  Giosue  Carducci.  Victor 
Hugo  telegraphed  from  Paris,  saying: 

Sire,  here  is  an  opportunity  for  grace.  All  the  world  awaits  it. 
Clemency  is  the  virtue  of  kings.  The  penalty  of  death  is  abolished 
among  civilized  people.  The  penalty  of  death  will  be  canceled 
from  the  codes  in  the  twentieth  century.  It  would  be  well  to 
put  in  practice  from  this  hour  a  law  of  the  future.^ 

The  Triestian  women,  at  the  head  of  whom  was  Cle- 
mentina Bazzoni,  wife  of  Dr.  Bazzoni,  Podesta  of  Trieste, 
among  other  things  said  to  Francis  Joseph:  "Sire,  save  a 
young  life.  Spare  the  city  of  Trieste  from  the  horror  of 
capital  punishment." 

But  the  Emperor  of  the  Hapsburgs  responded  to  no  one. 

The  cell  in  which  Oberdan  was  confined  was  six  feet 
wide  and  nine  feet  long,  with  an  iron  door.  The  large  cell 
next  to  him  was  occupied  by  a  small  troop  of  rough  Austrian 
soldiers,  who  sneered  at  and  insulted  the  condemned  man. 
Oberdan  responded  to  them  by  singing  patriotic  hymns. 

December  19,  1882,  the  eve  of  the  execution,  was  a  day 
of  indescribable  anguish  for  the  Triestian  patriots.  The 
women  crowded  around  the  office  of  the  Austrian  police, 
hoping  to  see  the  longed-for  telegram  conceding  grace  to  the 
condemned  youth.  But  nothing  reached  them.  There 
came  instead  by  special  train,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening, 
directly  from  Vienna,  a  Mr.  Miillenbacher,  the  hangman 
of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Empire.  He  was  dressed  in  black 
with  a  tall  silk  hat  and  gloves  also  of  black.  He  was  ac- 
companied by  two  assistants.  Few  knew  of  his  arrival. 
From  the  station  he  went  in  a  closed  carriage  to  the  great 
barracks  to  eat  and  sleep.  In  the  morning  (December  20, 
1882)  at  six  o'clock  they  forced  Guglielmo  Oberdan  to  dress 
himself  in  the  uniformof  the  Austrian  Weber  regiment  which 
he  had  deserted;  he  was  visited  by  the  military  physician, 
Mandich,  and  then  by  the  chaplain.  But  the  young  man 
refused  the  so-called  consolation  of  religion. 

*  In  Italy  the  death  penalty  was  abohshed  following  the_work  Crimes  and 
Penalties  by  the  illustrious  Italian  criminologist  Cesare  Beccaria  (1738-1794),  a 
work  that  Voltaire  called  "the  natural  human  code."  Catherine  11, Empress  of 
Russia,  inserted  it  in  full  in  her  code. 


THE  MARTYRDOM  OF  OBERDAN       173 

Toward  seven  o'clock  he  was  ordered  to  leave  his  cell. 
The  north  wind  whistled.  It  was  bitterly  cold.  In  the 
damp  court  yard  darkness  reigned,  and  it  was  only  lugubri- 
ously lighted  by  the  smoky  red  rays  from  the  lanterns  of 
the  jailers.  In  the  obscurity  glistened  the  points  of  the  bayo- 
nets held  by  the  soldiers  who  filled  the  court  yard,  and  the 
arms  of  the  gallows  were  outlined  ominously  in  the  near 
distance. 

Oberdan  fixed  his  gaze  fearlessly  on  it  and  went  to  meet 
it  with  firm  step.  At  the  foot  of  the  gallows  he  tore  off'  the 
military  cape,  threw  it  on  the  ground  and  stamped  it  under 
foot  with  supreme  hate.  Then  he  ascended  the  fatal  stairs. 
Reaching  the  platform  he  cried:  *'I  die  content,  because  I 
hope  my  death  may  be  of  service  in  reuniting  my  be- 
loved Trieste  to  the  mother  country. "  The  military  com- 
mander silenced  him,  ordered  the  roll  of  the  drums  to  drown 
his  voice  and  directed  the  hangman  to  hurry  his  work. 
Oberdan  snatched  the  rope,  himself  placed  it  around  his  neck, 
crying:  *'Viva  Trieste-Italiana;  viva  ITtalial"  The  mur- 
derous rope  stopped  the  voice  and  the  life  of  the  youth. 
The  tragedy  was  accomplished.  A  new  name,  and  among 
the  most  glorious,  was  added  to  those  of  the  martyrs  of  the 
Italian  Risorgimento. 

The  Austrian  journals  of  the  empire  published  the  news 
of  the  execution  with  the  most  minute  details.  Indeed 
they  said  that  this  same  hangman,  Miillenbacher,  declared 
that  among  the  many  whom  he  had  executed  not  one  had 
shown  the  resolution  and  courage  of  this  young  Triest- 
ian. 

The  announcement  of  the  execution  of  Oberdan  produced 
immense  consternation  in  Trieste.  Energetic  protests  were 
made.  The  theaters  remained  deserted  for  three  consecutive 
nights,  notwithstanding  that  the  Austrian  police  insisted 
the  artists  should  perform  just  the  same,  under  penalty  of 
exile.  The  journals  were  sequestered  and  journalists 
who  had  commented  bitterly  on  the  tragic  event  were  ar- 
rested, tried  and  condemned.  Enrico  Jurettig,  for  example, 
publisher  of  the  Independent  of  Trieste  and  former  publisher 
of  the  Isonzo  of  Goritz,  for  having  exalted  the  martyrdom 


174  SECOND   PART 

of  Oberdan,  was  condemned  to  eighteen  months'  imprison- 
ment and  died   during  his  incarceration. 

Giuseppina  Oberdan,  with  heart-breaking  maternal  sor- 
row and  with  infinite  tears,  constantly  sang  the  praises  of 
her  son,  thus: 

My  Guglielmo  had  the  heart  of  an  angel;  he  was  gentle- 
mannered,  studious,  high  minded  and  a  loving  soul.  How  many 
times  he  caressed  me,  saying:  Poor  mother;  you  have  done  so  much 
for  me!  But  do  not  doubt,  when  I  become  professor  of  mathematics, 
I  will  compensate  you  for  all  your  sufferings.  We  will  always  live 
together  and  be  happy. 

His  professors  idolized  him;  he  was  always  at  the  head  of  his 
class.  At  fifteen  years  of  age  he  earned  money  by  tutoring.  He 
had  no  vices,  he  had  no  extravagances;  he  was  happy  if  he  could 
buy  some  books  with  a  few  cents  which  he  had  carefully  saved. 

In    Italy,    at   the   announcement   of  the   execution   of 
Oberdan,  one  heard  a  roar  as  of  a  wounded  lion. 
Carducci  said: 

Guglielmo  Oberdan  was  hanged  this  morning  at  Trieste.  It  is 
Austriacally  natural.  Thus  the  Emperor  Francis  Joseph  hurried  to 
respond  to  the  French  poet  [Victor  Hugo]  and  to  the  Italian  pro- 
fessor,^ who  invoked  his  clemency.  It  is  Austriacally  more  than 
natural.  He  [Francis  Joseph]  was  reared  in  blood;  in  blood  he 
is  growing  old;  we  hope  that  blood  will  suffocate  him,  and  be  it 
his  own  blood. 

Italy,  however,  is  weak  within,  most  weak  at  the  frontier. 
Now  we  have  need  of  social  reforms  for  justice;  economic  reforms 
for  strength;  arms,  arms,  arms,  for  security.  And  arms  not  for 
defense  but  offense.  Italy,  by  defending  herself,  must  take  the 
offensive.  Otherv\'ise  she  will  be  invaded.  Young  men  of  Italy, 
think  of  these  things.  And  stop  theorizing  and  debating  with 
wearisome  words.  We  must  honor  the  memory  of  Guglielmo  Ober- 
dan who  was  sacrificed  because  of  our  delinquency  and  for  us. 

In  ten  years,  on  the  highest  point  of  our  Alps  a  monument  to 
Caius  Marius^  and  to  Giuseppe  Garibaldi  will  be  raised,  with  the 
motto:   Foreigners,  turn  back! 

And  elsewhere  Carducci  said: 

^Carducci  himself,  professor  of  belles  lettres  at  Bologna. 

*  Caius  Marius  was  one  of  the  most  celebrated  Roman  generals,  seven  times 
consul.     Defeated  Jugurtha,  king  of  Numidia  and  the  Teutons,  (156-86  B.  C.) 


THE  MARTYRDOM  OF  OBERDAN      175 

Guglielmo  Oberdan  went  not  to  kill,  I  believe,  but  to  be  killed. 
He  throws  his  life  to  us  and  says:  Here  is  the  pawn;  Trieste  belongs 
to  Italy.  We  respond:  Guglielmo  Oberdan,  we  accept,  for  life  and 
for  death.  We  have  retaken  Rome  from  the  Pope;  we  will  retake 
Trieste  from  the  Emperor. 

And   Giovanni    Bovio,    philosopher  and  moralist,  said: 

Oberdan,  closing  the  Italian  martyrology,  reopened  Italian 
tradition.  The  rope  which  strangled  him,  woven  with  our  flag, 
shows  that  the  new  rights  of  the  people  will  extend  over  Austria. 

And  Aurelio  Saffi,  the  most  prominent  follower  of  Maz- 
zini,  said: 

The  waves  of  time  pass  with  changing  vicissitudes  of  selfishness 
and  error,  and  carry  with  them  the  names  of  the  oppressors  of 
people  condemned  to  scorn  and  oblivion;  but  the  memory  of 
Gughelmo  Oberdan  will  live  perennially  in  the  hearts  of  Italians, 
because  his  martyrdom  stands  for  the  immortal  protest  of  nature 
against  tyranny  which  breaks  its  laws. 

And  Matteo  Renato  Imbriani,  the  high-principled  de- 
fender of  the  rights  of  the  humble,  said; 

His  martyrdom  is  a  new  symbol  of  the  rescue  of  our  Patria. 
Although  chronologically  the  last  of  the  martyrs  of  Italy,  he  stands 
among  the  first  —  if  the  intellect  of  the  Patria  does  not  fail  —  for 
high  conscience  and  determined  will. 

And  Ettore  Socci,  apostle  of  woman  suffrage  In  Italy, 
said: 

The  life  of  Guglielmo  Oberdan  is  epitomized  in  love  for  his 
mother,  in  love  for  study,  in  love  for  the  Patria.  Young  men,  fill 
your  hearts  with  such  love;  study,  gird  up  your  loins  to  face  death 
for  the  Patria. 

The  students  and  the  working  men  of  Italy  suddenly 
raised  protests  in  every  city.  To  the  young  martyr  every- 
where memorials  were  voted  of  which  one  epigraph  —  that  of 
Carducci  —  appearing  in  the  Athenaeum  in  the  city  of 
Bologna,  was  one  of  the  most  incisive  and  beautiful: 

To  GuglielmoOberdan — who  died  heroically  for  Italy — a  terror 
admonition  and  a  reproof  to  outside  tyrants,  and  to  the  cowards 
within. 


176  SECOND  PART 

But  the  government  of  Humbert  I,  instead  of  uniting  its 
voice  with  that  of  the  nation,  and  at  least  saving  in  part  its 
Itahan  dignity,  did  everything  possible  to  smother  the  cry 
of  indignation  which  arose  from  the  peninsula  from  one  end 
to  the  other.  And  very  soon  after  (1883)  this  same  govern- 
ment of  Savoy  announced  that  it  had  signed  (May  20,  1882) 
the  treaty  of  alliance  with  Austria:  the  treaty  of  the  Triple 
Alliance! 

XIII 

The  monument  to  Dante  in  the  city  of  Trent  (1896). 
Manifestations  of  Italianity  at  Trieste  and  Istria  (1897- 
1903).  The  elementary  and  intermediate  Italian 
schools  in  Goritz  and  Gradisca,  Trieste,  Istria  and  in 
Dalmatia.  The  eternal  lamp  placed  by  the  Irredentist 
Italians  at  the  tomb  of  Dante  in  Ravenna  (1908).  The 
Italian  Irredentist  students  of  the  University  of  Vienna 
assaulted  by  the  Austrian  students  of  the  same  Universi- 
ty and  fired  upon  by  the  police.  Tremendous  Italian 
demonstrations  of  protest  against  Austria  (1908).  The 
incessant  conspiracies  of  Italian  Trieste  against  the 
Austrian  Government  until  1915. 

On  October  11,  1896,  a  monument  to  Dante  was  unveiled 
in  Trent  following  a  public  subscription  for  this  purpose  by 
the  Italians  of  the  Irredentist  regions.  The  monument, 
the  work  of  the  sculptor  Zocchi,  was  over  17.7  meters  high 
(the  figure  itself  was  5  meters  high)  with  a  base  13  meters 
wide.  Around  the  pedestal  the  three  cantos  of  the  Divina 
Commedia  were  represented;  the  Inferno  by  the  statue 
of  Minos,  the  Purgatorio  by  the  events  of  Sordello,  and  the 
Paradiso  by  Beatrice  among  the  Angels.  The  inscription 
reads  thus:  "To  Dante,  the  Father. — Trentino  —  with  the 
eulogy  and  aid  of  the  Nation  — MDCCCLXXXIX  [the 
year  in  which  the  monument  was  planned]  MDCCCXCVI 
[the  year  of  the  unveiling]." 

The  festivities  celebrating  occasions  of  this  kind  among 
the  Trentini  and  other  Italians  who  had  gathered  together 
from  the  Irredentist  regions  were  most  impressive. 


IKKEDENTIST  SCHOOLS  177 

Trieste  refused  to  send  deputies  to  the  Austrian  parlia- 
ment for  twenty-five  years.  Finally,  in  1897,  the  evergrow- 
ing and  serious  national  condition  induced  the  city  to  stop 
this  abstention  and  to  take  part  in  the  elections.  This 
resulted  in  a  triumph  and  the  election  of  the  Italian  liberal 
candidates. 

In  accepting  the  trust  conferred  upon  them  they  im- 
mediately made  a  declaration  in  which  they  affirmed  that 
their  acceptance  "must  leave  untouched  the  historical  ju- 
diciary of  Trieste  in  relation  to  the  Austrian  Empire."  In 
the  Parliament  of  Vienna  "there  were  frequent  protests 
made  against  Trieste  belonging  to  the  monarchical  Govern- 
ment of  Austria,  and  the  expression  of  hopes  of  its  annexa- 
tion to  the  Kingdom  of  Italy,  against  which  the  Austrian 
ministry,  the  German  and  Slavic  deputies  and  even  the 
representatives  of  Austrian  socialism  rose  and  protested." 

In  the  same  year,  1897,  many  young  Triestians  and  many 
from  the  unredeemed  regions  hastened  to  enroll  themselves 
with  Ricciotti  Garibaldi,  second  son  of  the  Hero,  who  had 
joined  Greece  in  the  war  against  Turkey. 

In  1899  Menotti  Garibaldi,  the  eldest  son  of  the  Hero, 
visited  Trieste.  He  was  triumphantly  received  by  the  people. 
The  usual  persecution  followed  on  the  part  of  the  Austrian 
police. 

When,  in  1900,  the  news  of  the  death  of  Humbert  I 
reached  Trieste,  the  city  went  into  mourning;  the  Triestian 
deputies  with  those  of  Julian-Venice  sent  a  telegram  of  con- 
dolence to  Rome.  The  Austrian  police  confiscated  the 
telegram  of  the  deputies  and  suppressed  the  newspapers; 
arrested  citizens,  and  even  condemned  some  young  girls, 
who  in  sign  of  mourning  had  worn  black  ribbons  on  their 
sleeves  and  necks. 

In  1901  Gabriele  d'Annunzio  went  to  Trieste.  He  was 
received  with  festivities.  The  usual  persecutions  followed 
on  the  part  of  the  police. 

In  the  same  year  Giuseppe  Verdi  died  in  Italy.  There 
were  manifestations  of  grief  in  Trieste.  The  usual  persecu- 
tions followed  on  the  part  of  the  police. 

In  the  same  year  Victor  Emanuel  III  visited  the  Ex- 


178  SECOND   PART 

position  at  Udine,  accompanied  by  Queen  Helena.  Thous- 
ands of  Triestians,  Istrians,  Goritzians,  Trentini  gathered  to 
welcome  **  their  King."  On  their  return  nearly  two  hundred 
citizens  were  arrested  and  prosecuted.  Ernesto  Spadoni, 
member  of  the  council  of  Trieste,  sacrificing  his  republican 
sentiments  for  love  of  Italy,  asked  to  be  presented  to  the 
King.  There  was  also  at  this  time  a  convention  of  students 
in  which  hundreds  of  young  men  of  the  Irredentist  regions 
participated.  At  this  same  convention  they  discussed  the 
coming  campaigns  and  enlistings,  and  the  Triestian  Luciano 
Magrini  published  a  thrilling  appeal  in  which  the  phrase 
Trieste  or  Death  predominated. 

In  the  same  year  (1901)  on  the  announcement  of  the 
birth  of  the  Princess  lolanda,  the  firstborn  of  the  King  of 
Italy,  fifty  homing  pigeons  were  sent  from  Trieste.  They 
flew  toward  Rome  to  carry  the  good  wishes  of  the  Triestians 
to  the  reigning  family  of  Italy. 

In  February  1902,  a  general  strike  was  called  as  a  pro- 
test against  the  Austrian  government  which  had  placed 
Austrian  soldiers  at  the  disposal  of  the  Austro-Hungarian 
Steamship  Company  as  substitutes  for  the  Italian  stokers 
who  had  walked  out.  All  the  citizens  sympathized  with  the 
strikers,  as  did  the  Common  Council,  and  the  strike  soon 
assumed  an  anti-Austrian  character.  There  were  violent 
uprisings.  The  Austrian  troops  fired  into  the  crowd. 
Fourteen  citizens  were  killed  and  hundreds  wounded. 
The  rural  mobs,  blindly  clerical  and  therefore  Austrian 
sympathizers,  hating  the  Italian  military  element,  soon 
joined  themselves  to  the  stoker-soldiers.  Then  a  group  of 
Triestian  students,  all  sons  of  the  working  class,  and  a 
group  of  young  workmen  who  were  Italian  sympathizers, 
with  one  accord,  decided  to  counteract  the  opposition  to 
Italianity  by  the  diflFusion  of  Mazzinian  principles — ''syn- 
thesizing in  a  wonderful  manner  the  idea  of  social  justice 
with  the  idea  of  national  independence  and  political  free- 
dom." 

The  struggle  of  these  two  united  groups  was  impet- 
uous and  far  reaching.  It  brought  out  a  new  spirit  of 
emulation    and    incentive   among   the   Italians,    embracing 


IRREDENTIST  SCHOOLS  179 

every  walk  of  life.  The  Mazzinian  organ  U Emancipazione 
was  founded.  These  same  Mazzinians  and  the  seceding 
Socialists  founded  the  Camera  del  Lavoro  (the  Bureau  of 
Labor).  Popular  study  and  sporting  clubs  were  organized. 
From  Trieste  the  propaganda  spread  rapidly  into  Istria, 
Friuli,  Dalmatia  and  Fiume.  At  Goritz,  for  instance,  the 
whole  movement  was  handled  by  the  Mazzinians,  and  in- 
telligently and  honestly  guided  by  Francesco  Spazzapan. 
The  Austrian  government  naturally  turned  the  weapons  of 
persecution  against  the  Mazzinians. 

In  1903  the  first  directive  Mazzinian  Committee  was 
arrested  and  prosecuted  at  Trieste.  This  committee  was 
composed  of  Riccardo  De  Haag,  Pietro  Caucich,  Eugenio 
Fonda,  Ado  Grego  and  Angelo  Scocchi.  Luciano  Magrini 
succeeded  in  escaping  to  Italy.  In  all  of  the  other  Irre- 
dentist cities  arrests  and  trials  followed  in  quick  succession. 
Many  were  arrested  in  Trieste  and  many  shut  in  the  prisons 
of  Capodistria,  Rovigno,  Pola  and  Goritz.  Pietro  Magrini 
passed  two  years  in  the  prison  at  Goritz.  Luigi  Duchie  of 
Trieste  spent  his  time  in  the  Capodistrian  jail;  Ferruccio 
Kalteneisen  in  the  castle  of  Laibach;  Mario  Sterle  in  the 
prisons  of  Pilsen;  Giovanni  Grion  at  Marburg;  and  Giuseppe 
Vidali  of  Trieste  was  dragged  through  the  Austrian  galleys 
from  Pola  to  Ravigno,  to  Trieste,  to  Laibach,  to  Klagenfurt, 
and  to  Marburg. 

But  one  of  the  most  vital  questions,  that  which  gave 
the  gravest  concern  to  the  Italian  subjects  of  Austria,  and 
to  the  Austrian  government  as  well,  was  the  question  of 
education. 

,  The  Italian  Irredentists  could  not  tolerate  the  thought 
that  their  children  were  obliged  to  feed  their  minds  in  the 
Austrian  schools  with  Teutonic  culture,  which  was  opposed  to 
their  own  intellectual  traditions.  Therefore  for  years  and 
years  —  with  no  little  trouble  and  with  not  a  few  financial 
sacrifices,  but  with  success  —  they  endeavored  to  implant  in 
almost  all  of  their  cities  subject  to  Austria  (Trieste,  Trent, 
Pola  and  minor  cities)  elementary  and  technical  schools, 
gymnasiums  and  lyceums,  with  only  Italian  teachers,  profes- 


180  SECOND  PART 

sors,  language,  and  methods  of  teaching.  They  maintained 
them  at  the  expense  of  their  municipaHties  and  their  private 
associations,  the  National  League  and  the  Dante  Alighicri.^ 

By  means  of  contributions  from  cities,  associations,  and 
individuals,  ItaHan  schools  were  opened  everywhere,  especi- 
ally in  the  parts  which  were  seriously  threatened  with  Teu- 
tonic culture. 

The  National  League  at  the  beginning  of  the  present  war 
was  represented  at  Trieste,  and  in  Istria,  Eastern  Friuli,  and 
Dalmatia  by  about  one  hundred  committees.  Julian  Venice 
alone  (that  is,  the  three  provinces  of  Goritzia,  Gradisca, 
Trieste  and  Istria)  had  more  than  sixty  of  their  own  schools; 
it  assisted  one  hundred  and  forty  others  and  spent  more 
than  one-half  million  crowns  a  year  in  support  of  Italian 
schools. 

Giovani  Pattini,  an  Irredentist,  in  his  recent  volume, 
Italia  Irridenta,  says: 

This  same  National  League  is  the  only  institution  which 
teaches,  with  its  humble  propaganda  and  its  limited  needs,  the 
first  word  of  a  national  conscience. 

At  the  schools  the  children  —  from  the  third  or  fourth  classes 
of  the  gymnasium  —  begin  to  collect  money,  twenty  soldi  a  week, 
which  they  deposit  in  the  hands  of  a  cashier  elected  by  themselves. 
With  these  weekly  twenty  soldi,  augmented  by  little  entertain- 
ments, they  accumulate  thousands  of  lire  a  year.  In  the  sum- 
mer the  girls  extend  their  hands  to  strangers  asking  anobolus  for  the 
National  League,  which  educates  the  children  of  the  people 
to  be  Italian;  and  no  one  refuses  them. 

At  Trieste,  as  at  Pola,  at  Goritzia,  at  Zara,  at  Trent,  at 
Pisino,  they  give  little  entertainments  and  take  up  collections,  all 
for  the  benefit  of  the  National  League.  The  people  hasten  to  give 
generously  money  which  they  would  not  pay  for  taxes  to  the 

^  In  1885  in  the  Trentino  the  Italian  Pro  Patria  Society  was  founded,  whose 
teachings  were  also  diffused  in  Istria.  On  account  of  a  greeting  voted  to  the 
Dante  Alighieri  in  1890  (the  Society  with  its  central  committee  in  Rome  having  for 
its  object  the  diffusion  of  the  I  tali  an  language  throughout  the  world)  by  the  National 
Congress  of  Trcnte,  and  because  the  city  refused  to  come  under  the  Austrian 
colors,  the  Pro  Patria  was  dissolved  by  the  Austrian  Government. 

On  the  ruins  of  the  Pro  Patria  Society  the  National  League  was  formed  ex- 
pressly for  the  defense  of  the  mother  tongue  and  for  the  diffusion  of  popular 
Italian  instruction  among  children  and  youths  of  |the  Irredentists.  This  League, 
following  a  more  intelligent  and  prudent  policy,  was  able  to  regulate  itself. 


IRREDENTIST  SCHOOLS  181 

Austrian  government;  nor  would  they  give  to  any  political  asso- 
ciation. 

When  relatives  or  friends  die,  instead  of  spending  money  for 
flowers  and  useless  eulogies,  they  send,  in  their  memory,  increased 
contributions  to  the  National  League. 

The  League  had  more  than  42,000  members  among  800,000 
Italian  subjects  of  Austria;  the  annual  dues  were  fifty  centesimi  a 
year  for  each  member.  Indeed,  the  latest  reports  show  that  its 
income  has  passed  more  than  half  a  million  a  year,  aided  by  the 
festivals  and  voluntary  contributions. 

Thus  —  from  the  sums  gathered  in  the  cities  and  villages  of 
the  Irredentists,  in  their  hours  of  joy  and  sorrows,  from  those  who 
conscientiously  love  the  Patria  and  those  who  regard  it  as  a  dream 
—  the  little  Italian  schools  rise.  They  rise  in  the  cities  of  the 
Dalmatian  coast;  in  the  stony  villages  of  Istria,  little  square  white 
or  yellow  schoolhouses,  isolated  in  the  midst  of  the  homes  of 
enemies,  on  hostile  ground.  These  same  little  schoolhouses  have 
seen  hissing  and  execrating  crowds  pass  before  their  doors;  they 
have  endured  stonings,  assaults,  devastations;  but  they  have  al- 
ways remained  and  every  day  they  have  opened  their  doors  to 
their  little  soldiers. 

The  National  League  has  never  closed  a  school.  Wherever  it 
enters,  it  plants  the  Italian  flag;  and  the  Italian  flag  will  never  be 
lowered! 

The  National  League  attracted  to  its  schools  simple  souls  with 
the  promise  of  giving  them  knowledge,  bread  and  clothes,  and  sent 
them  out  saturated  with  ideals  and  ready  to  sacrifice  for  the 
League  clothes,  bread  and  life. 

The  National  League  smiled  on  the  childish  festivals,  but  be- 
tween their  songs  and  the  lights  of  the  Christmas  trees  they 
taught  them  a  virile  patriotism.  It  also  gave  money  and  clothes 
to  the  youth  of  the  intermediate  and  high  schools,  not  as  phi- 
lanthropy but  always  with  the  severe  injunction  that  this  was  a 
loan  which  in  the  future  must  be  paid  with  usury  in  love  of  Coun- 
try, in  sacrifices  and  in  labor. 

And  thus  the  National  League,  on  the  soil  subject  to 
Austria,  became  a  symbol  of  a  longed-for  Patria,  and  the 
hymns  sung  in  the  schools  vv^ere  sung  like  war  songs. 

The  hymn  of  the  National  League,  at  one  time  modified 
and  corrected  by  the  imperial  Austrian  censor,  was  finally 
written  by  a  highly  esteemed  Triestian  poet,  Riccardo  Pitteri, 


182  SECOND  PART 

who  recently  died  in  exile,  after  the  Austrians  had  destroyed 
his  home.     The  hymn  is  as  follows: 

Long  live  Dante! 
This  Sweet  word 
Five  peoples  consoles 
And  fraternally  unites  them  in  a  single  thought. 

Oh!  echo  this  name  in  the  Alps, 
The  valleys  and  forests, 
On  the  shores  of  Trieste, 
In  the  byways  of  Trent. 

Repeat  it,  O  relics 
Of  Aquileia  and  Salona! 

The  arches  and  temples  in  every  place  where  sounds 
Sweetly  our  Si. 

From  the  Adige  to  Timavo 
Which  hasten  to  the  sea, 
On  the  coasts  sound  this  name, 
In  the  valleys,  on  the  mountains,  on  the  plains. 

Long  live  Dante!     Be  this  the  motto 
Of  the  five  peoples 
Which  the  sacred  poetry 
Of  a  language  has  united. 

Long  live  Dante!     Five  leaves 
United  give  life  to  one  flower. 
From  the  union  of  fingers 
Comes  the  strength  of  the  hand. 

But  if  the  problem  of  Italian  education  in  the  provinces 
of  the  Irredentists  was  settled  for  the  elementary  and  high 
schools  (which  the  Austrian  government  was  obliged  un- 
willingly to  tolerate  and  legalize,  in  order  not  to  add  too 
much  fuel  to  the  flames),  it  was  not  equally  solved  for  the 
universities,  which  were  the  center  of  culture  where  the 
mind  of  a  people  is  formed.  The  young  Irredentist  youths 
who  had  studied  in  the  Italian  gymnasiums  and  lyceums  in 


IRREDENTIST  SCHOOLS  183 

their  own  regions,  if  they  did  not  wish  to  finish  their  studies 
in  Teuton  universities  where  everything  was  Teuton,  even 
to  the  language  of  the  beadles,  were  obliged  to  receive 
their  diplomas  from  the  University  of  Padua  or  Pavia,  or 
indeed  Rome,  as  Oberdan  was  obliged  to  do,  and  face  an 
enormous  expense,^  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the 
Austrian  government  was  forced  to  recognize  as  legal  the 
degrees  given  by  the  universities  of  Italy.  But  not  all  the 
Triestians,  Istrians,  Trentini,  Friulians,'  and  Dalmatians 
who  studied  could  afford  the  necessary  expense  of  remaining 
in  cities  so  far  away  from  their  homes.  For  this  reason  they 
demanded  the  founding  of  an  Italian  university  in  Trieste, 
or  at  least  in  some  city  of  the  unredeemed  regions.  The 
Austrian  Government  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  all  such 
demands. 

The  Italian  students,  however,  forced  by  the  modest 
financial  conditions  of  their  families  to  remain  in  the  Aus- 
trian universities,  did  not  conceal  their  wrath  at  the  in- 
justice. Their  attitude  irritated  the  Austrian  students,  who 
with  bad  grace  tolerated  recriminations  of  any  sort  in 
"their  own  home."  The  strings  finally  became  too  tense 
and  snapped  for  the  first  time  in  1906,  at  the  University  at 
Innsbruck,  where  a  fight  broke  out  between  the  Austrian 
and  Trentini  students.  These  latter,  greatly  inferior  in 
number  to  their  adversaries,  were  overcome.  The  Austrian 
Government  intervened  and  began  to  investigate  the  reason 
for  the  friction  or  at  least  it  pretended  to  do  so,  and  resorted 
to  subterfuges;  finally  it  promised  to  create,  not  a  univer- 
sity (that  would  have  been  too  much),  but  a  simple  law  faculty 
with  a  seat  at  Trent  or  at  Rovereto,  while  the  Italians  pre- 
ferred Trieste.  It  promised,  but  did- not  fulfill  the  promise. 
It  even  let  the  promise  die. 

But  the  Irredentists  did  not  renounce  their  ideals.  On 
the  contrary  they  were  all  the  more  stimulated  by  such  ideals. 

In  1908,  Italy  decided  to  place  before  the  tomb  of  Dante 
at  Ravenna  an  Eternal  Lamp.     The  Italian  regions  subject 

'The  Austrian  Government  was   obliged   to   recognize  the  diplomas  of  the 
young  Irredentist  students  from  the  Athenaeums  in  Italy. 


184  SECOND  PART 

to  Austria  spontaneously  oflFered  the  amphora.  Riccardo 
Zampieri,  editor  of  the  Independent  of  Trieste  and  to  whom 
must  be  given  the  credit  for  the  initiative  of  this  enterprise, 
on  September  23,  1907,  wrote  thus: 

There  will  burn  therefore  on  the  tomb  of  the  greatest  bard  of 
Italy  —  who  is  the  most  potent  symbol  of  Italianity  —  an  eternal 
lamp  adorned  with  the  Florentine  Lily  and  with  the  Lion  of  St. 
Mark.  And  the  inextinguishable  flame  is  destined  to  have  a 
splendid  significance.  It  is  to  be  fed  with  pure  oil;  and  the  am- 
phora which  is  to  receive  this  oil,  we  wish  might  be  offered  by 
Trieste.  This  is  our  idea,  alere  flavimen.  This  vase  should  be 
engraved  with  the  halbert  of  St.  Sergius,  and  with  the  arms  of  the 
provinces  condemned  to  fight  in  order  to  defend  and  keep  intact 
the  traces  of  their  Italianity. 

This  noble  and  patriotic  venture  had  an  overwhelming 
success,  because  not  only  Trieste,  but  all  of  the  Italian 
provinces  subject  to  Austria  contributed  to  it  by  spontaneous 
offerings.  And  the  same  Independent  of  Trieste  wished  also 
to  offer  the  fire  with  which  the  symbolic  flame  should  be 
lighted  the  first  time;  the  Journal  caused  a  box  of  matches 
from  the  National  League  to  be  incased  in  a  gold  box  and 
beautifully  engraved  with  the  following  dedication:  "To 
give  life  to  the  flame.     The  Independent  of  Trieste.*' 

And  both  of  the  relics,  the  lamp  and  the  box  of  matches, 
were  carried  to  Ravenna  by  the  best  citizens  of  the  regions 
of  the   Irredentists,    in    a    great    and    solemn    pilgrimage. 

Florence,  the  native  city  of  the  honored  poet,  offered  the 
oil  and  assumed  the  obligation  to  furnish  it  daily  and  per- 
petually, "in  order  that  the  flame  shall  not  die,"  in  atone- 
ment for  the  exile  to  which  she  had  condemned  her  most 
glorious  son. 

In  the  same  year,  1908,  after  Austria  had  annexed  Bosnia 
and  was  about  to  invade  Servia,  the  Mazzinians  of  Pola 
scattered  proclamations  among  the  armies  of  Austria  incit- 
ing the  Italians  not  to  fight  against  the  independence  of 
the  people  of  Servia.  Many  were  arrested  and  condemned 
by  the  Austrian  police. 

In  the  autumn  of  the  same  year  at  the  re-opening  of 
the   schools   in   Austria,   the   students    of   the    Irredentist 


IRREDENTIST  SCHOOLS  185 

regions  of  the  University  of  Vienna  agitated  in  every  lawful 
manner  and  through  their  deputies  in  the  Reichstag  to 
try  to  induce  the  Austrian  government  once  and  for  all  to 
maintain  the  promises  which  it  had  made  concerning  the 
founding  of  an  Italian  University  or  at  least  of  a  faculty  at 
Trieste,  Trent,  or  Rovereto.  In  one  of  the  student  meetings 
in  the  University,  where  there  were  not  more  than  two  hun- 
dred Italian  students,  they  were  unexpectedly  assaulted  by 
two  thousand  Teuton  students  who  did  not  hesitate  to  re- 
sort to  the  use  of  revolvers  against  their  companions.  The 
onslaught  which  ensued  was  violent  and  bloody. 

The  Italian  students  defended  themselves  with  admirable 
courage  and  vigor;  but  they  were  overcome  by  numbers  and 
also  by  the  partisanship  of  the  Viennese  police.  Many  were 
seriously  wounded. 

This  fact  had  an  echo  of  indignation  and  sorrow  in  all  of 
the  Italian  provinces  subject  to  Austria.  Suddenly  protests 
sprang  up  everywhere  in  which  even  the  women  took  part. 

Italy  chafed  and  growled  like  a  lioness  whose  young  had 
been  maltreated.  From  the  Alps  to  Sicily  the  people,  led 
by  the  students,  ran  through  the  streets  of  all  the  cities  in- 
voking evil  on  and  threatening  the  government;  in  the  public 
squares  they  insulted  and  burned  the  Austrian  flag.  At 
Rome  the  palace  of  the  Austrian  Ambassador  was  assailed 
with  stones  and  missiles.  All  of  the  windows  were  broken. 
The  students  of  the  entire  nation  enrolled  themselves  in  the 
National  Marksman  s  Club;  everywhere  large  sums  of  money 
were  collected  and  sent  to  the  National  League  and  to  the 
Dante  Alighieri  of  the  Irredentist  regions.  The  committee 
Pro  Italia  Irredenta  on  November  24,  1908,  published  a 
proclamation  inciting  them  to  war  against  Austria: 

Brothers  of  Italy!  Awake,  awake  from  your  shameful  torpor! 
Take  on  your  former  vigor  and  your  indomitable  faith.  Awake! 
At  Vienna  our  brothers  have  been  slain.  A  horde  of  barbarians, 
drunk  with  hate  and  with  blood,  has  assaulted  our  students  in  the 
temple  which  should  have  been  sacred  to  science,  who  demanded  an 
Italian  university,  the  only  bulwark  with  which  to  defend  their 
intellectual  patrimony  and  hold  on  high  their  ideal  as  a  symbol. 

This  new  offense  must  not  be  left  unpunished.     The  generous 


186  SECOND   PART 

instincts  of  the  Italian  race  must  not  die.  For  too  long  they  have 
bowed  the  head  to  every  insult  of  strangers.  The  pact  of  hate 
between  the  Italian  and  the  Austrian  people  is  again  sealed  with 
the  cowardly  assault  of  Vienna.  We  must  arise  against  the 
stranger  who  offends,  who  tramples  upon,  and  murders. 

Against  the  servile  and  vile  policy  of  the  Italian  government  we 
must  impose  the  policy  of  the  people;  without  renunciations  and 
without  cowardice. 

Brothers  of  Italy!  He  who  endures  the  slaughter  of  his  ow^n 
brothers  is  a  coward,  but  he  is  also  a  coward  who  sleeps  and  does 
not  hear  their  moanings.  The  words,  Liberty  and  Revenge,  must 
not  be  strangled  by  the  bad  policies  of  rulers.  To  war,  then!  This 
cry  rises  from  the  unavenged  tomb  of  Guglielmo  Oberdan.  It 
rises  from  the  tombs  of  all  the  martyrs  made  by  Austria. 

Arise  to  war,  Brothers  of  Italy!  Awake!  Be  united  in  your 
holy  wrath  and  your  holy  cry!  Arise!  The  Garibaldian  epopee 
has  need  of  new  and  luminous  pages!  The  Idea  has  need  of  new 
martyrs.     The  Patria  needs  restitution. 

All  that  the  Italian  government  did  was  to  make  a 
diplomatic  remonstrance  to  the  Austrian  government.  This 
latter  pretended  to  be  a  little  touched  and  again  promised 
to  found  an  Italian  University  of  Law^  in  one  of  the  Irre- 
dentist cities.  But  they  were  as  usual  "Austrian  promises" 
and  were  never  fulfilled.  The  Austrian  Government,  how- 
ever, continued  its  persecutions  of  the  Irredentist  leaders. 

In  1909  there  was  a  sensational  trial  against  twenty-four 
leaders  of  the  Mazzinian  movement  in  the  Julian  regions. 
The  Emancipazione  of  Trieste  was  obliged  to  suspend  its 
publication  because  all  of  its  editors,  managers,  and  writers 
were  imprisoned. 

But  these  persecutions,  lawsuits,  and  condemnations 
could  not  extinguish  the  natural  longings  of  Italianity  of 
the  Irredentist  regions: 

At  Trieste,  that  most  cosmopolitan  city  of  the  region,  there 
were  formed  two  distinct  citizens'  classes — thus  wrote  the  young 
Triestian  Attilio  Tamaro  in  a  pamphlet  published  during  March 
and  April  1915 — One  was  official  and  the  other  Italian,  but 
they  never  met  each  other  even  on  neutral  ground.  Nothing 
could  change  the  Triestians  from  their  attitude  of  hate;  the  offers 
of  material  benefits  or  of  favorable  laws  made  by  the  Austrian 


IRREDENTIST  SCHOOLS  187 

governors  were  all  without  effect.  Their  avoidance  of  every- 
thing Austrian  was  extreme.  Editors  of  newspapers,  municipal 
authorities,  professors,  on  all  occasions  showed  that  they  never 
even  knew  the  names  of  the  chancellors  of  the  Austrian  govern- 
ment. The  Emperor  of  Austria  was  never  named  in  the  communal 
acts  with  the  pronoun  our. 

The  Triestians  would  never  tolerate  an  Austrian  government, 
even  though  liberal  or  friendly  to  them;  they  always  fiercely  de- 
manded that  the  Austrian  government  should  leave  their  home. 
To  prove  this  it  is  necessary  to  recall  some  recent  names  and 
facts.  Felice  Venezian,  in  the  Common  Council  meeting, 
predicted  a  day  in  which  the  Triestians  should  sound  their  Italian 
bells. ^  Ernesto  Spadoni,  who  was  in  the  same  Council  of  Trieste, 
apostrophizes  the  situation  thus:  May  not  a  ray  from  the  star 
that  shone  above  the  Tiber  some  day  radiate  on  the  horizon  of  our 
Irredentist  province?  May  not  the  cry  of  "Viva  LTtalia  !'*  resound 
thousands  and  thousands  of  times  at  Trieste  against  the  Austrian 
government?  May  not  the  hymn  of  Garibaldi  be  sung  hundreds 
of  times  under  the  same  Austrian  lieutenancy  of  police  that  com- 
mitted every  sort  of  violence?  May  not  the  festival  of  the 
Centennial  of  Verdi  in  1913  be  repeated,  when  the  Austrian  police 
prohibited  a  chorus  from  the  aria  Va  Pensiero  from  Nabucco,  from 
being  sung  in  the  great  pubHc  square  of  Trieste,  and  notwith- 
standing this  there  were  thousands  who  sang  it,  thus  replacing 
the  meager  voices  of  the  chorus?  Must  we  not  remember  the 
young  Triestians  who  many  times  raised  their  flag  on  the  City 
Hall  or  who  painted  the  walls  of  the  offices  of  the  police  with  the 
Italian  tri-colors  in  the  night?  Or  the  old  Triestian  patriot, 
Lorenzetti,  who  before  he  died  some  months  ago,  said  to  his 
relatives  on  that  day  to  come  and  knock  at  his  tomb  and  tell  him 
that  Italy  had  finally  reached  Trieste?  Or  the  Triestian,  Gino 
Mauro,  who  weeping  on  his  death  bed,  begged  the  physician  to 
keep  him  alive  only  until  Trieste  was  free? 

And  thus  the  hate  of  Austria  was  so  deep  that  the  Triestians 
always  lived  apart  from  the  Austrians.  It  was  considered  a 
great  dishonor  for  an  Italian  to  invite  to  his  house  an  Austrian 

^Toward  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century  Charles  VIII  of  France  descended 
into  Italy  and  claimed  the  sovereignty  of  Florence.  Piero  Capponi,  standard 
bearer  of  the  city,  was  entrusted,  with  three  other  deputies,  to  treat  with  the  pre- 
tender; but  this  latter  wished  to  impose  iniquitous  conditions  on  them.  Piero  Cap- 
poni tore  up  the  papers  which  contained  these  conditions,  crying  proudly:  "You 
will  sound  your  war  trumpet,  and  we  will  respond  with  our  bells."  The  French 
King  for  this  act  thought  it  wise  to  change  his  policy  and  accord  moderate  condi- 
tions to  Florence. 


188  SECOND   PART 

official,  or  for  an  Irredentist  girl  to  permit  an  official  to  show 
her  special  attention. 

No  official  festival  was  ever  permitted  to  come  to  a  peaceful 
finish  by  the  citizens  of  Trieste.  And  in  the  popular  festivals 
they  always  showed  themselves  hostile,  as  for  instance  in  the 
launching  of  a  ship  which  seemed  only  a  festival  of  workmen. 
There  was  never  a  municipal  band  formed  in  Trieste  because  no 
one  would  play  at  the  government  festivals.  And,  incredible  as 
it  may  seem,  the  national  party  met  almost  every  year  to  com- 
memorate with  public  demonstrations  the  death  of  Oberdan. 
There  was  not  a  public  square  or  street  in  Trieste  which  was  given 
an  Austrian  name.  All  had  Italian  names.  For  example,  the 
street  which  ran  in  front  of  the  barracks  where  Oberdan  was 
hanged  was  courageously  named  for  Carducci. 

The  Triestians,  whether  fighting,  or  in  their  festivals,  when 
they  asked  for"  aid,  in  their  numerous  societies,  in  their  great 
restaurants,  in  their  schools  and  libraries,  always  and  everywhere 
by  their  Italian  attitude  demanded  their  rights,  and  were  in  a 
constant  conspiracy  against  the  Austrian  government. 

Thus  they  awaited  their  liberty.  Thus  were  they  rendered 
worthy  of  their  liberty. 

XIV 

A  proclamation  inciting  Italy  to  war  against  Austria, 
sent  by  the  Triestians  to  each  non-socialist  deputy  of  the 
Italian  National  Parliament  on  the  day  when  the  new 
legislature  opened  in  Rome,  February  1914. 

Honorable  Sir:  Trieste,  the  city  of  Italy  as  yet  under  the 
dominion  of  the  stranger,  on  the  day  upon  which  the  Italian  national 
parliament  is  reopened,  turns  to  your  Excellency  with  a  brotherly 
admonition  and  with  a  request. 

With  an  admonition,  because  it  prays  your  Excellency  that 
you  will  ponder  and  remember  that  the  foreign  government,  mas- 
ter of  Trieste,  is  making  every  effort  to  change  to  Slavic  a  city 
which  geographically,  historically,  and  by  the  will  of  the  people 
should  be  consecrated  to  the  service  of  Italy;  that  Austria  in  mak- 
ing Slavic  Trieste  and  Julian  Venice,  not  only  does  not  place  a 
barrier  against  the  Slavs  but  instead  she  brings  them  inside  of  the 
confines  of  Italy;  that  Trieste  has  always  been  an  Italian  city 
governed  by  Austrian  laws  and  administered  by  Slavs,  because 


TRIESTIANS  INCITE  ITALY  TO  WAR  189 

all  of  the  offices  of  state  are  in  the  hands  of  Slavs:  that  the  Aus- 
trian government,  making  Slavs  of  Julian  Venice  and  Trieste, 
intends  to  make  it  more  difficult  for  Italy  to  rescue  them;  it  tends 
also  to  "Balkanize"  these  regions,  and  above  all  Trieste,  and  to 
concentrate  above  them,  and  to  seize  from  the  ports  of  the 
Kingdom  of  Italy  the  commerce  and  politics  of  the  western 
Balkans;  that  the  resistance  of  Istria  and  Goritz  is  reduced  to 
extremities  because  of  the  condition  of  their  counterforts  and  by 
the  force  of  this  Slavic  invasion,  Trieste  —  although  fighting  with 
faith  and  with  love  and  at  great  sacrifice  —  is  reduced  to  the  last 
resource  of  national  defense;  that  the  wealth  which  Trieste  would 
receive  from  her  geographic  position,  if  she  were  a  city  of  Italy, 
would  then  be  national  wealth  instead  of  being  enjoyed  by  foreign- 
ers; that  Trieste,  united  by  national  right  to  the  Patria,  would 
carry  to  it  the  sure  domination  of  all  the  Balkan  commerce  and 
would  be  one  of  the  most  powerful  means  of  resolving  the  Mediter- 
ranean problem,  with  the  possession  of  the  great  lines  of  com- 
merce which  Trieste  has,  and  always  will  have  with  Greece  and 
the  Levant. 

Because  of  these  main  facts  —  confident  that  your  Excellency 
will  deliberate  upon  them  considering  what  a  stupendous  amount 
of  national  interest  is  contained  in  the  problem  of  the  national 
independence  of  Trieste  —  the  Triestians  pray  your  Excellency, 
for  your  own  honor  and  for  the  honor  of  Italy,  that  you  will  be 
moved  to  push  the  national  forces  toward  the  definite  accomplish- 
ment of  national  unity;  that  you  will  co-operate  in  this  cause, 
and  in  consequence  of  this,  that  to  the  present  legislature  will  be 
accorded  the  high  honor  of  proclaiming  the  reconstitution  of  Italy 
within  its  natural  confines;  that  one  day  you  will  be  able  to  say 
with  pride  that  you  contributed  with  your  work  and  your  votes  to 
the  resolving  of  the  great  problem  of  the  liberty  and  Italianity 
of  the  Adriatic. 

If  the  time  of  hesitation  is  passed,  we  hope  that  in  the  parlia- 
ment of  the  new  Italy  will  be  found  those  who  will  affirm  the  right 
of  the  nation  to  the  possession  of  Trieste,  as  in  i86i  the  right  of  the 
nation  to  Rome  was  affirmed. 

Trieste,  February  1914. 


190  SECOND  PART 


XV 

A  proclamation  inciting  Italy  to  war  against  Austria, 
sent  by  the  Triestians  to  each  socialist  deputy  of  the 
Italian  National  Parliament  on  the  day  when  the  new 
Legislature  opened  in  Rome,  February  1914. 

Honorable  Sir:  Trieste,  the  city  of  Italy  which  is  as  yet  subject 
to  foreigners,  on  the  day  when  the  National  parliament  reopens, 
and  while  the  national  struggle  is  going  on,  and  also  while  lies  are 
being  diffused  by  those  who  are  interested  in  denying  the  truth, 
and  while,  moreover,  it  is  probable  that  in  consequence  of  coming 
events  the  national  struggle  of  Julian  Venice  and  of  Trieste  will 
come  before  the  Italian  parliament  for  discussion,  we  beg  of  your 
Excellency  to  ponder  upon  the  following  unassailable  facts:  that 
the  geography,  history,  laws,  nationality  and  will  of  the  greater 
part  of  the  citizens  declare  that  Trieste  is  an  Italian  city,  and  be- 
longs to  Italy;  that  the  Austrian  Government  and  the  Slavs  are 
making  an  enormous  effort  to  change  and  denaturalize  the  Ital- 
ianity  of  [Trieste,  intensifying  immigration  and  seeming  to  give 
equal  rights  to  the  immigrants  and  Italians;  that  Trieste,  in  the 
final  count,  is  a  city  of  Italy  governed  by  Austrian  laws  and  these 
laws  are  administered  by  Slavs,  all  of  the  offices  of  the  state  being 
in  the  hands  of  the  Slavs;  that  the  Slavs  carry  on  the  struggle  in 
compact  masses  composed  in  a  minor  part  of  the  tradesmen  and  in 
a  major  part  of  the  proletariat;  that  the  natural  invasion  of  the 
Slavs  depends  on  the  fact  that  the  city  belongs  to  Austria,  because 
if  it  did  not  it  would  not  be  deprived  of  its  natural  rights  and  it 
would  take  part  in  the  Italian  state,  and  her  great  labor  markets 
would  be  open  only  to  Italian  laborers;  that  this  artificial  invasion 
accomplishes  in  a  great  measure  the  Slavization  of  Trieste  and 
Julian  Venice,  and  this  condition  is  demanded  by  the  Austrian 
government  to  force  that  region  to  lose  its  rights  and  to  make  the 
duty  of  national  rescue  more  difficult  for  Italy;  and  besides  that, 
to  Balkanize  Trieste  in  order  to  concentrate  in  it,  politically 
and  commercially,  the  Western  Balkans;  that  peace  between  na- 
tions is  impossible  because  the  borders  of  each  nation  cannot  be 
definitely  determined,  and  the  national  struggle  is  a  fact  of  natural 
history  and  therefore  cannot  be  imprcscribed  because,  on  the 
shoulders  of  the  Slavs  who  have  immigrated,  press  millions  of 
Slavonians  and  Croatians  who  work  toward  the  conquest  of  the 


FOR  UNITY  OF  THE  PATRIA  191 

Adriatic;  that  if  the  theory  of  the  equality  of  immigrants  holds, 
which  they  wish  to  impose  today  on  Trieste,  then  the  Slavs,  be- 
cause they  are  immigrants,  have  the  right  to  denaturalize  the 
Italian  city;  if  this  theory  had  obtained  in  other  times,  Italy 
would  yet  be  the  slave  of  strangers;  that  there  is  no  other  solution 
of  the  national  struggle  but  this:  the  defeat  of  Italianity,  or  the 
political  union  with  the  National  State  to  which  Trieste  already 
belongs  by  ideals,  and  by  cultural  and  moral  affiliations;  that 
Irredentism  synthesizes  in  itself  and  expresses  itself  in  a  conception 
which  cannot  fail  to  be  sacred  to  every  man:  the  conception  of 
Liberty,  that  a  Slavic  Irredentism  —  after  Trieste  shall  be 
joined  to  the  nation  for  the  definite  accomplishment  of  Italian 
unity  —  would  not  exist  in  Nice.  It  would  be  as  absurd  as  an 
Irredentism  of  the  Italians  of  Marseilles. 

You  must  consider  that  if  you  had  been  a  citizen  of  Milan  be- 
fore 1859,  or  of  Venice  before  1866,  you  would  certainly  have  fought 
for  national  independence  against  an  alien  government. 

Therefore  because  of  these  facts  and  reasons,  the  Triestians 
wish,  for  your  honor  and  for  the  nation's  honor,  that  you  may  one 
day  say  with  pride  that  you,  with  your  work,  with  your  votes,  have 
co-operated  to  the  freedom  of  the  last  great  city  of  Italy  which 
is  as  yet  subject  to  the  foreigner. 

Trieste,  February  1914. 


XVI 

A  proclamation  inciting  Italy  to  war  against  Austria 
by  the  Italians  of  the  Irredentist  provinces  of  Gradisca, 
Goritz,  Trieste  and  Istria  (Julian  Venice)  and  the  Tren- 
tino  during  the  month  of  April  1914,  "for  the  Unity  of 
the  Patria."^ 

The  Doors  of  Italy,  Julian  Venice  and  Trentino,  are  ours,  but 
Austria  has  known  how  to  hold  them  under  her  dominion  with  the 
idea  of  always  having  her  feet  in  Italy  for  the  convenience  of  her 
Adriatic  policy  and  to  give  to  Italy  a  sense  of  her  perpetual  military 
inferiority  with  her  tyrannical  incumbency  within  the  boundaries. 

The  Doors  of  Italy  open  from  our  soil,  especially  Julian  Venice, 
because  these  latter  have  the  two  great  passes  of  Predil  and  the 

^  This  proclamation  was  to  have  been  a  part  of  a  special  edition  of  a  paper» 
but  instead  it  was  distributed  secretly  at  Trieste  and  published  in  the  Voice  of 
the  P atria,  April  4,  1914. 


192  SECOND   PART 

Porte  di  Ferro  to  Nevoso,  and  the  greatest  pass,  Monte  Re,  through 
which  the  barbarians  always  entered  Italy  as  far  back  as  before 
the  Christian  era;  through  which  Austria  can  easily  turn  an  army 
into  Italy. 

Our  regions  belong  to  Italy,  because  such  they  have  always 
declared  themselves,  and  because,  as  such,  they  have  been  officially 
recognized.  They  have  been  Italian  regions  since  Italy  existed; 
physically,  because  the  Julian  Alps  constituted,  with  indisputable 
evidence,  the  natural  boundaries  of  the  country;  politically,  be- 
cause they  have  been  Italian  regions  since  the  time  when  Rome 
constituted  Italy;  morally,  because  they  have  made  their  talents, 
their  purposes  and  their  faith  tributary  to  the  greatness  of  the 
Nation,  not  less  than  the  other  provinces  of  Italy. 

Now  these  regions  of  Italy,  fertilized  by  the  blood  of  countless 
sons,  which  from  Aquileia  to  Albona  defended  the  borders  of 
Italy  against  barbarians;  this  ground  produces  men  in  which  na- 
tional defense  constitutes  the  most  powerful  reason  for  life.  These 
regions  of  Italy,  we  say,  are  the  only  ones  which  do  not  obey  Italian 
laws,  which  are  not  ruled  by  an  Italian  government,  who  have  not 
for  the  ruler  of  their  Italian  life  the  King  of  Italy.  While  all  of  the 
other  provinces  of  Italy  have  been  liberated  from  the  domination 
of  strangers,  or  from  the  domination  of  anti-unionists,  Julian 
Venice  and  Trentino  are  the  only  regions  which  are  outside  of  the 
national  unity;  which  are  still  under  foreign  domination  and  are 
subject  properly  to  the  Austrian  Government,  which  has  attempted 
to  kill  Italy;  to  that  Austrian  Government,  which  in  order  to  hold 
Italy  in  servitude  and  to  destroy  her  dreams,  her  ideals,  her  will, 
synthesized  in  the  word  Liberty,  sent  fanatic  and  ferocious  soldiers 
to  construct  gallows  in  every  city,  to  make  bloody  every  field, 
to  fill  all  of  the  prisons,  to  beat,  chain,  rob,  sack,  hang,  shoot, 
wherever  it  knew  that  an  Italian  heart  beat  with  an  ardent  longing 
for  liberty!  Julian  Venice  and  Trentino  are  the  last,  the  only 
regions  of  Italy,  under  a  regime  of  violence,  which  as  yet  serves 
that  Austrian  Government. 

Is  it  right? 

Is  it  right  that,  while  all  other  Italians  within  the  natural 
boundaries  of  Italy,  live  in  freedom,  are  called  Italian  citizens, 
and  are  governed  by  Italian  laws,  we,  the  Italians  of  Julian 
Venice  and  Trentino,  we  alone  must  be  called  Austrian  subjects; 
that  we  alone  must  be  ruled  by  Austrian  and  Slavo-Teutonic 
laws?  If  we  are  Italian,  why  must  we  obey  Teuton  laws  and 
Slavic  bureaucrats? 


FOR  UNITY  OF  THE  PATRIA  193 

There  is  no  one  but  can  see  the  iniquity  of  our  condition;  there 
is  no  one  but  can  see  the  moral  misery  which  chokes  us  more  and 
more  every  day  under  this  foreign  tyranny,  while  the  other 
Italians  in  the  regions  of  national  liberty  are  always  raised  to 
renewed  enthusiasms  by  the  powerful  spirit  of  the  nation. 

But  we,  Italians  of  Julian  Venice,  together  with  those  of  Tren- 
tino,  are  not  the  only  ones  of  Italy  not  yet  united  to  the  kingdom  of 
Italy.  We  Italians  of  Goritz,  of  Trieste,  of  Istria,  have  also  the 
misfortune  to  see  our  cities  invaded  by  Slavs,  who  descend  in 
flocks  from  the  opening  of  the  Alps,  attracted  by  the  sea  and  by  the 
cities  which  promise  riches;  descend  like  sheep  as  they  go  to  fat 
pastures,  by  the  will  of  the  Austrian  Government  which  wishes 
to  justify  with  an  appearance  of  fairness  the  indisputable  iniquity 
of  its  domination;  which  wishes  to  fill  it  with  our  enemies  and 
denationalize  our  region,  the  last  region  of  Italy  to  remain  in  its 
power. 

From  every  part,  and  in  every  part  the  Slavs  extend  their  force. 
There  are  more  than  40,000  in  the  commune  of  Trieste;  there  are 
10,000  in  Goritz;  there  are  10,000  at  Pola.  Their  mere  presence 
surrounding  Pirano  insults  its  history.  They  swarm  about  the 
country  of  Parenzo.  Montona  and  Albona  are  reduced  to  the 
extreme  in  their  desperate  defense  of  their  municipalities.  Pin- 
guente,  Pisino,  Rozzo,  each  pressed  with  marvelous  concord  into  a 
single  purpose  for  Italy,  are  overruled  and  tormented  by  Slavs 
of  the  country  who  have  seized  their  municipalities  and  are 
protected  by  iniquitous  laws. 

In  every  city,  in  every  village,  to  the  accompaniment  of  insults 
and  challenges,  the  Austrian  color  is  given  to  everything.  At  the 
side  of  the  adversary,  who  with  the  all-powerful  aid  of  banks  and 
of  theStateinvadesourregions  to  violate  and  "Balkanize"  us,  there 
are  internal  foes  of  our  national  integrity  —  the  socialists  —  faith- 
ful to  the  ideas  of  the  Austrian  state,  and  needing  the  aid  of  the 
Slavs  for  the  electoral  struggle.  These  internal  adversaries  deride 
those  who  fear  the  Slavic  invasion,  those  who  advocate  the 
necessity  of  defense,  and  those  who  invoke  liberty  and  independ- 
ence. In  the  struggle  against  these  two  adversaries,  the  internal 
strength  of  our  people  is  consolidated,  the  compages  become 
granitelike,  the  soul  becomes  daring,  energies  become  vibrant 
with  power,  while  the  secret  mystery  of  the  Italian  race  —  that 
secret,  which  has  protected  all  of  the  rest  of  Italy  from  barbarians 
—  will  save  for  all  time  to  come  our  Italianity  from  contamination, 
from  the  destruction  of  its  political  force,  from  the  fate  which 


194  SECOND  PART 

came  to  Dalmatia.  We  will  fight  always  and  incessantly  for  rep- 
resentation in  all  public  affairs  and  in  every  institution.  Here  we 
will  conquer  and  there  we  may  lose.  But  national  defense  will 
be  strenuous  and  untiring. 

But  this  is  not  enough. 

Above  national  defense  against  the  Slavs,  there  must  be  the 
struggle  for  liberty,  the  struggle  for  national  independence  for 
which  we  have  the  same  right  that  all  the  rest  of  Italy  has  had, 
—  the  struggle  for  the  definite  accomplishment  of  Italian  Unity! 

For  this  ideal,  which  must  be  transformed  into  most  concrete 
reality,  for  this  ideal,  more  than  for  national  defense,  we  must 
battle  with  the  greatest  energy.  And  above  all  with  faith.  But 
with  a  generic  faith  turning  with  saint-like  patience  toward  no 
uncertain  and  nebulous  future,  but  with  a  clear  and  precise  faith, 
which  is  founded  on  facts  and  which  leads  to  facts. 

We  must  all  fight,  young  and  old.  The  young  must  form  a 
militia  and  must  work  and  agitate  to  make  the  Italian  and  Aus- 
trian governments  understand  that  we  want  freedom,  we  want  lib- 
erty and  that  Italy  is  not  yet  a  unit.  The  mature  men,  especially 
those  who  have  received  from  citizens  or  from  institutions  repre- 
sentative positions,  must  with  their  authority  work  for  the  uni- 
fied rights  of  cities  and  of  the  citizens  whom  they  represent,  and 
one  and  all  must  work  with  fervor  and  tenacity. 

And  we  hope  that  in  the  Kingdom  we  shall  find  co-operation 
multiplied.  The  Government,  the  deputies,  and  the  people  must  be 
roused;  it  will  be  necessary  to  conquer  indifference  and  vacuous 
sentimentalism,  diffidence,  cynicism  and  cowardice;  the  hypocri- 
sies of  diplomacy  and  of  politicians  and  the  imbecilities  of  demago- 
gues. We  must  even  by  violent  agitation  impress  on  the  Italian 
conscience  the  problem  of  National  Unity.  We  must  bring  our 
problem  to  the  attention  of  Europe  and  impress  it  with  all  of 
its  contents  of  justice,  by  every  means  and  by  every  sacrifice. 

Thus,  we  can  do  this  today  with  faith  more  sure  and  with  a 
more  serene  consciousness  of  our  responsibility  because  today  the 
problem  of  our  liberty  is  synthesized  in  the  name  of  Trieste  with  a 
great  importance,  not  only  respecting  the  right  which  we  have  to 
independence,  but  also  for  theinternational  policy  of  the  Kingdom. 
Trieste  is  today  for  Italy  the  key  to  the  Orient.  Trieste  now 
holds  for  the  whole  of  Italy  the  commercial  domination  of  the 
Levant  which  formerly  belonged  to  Venice.  The  possession  of 
Trieste  means  the  guarantee  of  peace  with  the  nation  that  at 
present  has  its  confines  in  Italy;  a  guarantee  against  the  Slavic 


IRREDENTISTS  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  195 

status  of  tomorrow;  it  means  an  absolute  guarantee  against  every 
possible   conflict   which   Italy   might  have  with   other  enemies. 

Therefore  today,  we  will,  in  fighting  for  our  liberty,  teach  Italy 
what  national  interest  exists  in  the  eastern  Adriatic.  So  to  fight 
means  helping  Italy  to  open  for  herself  the  doors  to  the  Orient; 
it  means  pushing  Italy  into  taking  a  more  solid  and  more  secure 
position  before  or  by  the  side  of  other  powers.  Therefore  we 
fight  not  only  for  an  ideal  of  regional  liberty,  but  for  the  great- 
ness of  Italy,  for  a  vaster  wealth,  for  a  more  splendid  future  for  the 
nation. 

Will  this  agitation  for  unity,  intense,  violent,  tenacious,  pro- 
voke the  Austrian  Government  to  repression  and  to  a  larger  favor- 
itism to  the  Slavs?  First  of  all,  we  must  ask  if  our  condition  could 
be  worse  than  it  now  is.  And  then  we  must  regard  the  indisput- 
able truth  that  all  repressions,  and  all  favoritism  do  nothing  but 
impose  our  problem  more  effectively  on  the  nation  and  on  Europe. 

To  work,  then,  all,  each  one  according  to  his  abilities.  Time 
presses.  The  Irredentist  storm  and  internal  strife  shake  the 
foundations  of  the  Austrian  Empire.  .  .  .  The  problem  of 
Austria  is  put  in  discussion  before  a  Europe  which  has  latterly 
exalted  the  principle  of  nationality. 

It  is  time  therefore  that  we  work  with  all  our  might  to  place 
our  rights  in  a  diplomatic  situation  which  prepares  the  near  tomor- 
row. Thus  in  this  manner  Italy  will  not  be  absent  with  her  rights, 
with  her  interests,  in  the  international  discussion  of  the  Austrian 
problem. 

To  work,  then,  with  a  single  purpose  in  your  hearts.  Fiva 
Vltalia! 

XVII 

The  Italian  banner  is  hoisted  at  Trieste  on  the  tower 
of  San  Giusto  and  over  the  harbor  of  Muggia  in  Decem- 
ber, 1914.  Thousands  of  Irredentist  Italians  rush  to 
ofifer  themselves  to  the  Patria  in  the  present  great  war 
against  Austria,  1914-1915. 

The  outbreak  of  the  great  war  at  the  end  of  July 
1914,  provoked  by  the  ultimatum  of  Austria  to  Servia,  re- 
kindled the  hopes  even  in  the  least  hopeful  Irredentist 
Italians  for  the  liberation  of  the  lands  synthesized  by  the 
binomial  Trent-Trieste. 


196  SECOND   PART 

In  September  and  October,  1914  —  thus  writes  the  Triestian, 
Angelo  Scocchi  —  Trieste  above  all  trembles  for  action,  and  insur- 
rection against  Austria  seems  imminent.  The  patriots  want  to 
know  what  echo  this  will  have  in  Italy  before  encouraging  it. 

The  Triestians  were  counseled  not  to  move,  not  to  hurry  an 
event  which  must  be  fought  out  when  begun,  and  not  to  com- 
promise the  fate  of  Italy  and  not  to  drag  it  into  an  immature 
intervention. 

Notwithstanding  this,  on  the  morning  of  December  1,  1914, 
a  great  Italian  flag  waved  from  the  tower  of  San  Giusto  at  Trieste 
and  another  one  from  the  flagstaflF  harbor  of  Muggia. 

On  December  2nd,  the  city  was  full  of  little  handbills  inciting 
the  people  to  refuse  to  give  contributions  to  the  Austrian  Red 
Cross.  Several  citizens  were  arrested,  among  whom  was  the 
Mazzinian,  Marcello  Vidali,  who  was  first  imprisoned  in  the 
Castle  of  Laibach,  and  then  in  the  prison  of  Marburg. 

Many  flocked  into  the  Austrian  army;  the  greater  part  of 
these  finished  by  voluntarily  going  as  prisoners  of  the  Russians 
and  Serbs;  others  sacrificed  their  young  lives  in  Galicia  and 
Bosnia,  with  a  last  invocation  to  distant  Italy. 

But  several  thousands  —  challenging  the  rigors  of  the 
Austrian  government  and  every  sort  of  danger  —  succeeded 
between  1914  and  the  beginning  of  191 5  in  passing  the 
boundary,  and  scattered  themselves  in  the  provinces  of 
northern  Italy  and  in  Rome,  w^here  they  offered  their  blood 
for  the  liberation  of  the  regions  subject  to  the  slavery  of 
Austria  and  for  their  union  to  the  Patria. 


XVIII 

Gabriele  d'Annunzio  reaffirms  and  exalts  the  Italianity 
of  Trieste  in  the  garden  of  the  Palace  of  Andrea  Doria, 
at  Genoa  (May  6,  1915),  upon  receiving  a  gift  in  plas- 
ter of  the  Triestian  Lion,  the  original  of  which  is  in  the 
wall  of  one  of  the  houses  of  the  Giustiniani. 

Brief  words  will  I  utter,  so  much  more  eloquent  are  the  mem- 
ories of  things,  of  signs,  of  fate  in  this  gift  which  I  receive  with  a 
throbbing  heart  and  a  pure  faith  which  makes  me  more  worthy  to 
receive  it;  there  also  comes  over  us  an  anxiety  for  that  Trieste 


D'ANNUNZIO  AND  TRIESTE  197 

which  suffers  the  starvation  of  the  soul,  violated,  torn,  tormented, 
oppressed  with  a  ferocity  every  day  more  damnable. 

We  feel  her  actual  presence  here.  She  stands  before  us  as  that 
sculptured  urn,  as  that  statue.  She  stands  erect  before  us,  with 
all  of  her  wounds  gaping,  with  all  of  her  bruises,  with  the  marks  of 
every  insult,  as  the  sufferer  at  the  stake. 

Ah!  we  begin  to  be  ashamed  of  ourselves  for  talking  too  much, 
we  now  understand  well  the  crude  words  of  that  one  of  The  Thou- 
sand —  great  soul  in  a  little  body  —  who  last  evening  cried  out  at 
the  banquet  with  the  voice  of  an  assailant:  Better  thanzvords,!  would 
rather  take  again  the  gun,  0  companions! 

This  is  a  Garibaldian  motto,  well  said,  and  well  heard  in 
Genoa. 

Not  this  cast  which  I  will  devoutly  keep  in  custody,  but  the 
Lion  of  the  Istrian  Stone,  taken  from  the  glorious  wall  in  another 
day  of  maritime  consecration.  Genoa  will  send  again  magnificent 
restitution  to  Trieste  by  the  path  of  the  sea.  The  ship  will  pass 
Caprera^  and  it  will  hear  the  roaring  of  the  rocks,  and  will  sail 
toward  the  Adriatic.  And  the  dead  son  of  Lamba,  buried  in  the 
triumphant  waters,  and  Luciano  d'Oria  before  Pola,  and  Gasparo 
Spinola  before  Trieste,  and  your  other  terrible  ones,  will  reappear 
in  an  epiphany  of  love  joined  luminously  to  the  avenged  ones 
of  Lissa.  And  the  Lion  of  St.  Mark  brought  into  the  Adriatic  by 
a  ship  of  Genoa,  will  mean  for  the  Italians:  This  deep  sea,  where  the 
crest  of  every  wave  is  a  blossom  of  our  glory,  is  again  and  always  will 
be  called,  in  the  language  of  all  nations.  The  Gulf  of  Venice. 


XIX 

Words  spoken  by  Gabriele  d'Annunzio  in  Genoa, 
May  7, 191 5,  to  the  exiles  of  Dalmatia,  upon  receiving  from 
them  the  gift  of  a  book,  printed  in  Genoa,  in  which  the 
Dalmatians  affirm,  demonstrate  and  defend  the  Ita- 
lianity  of  Dalmatia. 

This  book  of  love,  of  faith,  and  of  rebuke  an  Italian  should  to- 
day receive  on  his  bended  knees,  humiliated  and  in  an  attitude  to 
ask  pardon,  to  make  amends.  To  remain  on  my  feet  before  you 
reverently,  but  not  ashamed,  is  permitted  to  me  because  of  a  con- 

^  This  little  island  near  Sardinia  became  celebrated  because  of  being  the  favorite 
sojourn  of  Garibaldi  and  because  the  Hero  died  and  was  buried  there. 


198  SECOND  PART 

sciousness  that  I  never  have  forgotten  that  which  Antonio  Baia- 
monti,  the  admirable  Podestd  of  Spalato,  called  the  younger  daughter 
of  Italy  and  that  which  the  Dantesque  Tommaseo  called  the 
Second  Italy.  But  I  hope  that  the  God  of  wars  will  permit  me  to 
bend  the  knee  in  a  near  future  before  one  of  those,  your  altars, 
under  whose  tables  the  fathers,  weeping,  placed  the  folded  re- 
publican flag  of  St.  Mark. 

If  I,  in  Genoa,  name  Sebenico,  Zara,  and  Trau,  the  bones  of 
Luciano  d'Oria,  who  knows  the  salt  of  the  Adriatic,  would  rise 
from  his  grave  in  St.  Mathew's.  His  victory  and  his  death  were 
commemorated  on  the  same  date  that  we  assembled  on  the  shore 
at  Quarto,^  on  May  5th.  I  see  the  Dalmatian  cities,  bloody  and 
suffocating,  before  the  sword  of  Donato  Zeno,  who  annihilated  the 
admiral  on  the  bridge  while  he  as  yet  was  crying  from  his  torn 
mouth:    "S/.  George!  St.  George!" 

But  another  vision  comes  to  me  of  another  victory  taken  from 
the  inscrolled  white  lists  and  black  lists  of  naval  times.  It  is  as  an 
allegory  to  our  long  blindness.  In  the  waters  of  Curzola,^  Lamba 
Doria  ordered  his  galleys,  when  the  wind  was  favorable,  to  throw 
dust  of  quick  lime  into  the  eyes  of  the  Venetians  commanded  by 
Dandolo;  and  he  put  in  confusion  those  desperate  blind  ones. 

It  seems  to  me  that  in  such  hostile  blindness  we  have  remained 
afflicted  after  the  disasterof  Lissa.  We  have  not  seen,  we  have  not 
wished  to  see  that  which  the  conquerors  have  done  without  truce, 
without  mercy:  to  obliterate  every  vestige  of  our  domain  on  the 
Eastern  coast;  to  destroy  every  trace  of  Italianity  from  the  beauti- 
ful Latin  shore  not  only  consecrated  with  blood,  but  with  the  spirit; 
not  only  conquered  by  arms  but  by  the  arts;  not  only  ours  by 
ancient  sovereignty  but  because  of  new  ideas;  not  only  rich  in 
mute  relics,  but  in  eloquent  culture.  We  have  abandoned  you 
for  years  and  years  to  the  most  iniquitious  persecutions,  O  gen- 
erous brothers  of  ours  who  have  opposed  courage  to  menace,  pa- 
tience to  injustice,  virile  gentleness  to  wicked  atrocities!  We  have 
not  dared  to  help,  not  even  to  comfort  the  sad  and  silent  fight 
continued  by  you,  O  faithful  of  Rome,  to  preserve  the  blessed 
tongue  of  Italy,  to  defend  the  documents  of  your  high  origin,  to 
keep  yourself  Italian  against  everyone  and  against  everything.  As 
the  sailors  of  Dandolo,  we  have  diverted  dolorous  eyes  from  the 
battle. 

'  At  Quarto  on  May  5,  1915,  a  monument  was  unveiled  which  was  erected  in 
honor  of  r/i^  Thousand  by  Garibaldi.  D'Annunzio  delivered  the  comemmoration 
address. 

^  Island  and  canal  of  the  Adriatic  on  the  coast  of  Dalmatia. 


D'ANNUNZIO  AND  DALMATIA  199 

We  ask  your  pardon.  We  make  amends.  Finally  our  eyes  are 
re-opened,  cured  by  the  health-giving  wind  which  blows  away  from 
so  much  destruction,  from  so  much  virtue,  to  so  much  horror, 
to  so  much  love.  We  should  weep  with  remorse  and  with  pity, 
O  brothers,  but  we  do  not  weep;  instead,  we  steadfastly  watch 
Fate.  This  book,  which  you  place  in  my  hands,  is  an  evidence  of 
your  claim  to  possession.  It  is  brief,  but  of  great  weight.  It  says 
to  us  clearly  and  concisely  in  the  manner  of  Rome  that  Dalmatia 
is  of  Italy  by  divine  and  by  human  right;  by  the  grace  of  God, 
which  fashioned  terrestial  figures  in  such  a  way  that  each  race 
sculpturally  ^recognizes  his  own  kind;  by  the  zuill  of  man,  who 
multiplies  the  beauty  of  the  shores  by  erecting  monuments  to  his 
glories  and  carving  the  signs  of  his  most  arduous  hopes. 

This  book  is  a  Dalmatian  gospel  on  which  we  can  swear. 

Under  the  Latin  power  of  Rome,  of  the  Popes,  of  Venice,  as 
under  the  barbarous  power  of  the  Goths,  the  Lombards,  the  Franks 
the  German  Ottos,  the  Byzantines,  the  Hungarians,  the  Aus- 
trians,  the  civil  life  of  that  part  of  the  coast  as  well  as  the  civil  life 
of  this  part  of  the  coast  was  always  in  origin  and  in  essence 
Italian.  It  was,  it  is,  and  will  be.  Not  the  Teutons  of  the  Alps, 
not  the  Slavonians  of  Carso,  neither  the  Magyars  of  Puszta,  not 
the  Croatian  who  ignores  or  falsifies  history,  not  even  the  Turk 
who  disguises  himself  as  an  Albanian,  no  one  can  arrest  the 
fatal  rhythm  of  accomplishment,  the  Roman  rhythm.  I  tell 
you  this,  brothers,  but  you  know  it.  On  this  Dalmatian  gospel 
we  can  take  oath. 

The  ancient  Roman  consular  road  which  leads  to  Salona  to 
cross  Bosnia  has  not  yet  been  battered  down.  It  is,  as  you 
know,  the  only  road  that  binds  together  the  little  hamlets  and 
scattered  villages.  It  is  so  well  directed,  so  well  constructed,  so 
well  consolidated,  that  men  must  follow  it  to  the  end  of  time. 

More  distant,  on  the  other  side  of  Mount  Kvaratch,  the 
mighty  ruins  of  a  Roman  laborers'  city  rises  in  the  midst  of  mead- 
ows and  forests  in  view  of  the  cerulean  heights  of  the  war-like 
Servia. 

Now  it  seems  that  the  genius  loci  is  not  carved  in  stone,  but 
survives  in  its  greatness,  and  with  its  breath  fills  the  courts  of 
justice,  the  tribunal,  the  hypocaust,  the  altars  and  the  hearth  stones, 
the  castles,  the  excavations  on  the  right  shore  of  the  rushing  Saso, 
their  walls  as  yet  well  preserved,  which  fifteen  voracious  centuries 
have  not  been  able  to  destroy. 

Of  what  value  then  are  the  efforts  of  barbarians  against  the 


200  SECOND   PART 

law  of  Rome?  There,  where  we  have  put  such  foundations,  there, 
the  genius  loci  awaits  us;  there  we  will  return,  there  we  will  re- 
discover the  ancient  relics  and  will  carve  new  symbols.  If  narrow 
are  jour  shores  O  Dalmatians,  ample  is  the  civilization  which  il- 
luminates them.  You  are  almost  at  the  border  of  the  toga,  but 
the  whole  toga  is  Roman. 

Be  of  good  cheer,  my  young  companions.  The  time  of  serving 
is  finished,  the  time  of  suffering  has  ended.  The  time  to  fight 
and  to  redeem  has  come;  and  the  time  to  liberate  and  to  avenge 
is  imminent. 

At  Lissa  the  young  Dalmatian  naval  officer,  Giovanni  Ivancich, 
fell  like  a  hero.  He  perhaps  resembled  some  of  you  who  look  at 
me  with  the  light  of  battle  kindling  in  your  lion-like  eyes. 

What  is  your  name,  you  who  are  blushing,  O  boy?  Fame 
perhaps  will  tell  me  tomorrow;  Liberty  may  re-echo  it  to  me  from 
across  the  sea. 

On  this  gospel  of  Dalmatia,  however,  we  swear  with  a  single 
soul. 

Thus  may  it  be,  for  the  sons  of  sons  and  for  the  centuries  of 
centuries. 


THIRD  PART 
I 

The  assassination  of  the  Archduke  Francis  Ferdinand, 
heir  to  the  Austro-Hungarian  throne,  by  the  Serbian 
student  Gabrilo  Princip  on  June  28, 1914. 

On  June  28,  1914  (it  was  Sunday),  the  Serbian  student, 
Gabrilo  Princip,  nineteen  years  of  age,  killed  at  Serajevo, 
with  two  shots  of  a  Browning  pistol,  the  Archduke  Fran- 
cis Ferdinand,  heir  to  the  Imperial  Austro-Hungarian 
crown,  and  his  wife  Sophie,  Duchess  of  Hohenberg  nee 
Countess  Chotek  of  Chotkowa  and  Wognin. 

"A  long  time  ago,"  said  young  Princip,  "I  conceived  the  idea 
of  killing  an  Austrian  of  high  rank,  to  avenge  the  Serbians  of 
Bosnia  for  the  treatment  which  they  have  received  from  the 
Austrian  government.  I  had  no  accomplices.  I  wished  to 
strike  at  Austrian  Imperialism  represented  in  the  person  of  the 
Archduke  Francis  Ferdinand.^ 

^  Five  years  after  the  elevation  of  Peter  I  Karageorgevic  to  the  Serbian  throne. 
Austria,  celebrating  the  sixty  years  of  reign  of  Francis  Joseph,  annexed  to  itself 
Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  after  thirty  years  of  occupation  and  spoliation,  pro- 
claiming it  "  Royal  and  Imperial  crown  land."  Thus  at  the  end  of  1908  the  tension 
existing  since  1878  between  Austria  and  Russia  was  accentuated.  In  the  rigidity 
of  this  tension  Germany  took  an  attitude  decidedly  in  favor  of  her  ally,  Austria. 
Emperor  William  II  made  the  world  understand  that  in  the  defense  of  the  Aus- 
tro-Hungarian Empire  the  shining  German  sword  would  always  be  ready.  And 
Russia  finally  recognized  an  annexation  that  in  the  Slavic  world,  and  also  in  Tur- 
key, had  provoked  protests  and  anti-Austrian  demonstrations;  and  in  Italy,  not- 
withstanding the  ties  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  these  conditions  had  produced  a 
feeling  of  bitterness. 

The  tension  between  Austria  and  Serbia  was  such  from  October  1908,  to  March 
1909,  that  it  was  only  by  a  miracle  that  war  had  not  broken  out  before  between 
the  two  countries.  But  the  disproportion  between  the  Austrian  and  Serbian  forces 
was  only  too  evident;  because  at  the  side  of  Serbia  there  was  no  great  idealist  like 
Napoleon  III,  to  assist  her;  had  she  had  this  support,  she  might  have  waged  war 
in  the  Balkans  against  Austria,  as  Piedmont  had  done  in  Italy  in  1859.  Russia 
could  have  done  so;  but  because  of  the  resolute  attitude  of  Germany  she  made 
only  some  technical  objection  regarding  the  annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herze- 
govina; then  Russia  declared  that  her  former  obligations  would  not  permit  her  to 
join  in  the  assault.  What  was  there  to  do?  To  Serbia  there  remained  nothing 
but  to  bend  the  head  in  submission;  and  she  bent  it,  leaving  to  Austria,  on  March 
31,  1909,  this  declaration: 

"  Serbia  recognizes  that  she  has  not  been  deprived  of  her  rights  by  the  conditions 

201 


202  THIRD  PART 


II 

The  fatal  note  —  ultimatum  of  the  Austro-Hun- 
garian  government  to  the  government  of  Serbia  (July 
23,  1914). 

On  July  23,  1914,  at  6  p.  m.  the  Austrian  minister  in 
Belgrade,  Baron  Giesl  von  Gieslman,  presented  the  fatal  ulti- 
matum note  which  concluded  thus: 

In  order  to  give  a  formal  character  to  this  undertaking,  the 
royal  Serbian  Government  shall  publish  on  the  front  page  of  its 
official  journal  of  July  26th  the  following  declaration: 

The  Royal  Government^  condemns  the  propaganda  directed  against 
Austria-Hungary,  the  general  tendency  of  which  is  to  detach  from 
the  Austro-Hungarian  monarchy  territories'^  belonging  to  it,  and  it 
sincerely  deplores  the  fatal  consequences  of  these  criminal  proceedings. 

The  Royal  Government  regrets  that  Serbian  officers  and  function- 
aries participated  in  the  above  mentioned  propaganda  and  thus  com- 
promised the  good  neighborly  relations  to  which  the  Royal  Government 
was  solemnly  pledged  by  its  declaration  of  March  5/,  igoQ. 

The  Royal  Government,  which  disapproves  of  and  repudiates  all 
idea  of  interfering  or  attempting  to  interfere  with  the  destinies  of  the 
inhabitants  of  any  part  whatsoever  of  Austria-Hungary,  considers 
it  its  duty  formally  to  warn  officers  and  functionaries  and  the  whole 
population  of  the  kingdom,  that  henceforward  it  will  proceed  with  the 
utmost  rigor  against  persons  who  may  be  guilty  of  such  machinations, 
and  it  will  use  all  its  efforts  to  anticipate  and  suppress  such. 

created  in  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  and  that  in  consequence  she  will  conform  to 
the  decision  which  the  Powers  will  make  in  relation  to  Article  XXV,  in  the  treaty 
of  Berhn,  July  13,  1878. 

"Serbia,  submitting  to  the  council  of  the  great  Powers,  obligates  herself  from 
this  moment  to  renounce  her  attitude  of  protest  and  of  opposition,  which  she  had 
adopted  last  Autumn  regarding  the  annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  and 
she  obligates  herself  also  to  modify  the  direction  of  her  present  policy  toward 
Austria-Hungary,  in  order  to  live  in  the  future  with  the  latter  on  the  footing 
of  good  neighbors." 

This  diplomatic  obligation  did  not  and  could  not  change  the  animus  of 
Serbia  toward  Austria,  nor  diminish  the  uneasiness  of  Austria  toward  the  Serbian 
people  and  the  Montenegrins,  considered  at  Vienna  and  at  Budapest  the  advance 
guards  of  the  Pan-Slavic  movement  of  which  Russia  always  was  the  inspirer  and 
patroness. 

^  The  Royal  Government  is  the  Government  of  Serbia. 

'  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina. 


THE  FATAL  AUSTRIAN  ULTIMATUM  203 

This  declaration  shall  simultaneously  be  communicated  to 
the  royal  army  as  an  order  of  the  day  by  His  Majesty  the  King  and 
shall  be  published  in  the  official  bulletin  of  the  army. 

The  royal  Serbian  Government  further  undertakes: 

1.  To  suppress  any  publication  which  incites  to  hatred  and 
contempt  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  monarchy  and  the  general 
tendency  of  which  is  directed  against  its  territorial  integrity. 

2.  To  dissolve  immediately  the  society  styled  Narodna  Ob- 
drana,  to  confiscate  all  its  means  of  propaganda,  and  to  proceed 
in  the  same  manner  against  other  societies  and  their  branches  in 
Serbia  which  engage  in  propaganda  against  the  Austro-Hungarian 
monarchy.  The  Royal  Government  shall  take  the  necessary 
measures  to  prevent  the  societies  dissolved  from  continuing  their 
activity  under  another  name  and  form. 

3.  To  eliminate  without  delay  from  public  instruction  in 
Serbia,  both  as  regards  the  teaching  body  and  also  as  regards  the 
methods  of  instruction,  everything  that  serves,  or  might  serve,  to 
foment  the  propaganda  against  Austria-Hungary. 

4.  To  remove  from  the  military  service,  and  from  the  ad- 
ministration in  general,  all  officers  and  functionaries  guilty  of 
propaganda  against  theAustro-Hungarian  monarchy, whose  names 
and  deeds  the  Austro-Hungarian  Government  reserves  to  itself 
the  right  of  communicating  to  the  Royal  Government: 

5.  To  accept  the  collaboration  in  Serbia  of  representatives 
of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Government  in  the  suppression  of  the 
subversive  movement  directed  against  the  territorial  integrity  of 
the  monarchy. 

6.  To  take  judicial  proceedings  against  accessories  to  the 
plot  of  June  28th,  who  are  on  Serbian  territory.  Delegates  of  the 
Austro-Hungarian  Government  will  take  part  in  the  investigation 
relating  thereto. 

7.  To  proceed  without  delay  to  the  arrest  of  Commandant 
Voina  Tankosic  and  of  the  individual  named  Milan  Ciganovitch,  a 
Serbian  state  employee,  who  have  been  compromised  by  the  results 
of  the  magisterial  inquiry  at  Serajevo. 

8.  To  prevent  by  effective  measures  the  co-operation  of  the 
Serbian  authorities  in  the  illicit  traffic  in  arms  and  explosives  across 
the  frontier,  to  dismiss  and  punish  severely  the  officials  of  the 
frontier  service  at  Schabatz  and  Loznica  guilty  of  having  assisted 
the  perpetrators  of  the  Serajevo  crime  by  facilitating  their  passage 
across  the  frontier. 

9.  To   furnish    the  Imperial    and    Royal    Government  with 


204  THIRD   PART 

explanations  regarding  the  unjustifiable  utterances  of  high  Serbian 
officials,  both  in  Serbia  and  abroad,  who,  notwithstanding  their 
official  positions,  did  not  hesitate  after  the  crime  of  June  28th  to 
express  themselves  in  interviews  in  terms  of  hostility  to  the  Aus- 
tro-Hungarian  government,  and,  finally, 

10.  To  notify  the  Imperial  and  Royal  Government  without 
delay  of  the  execution  of  the  measures  comprised  under  the  pre- 
ceding heads. 

The  Austro-Hungarian  Government  expects  the  reply  of  the 
royal  government  at  the  latest  by  6  o'clock  on  Saturday  evening, 
July  25th. 

The  Russian  minister,  Strandtman,  in  Belgrade,  im- 
mediately sent  a  despatch  to  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs, 
Sazonoff,  at  Petrograd,  as  follows: 

The  minister  of  Austria  has  just  at  this  moment,  six  P.  M., 
handed  to  the  Serbian  minister  of  finance,  Patchou,  who  has 
replaced  Pasic,  an  ultimatum  note  from  his  government,  fixing 
forty-eight  hours  as  the  limit  of  time  for  the  acceptance  of  the  de- 
mand which  is  contained  therein.  Giesl  has  declared  verbally  that 
if  the  note  is  not  accepted  in  its  entirety  within  the  forty-eight 
hours,  he  has  received  orders  to  leave  Belgrade,  together  with  the 
other  officials  of  the  legation.  Pasic  and  the  other  ministers,  who 
are  in  an  electoral  campaign,  have  been  recalled,  and  are  expected 
at  Belgrade  tomorrow  morning,  Friday,  at  10  o'clock.  Patchou, 
who  communicated  to  me  the  contents  of  the  note,  solicits  the  aid 
of  Russia,  and  declares  that  no  government  could  accept  the  de- 
mands of  Austria. 

The  morning  of  July  24,  1914,  the  Austro-Hungarian 
ambassadors  in  Germany,  England,  Russia,  France,  Italy, 
and  Turkey  communicated  to  the  Governments  of  these 
Powers  the  text  of  the  ultimatum  note  directed  by  the 
Imperial  Government  of  Francis  Joseph  to  Serbia  the 
morning  of  the  preceding  day  (July  23,  1914). 


GERMANY,  RUSSIA,  ENGLAND  205 


III 

The  partisan  attitude  of  Germany.  The  conciliatory- 
attitude  of  Russia.  The  beseeching  telegram  of  Prince 
Alexander,  regent  of  Serbia,  to  Czar  Nicholas  II.  An 
eloquent  telegram  from  the  Enghsh  Ambassador, 
Buchanan.  The  obstinacy  of  the  Austro-Hungarian 
Government. 

The  gravity  of  the  ultimatum  note  sent  from  Vienna  to 
Belgrade  was  felt  throughout  the  world;  the  German  attitude 
was  expressed  on  the  same  date — July  24,  1914 — in  various 
German  newspapers  and  particularly  in  the  Kreuz  Zeitung, 
organ  of  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  in  Berlin. 

It  is  to  be  hoped,'*  said  the  journal,  "if  the  dissension  precipi- 
tates a  war,  that  this  war  will  be  isolated.  The  spark  may  kindle 
a  barrel  of  powder  in  Europe;  but  up  to  this  moment  we  can  and 
we  must  hope  that  the  great  Powers  will  recognize  the  justice 
of  the  Austro-Hungarian  demands,  and  that  no  one  will  give  aid 
to  Serbia. 

This  same  idea  dinched  and  amplified  another  officious 
communication  from  Berlin,  affirming  that  it  was  incon- 
ceivable, "that  there  could  be  any  Power  disposed  to  lend 
moral  or  material  aid  to  the  Serbians  in  questions  like  this 
which  necessarily  must  re-awaken  the  sentiment  of  the 
monarchial  solidarity  between  nations  honestly  bound 
together.  Serbia  therefore" — concludes  this  officious  voice 
— '*will  accept  the  Austrian  demands  or  it  zvill  perish.'' 

The  Lokal  Anzeigery  of  the  same  date,  said: 

Germany  feels  much  relieved  because  finally  the  time  has  ar- 
rived to  clarify  definitely  the  Balkan  situation,  and  she  congrat- 
ulates herself  along  with  the  allied  Empire  for  its  virile  resolution, 
and  assures  it  fidelity  and  unconditional  aid  in  the  difficult  days 
before  it. 

This  was  not  only  the  sentiment  of  the  German  Govern- 
ment circles,  of  which  the  Lokal  Anzeiger  was  also  the  offi- 
cious organ,  but  also  the  sentiment  of  the  German  people 


206  THIRD    PART 

as  was  shown  by  the  unanimity  of  their  organs,  and  by  the 
enthusiastic  popular  demonstrations  made  in  the  great 
German  cities,  from  Berlin  to  Munich.  They  were  not  in 
accord  in  their  prevision  (pacific  solution  or  war),  but  all 
were  in  accord  in  saying  that  "in  any  case  Germany  will  be 
at  the  side  of  Austria!" 

However,  the  Russian  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  Sazo- 
noff,  as  soon  as  he  was  informed  of  the  step  which  Austria 
had  taken  at  Belgrade,  and  as  soon  as  he  received  from  the 
Russian  minister  at  Belgrade  the  demand  for  aid  in  favor  of 
Serbia,  transmitted  to  the  Austrian  Government  at  Vienna 
on  July  24th,  the  following  declaration,  by  means  of  the 
Russian  Ambassador  Knidachew: 

The  communication  made  by  Austria  to  the  powers  at  Bel- 
grade on  the  following  day,  on  the  presentation  of  the  ultimaUinif 
is  quite  insufficient  to  enable  them  to  take  any  steps  which  might 
help  to  smooth  away  the  difficulties  that  have  arisen. 

In  order  to  prevent  ^the  incalculable  consequences,  equally 
fatal  to  all  the  powers  which  may  result  from  the  course  of  action 
followed  by  the  Austrian  Government,  it  seems  to  us  to  be,  above 
all,  essential  that  the  period  of  time  allowed  for  the  Serbian  reply 
should  be  extended.  Austria-Hungary,  having  declared  her 
readiness  to  inform  the  powers  of  the  result  of  the  inquiry  upon 
which  the  Imperial  and  Royal  Governments  base  their  accusations, 
should  also  allow  them  equally  sufficient  time  to  weigh  them.^ 
In  this  case  if  the  powers  should  be  convinced  that  certain  of  the 
Austrian  demands  were  well  founded,  they  would  be  in  a  position 
to  offer  advice  to  the  Serbian  Government.  A  refusal  to  prolong 
the  terms  of  the  ultimatum  would  render  nugatory  the  proposals 
made  by  the  Austrian  Government  to  the  powers,  and  would  be  in 
contradiction  to  the  very  basis  of  international  relations. 

While  Russia  took  this  step  at  Vienna  —  recommending 
it  simultaneously  to  the  attention  of  the  Governments  of 
London,  Berlin,  Paris  and  Rome  —  Prince  Alexander,  regent 
of  Serbia,  sent  to  Czar  Nicholas  II  the  following  telegram: 

The  Austrian  Government  last  evening  sent  to  the  Serbian 

^  From  the  inquiry  instituted  by  the  Austrian  agents  in  Serajevo,  it  was  proven 
that  the  assassination  of  the  hereditary  Archduke,  Francis  Ferdinand,  was  the 
result  of  a  plot  in  which  the  army  and  the  government  functionaries  of  Serbia 
took  part. 


GERMANY,  RUSSIA,  ENGLAND  207 

Government  a  note  concerning  the  assault  at  Serajevo.  Con- 
scious of  her  international  duties,  Serbia,  from  the  first  day  of  the 
horrible  crime,  declared  that  she  condemned  it  and  that  she  was 
ready  to  open  an  inquiry  on  her  own  territory  if  the  complicity 
of  certain  of  her  subjects  should  be  proved  in  the  course  of  the  trial 
begun  by  the  Austrian  authorities.  In  consequence  the  demands 
contained  in  the  Austrian  note  are  uselessly  humiliating  to  Serbia, 
and  incompatible  with  her  dignity  as  an  independent  state.  A 
space  of  forty-eight  hours  has  been  granted  to  us  to  accept  every- 
thing; if  we  do  not  accept,  the  Austrian  Legation  will  leave  Bel- 
grade. We  are  ready  to  accept  the  Austrian  conditions  in  so  far 
as  they  are  compatible  with  the  situation  of  an  independent  state, 
as  also  the  conditions  which  were  advised  by  Your  Majesty; 
everyone  whose  participation  in  the  crime  of  Serajevo  is  proved  will 
be  severely  punished  by  us. 

Some  of  the  Austrian  demands  can  not  be  executed  without 
changes  in  our  legislation,  and  this  requires  time.  Too  brief  a 
space  of  time  for  this  has  been  granted  us.  We  can  be  attacked 
by  the  Austrian  army,  which  is  concentrating  on  our  frontier,  as  soon 
as  the  forty-eight  hours  have  passed.  It  is  impossible  for  us  to 
defend  ourselves,  and  we  supplicate  Your  Majesty  to  give  us  your 
aid  as  soon  as  possible. 

The  valued  benevolence  of  Your  Majesty,  manifested  so  many 
times  toward  us,  makes  us  confidently  hope  that  thistime  also  our 
appeal  will  be  heard  by  your  generous  Slavic  heart. 

In  these  difficult  moments  I  interpret  the  sentiments  of  the  Ser- 
bian people,  who  supplicate  Your  Majesty  to  graciously  interest 
yourself  in  the  cause  of  the  Kingdom  of  Serbia. 

Besides  this,  the  English  Ambassador,  Buchanan,  at 
Petrograd,  on  July  25,  1914,  informed  Sir  Edward  Grey  at 
London  that  Russia  favored  an  appeal  from  Serbia  to  the 
Pov^ers. 

The  Russian  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  Sazonoff  [thus  said 
Buchanan  in  his  telegram  to  Grey]  wished  to  see  the  question 
placed  upon  an  international  basis,  because  the  obligations 
assumed  by  Serbia  in  i909,towhich  allusion  is  made  in  the  Austrian 
ultimatum,  were  given,  not  to  Austria,  but  to  the  Powers.  If 
Serbia  would  appeal  to  the  Powers,  Russia  would  be  disposed  to 
keep  herself  out  and  leave  the  matter  in  the  hands  of  England, 
France,  Germany  and  Italy. 

But  on  the  afternoon  of  July  25, 1914,  Baron  de  Macchio, 


208  THIRD   PART 

who  replaced  the  Austrian  minister  of  foreign  affairs, 
Count  Berchtold,  in  his  absence  from  the  capital,  com- 
municated to  the  Russian  Ambassador  in  Vienna  that  the 
Austrian  Government  would  not  consent  to  accept  the  de- 
mand of  Russia  to  prolong  the  time  given  to  Serbia,  main- 
taining, "that  the  solution  of  the  incident  with  Serbia  is 
a  matter  which  interests  exclusively  Austria  and  Serbia. 
Austria  therefore  has  decided,  in  whatever  circumstances,  to 
refuse  every  attempt  at  intervention  by  outsiders." 


IV 

The  reply  of  the  Serbian  Government  to  the  ultimatum 
note  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Government  was  given 
July  25,  1914. 

The  forty-eight  hours,  exactly  the  same  length  of  time 
which  Austria,  in  April  1859,  accorded  to  Piedmont,  were 
about  over.  Twenty  minutes  before,  that  is,  at  5:40  p.  m., 
of  July  25th,  the  Serbian  prime  minister  Pasic  handed  to 
Baron  Giesl,  the  Austro-Hungarian  minister,  the  following 
reply: 

The  royal  Serbian  Government  has  received  the  communica- 
tion of  the  imperial  and  royal  government  of  July  23,  1914,  and 
is  convinced  that  its  reply  will  remove  any  misunderstanding 
which  may  threaten  to  impair  the  good  neighborly  relations  be- 
tween the  Austro-Hungarian  monarchy  and  the  Kingdom  of 
Serbia. 

Conscious  of  the  fact  that  the  protests  which  were  made  both 
from  the  tribune  of  the  national  Skupshtina  and  in  the  declarations 
and  actions  of  the  responsible  representatives  of  the  state  —  pro- 
tests which  were  cut  short  by  the  declaration  made  by  the  Serbian 
Government  on  March  18,  1909  —  have  not  been  renewed  on  any 
occasion  as  regards  the  great  neighboring  monarchy,  and  that  no 
attempt  has  been  made  since  that  time,  either  by  the  successive 
royal  governments  or  by  their  organs,  to  change  the  political  and 
legal  state  of  affairs  created  in  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  the  royal 
government  draws  attention  to  the  fact  that  in  this  connection  the 
imperial  and  royal  government  has  made  no  representation  ex- 


THE  REPLY  OF  SERBIA  209 

cept  one  concerning  a  school  book,  and  on  that  occasion  the  im- 
perial and  royal  government  received  an  entirely  satisfactory 
explanation.  Serbia  has  several  times  given  proofs  of  her  pacific 
and  moderate  policy  during  the  Balkan  crisis,  and  thanks  to 
Serbia  and  to  the  sacrifice  that  she  has  made  in  the  exclusive  in- 
terest of  European  peace,  that  peace  has  been  preserved.  The 
Royal  Government  cannot  be  held  responsible  for  manifestations  of 
a  private  character,  such  as  articles  in  the  press  and  the  peaceable 
work  of  societies  —  manifestations  which  take  place  in  nearly  all 
countries  in  the  ordinary  course  of  events,  and  which  as  a  general 
rule  escape  official  control.  The  Royal  Government  cannot  be 
made  responsible  in  view  of  the  fact  that  at  the  time  of  the  solution 
of  a  series  of  questions  which  arose  between  Serbia  and  Austria- 
Hungary,  it  gave  proof  of  a  great  readiness  to  oblige,  and  thus 
succeeded  in  settling  the  majority  of  these  questions  to  the  ad- 
vantage of  the  two  neighboring  countries. 

For  these  reasons  the  Royal  Government  has  been  pained  and 
surprised  at  the  statements  made  that  persons  of  the  Kingdom  of 
Serbia  are  supposed  to  have  participated  in  the  preparations  for 
the  crime  committed  at  Serajevo;  the  Royal  Government  expected 
to  be  invited  to  collaborate  in  an  investigation  of  all  that  concerns 
this  crime,  and  it  is  ready,  in  order  to  prove  the  entire  cor- 
rectness of  its  attitude,  to  take  measures  against  any  persons 
concerning  whom  representations  may  be  made  to  them.  Falling 
in,  therefore,  with  the  desire  of  the  Imperial  and  Royal  Govern- 
ment, it  is  prepared  to  hand  over  for  trial  any  Serbian  subject,  with- 
out regard  to  his  position  or  rank,  of  whose  complicity  in  the  crime 
of  Serajevo  proofs  may  be  furnished,  and  more  especially  they  will 
undertake  to  cause  to  be  published  on  the  first  page  of  the  Oijicial 
Army  Bulletin^  on  the  dates  from  July  13th  to  the  26th,  the  fol- 
lowing declaration: 

The  Royal  Government  of  Serbia  condemns  all  propaganda  which 
may  be  directed  against  Austria-Hungary^  that  is  to  say,  all  such 
tendencies  as  aim  at  ultimately  detaching  from  the  Austrian  monarchy 
territories  which  form  part  thereof,  and  it  sincerely  deplores  the 
baneful  consequences  of  these  criminal  movements.  The  Royal 
Government  regrets  that,  according  to  the  communication  from  the 
Imperial  afid  Royal  Government,  certain  Serbian  officers  and  officials 
should  have  taken  part  in  the  above-mentioned  propaganda,  and 
thus  compromise  the  good  neighborly  relations  to  which  the  royal 
Serbian  Government  was  solemnly  engaged  by  the  declaration  of 
March  57,  igog,  which  declaration  disapproves  of  and  repudiates 


210  THIRD  PART 

all  idea  or  attempt  at  interference  with  the  destiny  of  the  inhabitants 
of  any  part  whatsoever  of  Austria-Hungary,  and  it  considers  it 
a  duty  formally  to  warn  the  officers,  officials,  and  entire  population 
of  the  kingdom  that  henceforth  it  will  take  the  most  rigorous  steps 
against  all  such  persons  as  are  guilty  of  such  acts  and  to  prevent 
and  to  repress  such  it  will  use  its  utmost  endeavor. 

This  declaration  will  be  brought  to  the  knowledge  of  the  royal 
army  in  an  order  of  the  day,  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty  the  King, 
by  his  royal  highness  the  Crown  Prince  Alexander,  and  will  be 
published  in  the  next  official  army  bulletin. 

The  Royal  Government  further  undertakes: 

1.  To  introduce  at  the  first  regular  convocation  of  the 
Skupshtina  a  provision  into  the  law  governing  the  press  and  pro- 
viding for  the  most  severe  punishment  of  incitement  to  hatred 
or  contempt  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  monarchy,  and  for  taking 
action  against  any  pubUcation,  the  general  tendency  of  which  is 
directed  against  the  territorial  integrity  of  Austria-Hungary.  The 
Government  assumes  the  responsibility  at  the  coming  revision  of  the 
constitution,  of  causing  an  amendment  to  be  introduced  into  arti- 
cle 22  of  the  constitution  of  such  a  nature  that  any  publication 
may  be  suppressed,  a  proceeding  at  present  impossible  under  the 
categorical  terms  of  article  22  of  the  constitution. 

2.  The  Government  possesses  no  proof,  nor  does  the  note  of 
the  Imperial  and  Royal  Government  furnish  it  with  any,  that 
the  Narodna  Obdrana  and  other  similar  societies  have  committed, 
up  to  the  present,  any  criminal  act  of  this  nature  through  the 
proceedings  of  any  of  their  members.  Nevertheless,  the  Royal 
Government  will  accept  the  demand  of  the  Imperial  and  Royal 
Government  and  will  dissolve  the  Narodna  Obdrana  society 
and  any  other  society  which  may  be  directing  its  efforts  against 
Austria. 

3 .  The  Royal  Serbian  Government  undertakes  to  remove  with- 
out delay  from  their  public  educational  establishments  in  Serbia 
all  that  serves  or  could  serve  to  foment  propaganda  against 
Austria,  whenever  the  Imperial  and  Royal  Government  furnishes 
them  with  facts  and  proofs  of  this  propaganda. 

4.  The  Royal  Government  also  agrees  to  remove  from  military 
service  all  such  persons  as  the  judicial  inquiry  may  have  proved  to 
be  guilty  of  acts  directed  against  the  integrity  of  the  territory  of 
the  Austrian  monarchy,  and  it  expects  the  Imperial  and  Royal 
Government  to  communicate  to  them  at  a  later  date  the  names  and 


THE  REPLY  OF  SERBIA  211 

the  acts  of  these  officers  and  officials  for  the  purposes  of  the  pro- 
ceedings which  are  to  be  taken  against  them. 

5.  The  Royal  Government  must  confess  that  it  does  not 
clearly  grasp  the  meaning  or  the  scope  of  the  demand  made  by 
the  Imperial  and  Royal  Government  that  Serbia  shall  undertake  to 
accept  the  collaboration  of  the  organs  of  the  Imperial  and  Royal 
Government  upon  their  territory,  but  it  declares  that  it  will 
admit  such  collaboration  as  agrees  with  the  principle  of  inter- 
national law,  with  criminal  procedure,  and  with  good  neighborly 
relations. 

6.  It  goes  without  saying  that  the  Royal  Government 
considers  it  its  duty  to  open  an  inquiry  against  all  such  persons 
as  are,  or  eventually  may  be,  implicated  in  the  plot  of  June  28, 
1914,  and  who  happen  to  be  within  the  territory  of  the  kingdom. 
As  regards  the  participation  in  this  inquiry  of  Austrian  agents  or 
authorities  appointed  for  this  purpose  by  the  Imperial  and  Royal 
Government,  the  Royal  Government  cannot  accept  such  an  arrange- 
ment, as  it  would  be  a  violation  of  the  constitution  and  of  the  law 
of  criminal  procedure;  nevertheless,  in  concrete  cases  communica- 
tions as  to  the  results  of  the  investigation  in  question  might  be 
given  to  the  Austro-Hungarian  agents. 

7.  The  Royal  Government  proceeded,  on  the  very  evening 
of  the  delivery  of  the  note,  to  arrest  Commandant  Voina  Tan- 
kosic.  As  regards  Milan  Ciganovitch,  who  is  a  subject  of  the 
Austrian  monarchy,  and  who  up  to  June  15th  was  employed  (on 
probation)  by  the  directorate  of  railways,  it  has  not  yet  been  pos- 
sible to  arrest  him. 

The  Austrian  Government  is  requested  to  be  so  good  as  to 
supply  as  soon  as  possible,  in  the  customary  form,  the  presumptive 
evidence  of  guilt,  as  well  as  the  eventual  proofs  of  guilt  which  have 
been  collected  up  to  the  present  time  at  the  inquiry  at  Serajevo, 
for  the  purposes  of  the  latter  inquiry. 

8.  The  Serbian  Government  will  reinforce  and  extend  the 
measures  which  have  been  taken  for  preventing  the  illicit  traffic 
in  arms  and  explosives  across  the  frontier.  It  goes  without  say- 
ing that  they  will  immediately  order  an  inquiry  and  will  severely 
punish  the  frontier  officials  on  the  Schabatz-Loxnitza  line  who 
have  failed  in  their  duty  and  allowed  the  authors  of  the  crime  of 
Serajevo  to  pass. 

9.  The  Royal  Government  will  gladly  give  explanations  of 
the  remarks  made  by  their  officials,  whether  in  Serbia  or  abroad, 
in  interviews  after  the  crime,  and  which,  according  to  the  state- 


212  THIRD   PART 

ment  of  the  Imperial  and  Royal  Government,  were  hostile  toward 
the  monarchy,  as  soon  as  the  imperial  and  royal  government  has 
communicated  to  them  the  passages  in  question  in  these  remarks, 
and  as  soon  as  they  have  shown  that  the  remarks  were  actually 
made  by  the  said  officials,  and  the  Royal  Government  will  itself 
take  steps  to  collect  evidence  and  proofs. 

lo.  The  Royal  Government  of  Serbia  will  inform  the  imperial 
and  Royal  Government  of  the  execution  of  the  measures  comprised 
under  the  above  heads,  in  so  far  as  this  has  not  already  been  done 
by  the  present  note,  as  soon  as  each  measure  has  been  ordered  and 
carried  out. 

If  the  Imperial  and  Royal  Government  is  not  satisfied  with  this 
reply,  the  Serbian  Government,  considering  that  it  is  not  to  the 
common  interest  to  precipitate  the  solution  of  this  question,  is 
ready,  as  always,  to  accept  a  pacific  understanding,  either  by  re- 
ferring these  questions  to  the  decision  of  the  international  tribunal 
of  The  Hague,  or  to  the  great  powers  which  took  part  in  the  draw- 
ing up  of  the  declaration  made  by  the  Serbian  Government  on 
March  31,  1909. 

The  telegram  announcing  the  above  note  by  Pasic  to 
the  Austro-Hungarian  minister  v^^as  published  as  information 
in  the  official  correspondence  bureau  of  Vienna  (July  25, 
1914)  w^ith  the  follow^ing  words: 

The  Serbian  Prime  Minister  Pasic,  before  six  P.  M.,  went  to  the 
Austrian  Legation  at  Belgrade  and  gave  an  insufficient  response  to 
the  Austro-Hungarian  note. 

The  Minister,  Baron  Giesl,  then  notified  Pasic  of  the  rupture  of 
diplomatic  relations  and  left  Belgrade  with  other  officers  of  the 
legation  at  6:30  p.  m. 


INTERESTING  TELEGRAMS  213 


An  eloquent  telegram  from  the  English  ambassador 
in  Vienna,  Maurice  di  Bunsen,  to  Sir  Edward  Grey 
(July  27,  1914).  An  official  communication  from  the 
Russian  Government,  published  by  the  Courrier  de  la 
Bourse,  of  Petrograd  Quly  27,  1914),  the  reply  of  Czar 
Nicholas  II  to  Prince  Alexander,  regent  of  Serbia  (July 
27,  1914).  The  grateful  acknowledgment  of  Prince 
Alexander  to  Czar  Nicholas  II. 

On  July  27,  1914,  the  English  ambassador  at  Vienna, 
Maurice  di  Bunsen,  sent  the  following  telegram  to  Sir  Ed- 
ward Grey  in  London: 

I  have  had  conversations  with  all  of  my  colleagues  representing 
the  great  powers.  The  impression  which  was  left  on  my  mind  is 
that  the  Austro-Hungarian  note  was  so  drawn  up  as  to  render  a 
war  inevitable;  that  the  Austro-Hungarian  Government  has  fully 
determined  to  have  war  with  Serbia;  that  it  considers  its  position 
as  one  of  the  great  powers  in  jeopardy,  and  that  until  punishment 
has  been  administered  to  Serbia,  it  is  unlikely  that  it  will  listen  to 
proposals  of  mediation.  This  country  (Austro-Hungary)  has 
gone  wild  with  joy  at  the  prospect  of  war  with  Serbia,  and  its 
postponement  of  prevention  would  undoubtedly  be  a  great  dis- 
appointment. 

The  Courrier  de  la  Bourse  of  Petrograd  on  July  27, 
1914,  published  the  following  official  communication: 

Russia  will  be  ready  to  respond  by  any  means  which  are  at  the 
disposal  of  a  great  power  before  any  evidence  in  which  it  is  proved 
that  its  legitimate  demands  are  despised.  Russia  will  not  permit 
the  annihilation  of  a  Slavic  State,  but  it  is  as  ready  to  sustain 
Austro-Hungary  in  its  just  demands  as  it  is  ready  to  recommend  to 
Serbia  not  to  be  unreasonable.  In  any  case  Russia  will  never  per- 
mit the  punishment  of  an  entire  Serbian  people  for  the  crime  of  a 
private  individual.  Neither  Russia  nor  Serbia  can  consent  to 
interference  with  the  sovereign  right  of  a  Balkan  State. 

And  Czar  Nicholas  II  on  the  same  day  responded  to  the 


214  THIRD   PART 

supplicating  telegram  sent  to  him  by  Prince  Alexander, 
Regent  of  Serbia,  on  July  24th.  The  Czar,  in  his  response, 
made  known  his  wishes  and  recommendations  and  ex- 
pressed his  approbation  of  the  attempt  to  avert  war;  but 
concluded  thus:  "If,  notwithstanding  our  most  sincere  de- 
sires, we  cannot  prevent  war,  your  highness  may  rest  as- 
sured that  in  any  case  Russia  will  be  interested  in  the  fate 
of  Serbia." 

When  the  Russian  minister  in  Serbia,  Strandtman,  con- 
signed to  the  Prime  Minister  of  Serbia  the  comforting 
telegram  of  the  Czar  directed  to  Prince  Alexander,  Pasic, 
after  having  read  it,  made  the  sign  of  the  cross  and  exclaimed, 
"O  God!  The  Czar  is  great  and  merciful!"  Then  not 
being  able  to  restrain  his  emotion  he  embraced  Strandtman; 
and  Prince  Alexander  telegraphed  his  thanks  to  the  Czar, 
in  these  terms: 

Profoundly  touched  by  the  telegram  Your  Majesty  has  deigned 
to  send  me,  I  hasten  to  thank  you  from  my  heart.  I  pray 
Your  Majesty  to  be  persuaded  that  the  cordial  sympathy  which 
Your  Majesty  has  shown  toward  our  country  is  especially  preci- 
ous and  fills  our  hearts  with  hope  that  the  future  of  Serbia  is 
assured  since  this  nation  has  become  the  object  of  your  high 
solicitude.  These  dark  moments  cement  more  than  ever  the 
chains  of  deep  attachment  which  unites  Serbia  with  "Santa  Russia 
Slava";  the  sentiments  of  eternal  gratitude  for  the  protection  and 
aid  of  your  Majesty  shall  be  held  devoutly  in  the  soul  of  every 
Serbian. 

VI 

The  declaration  of  war  by  Austria-Hungary  against 
Serbia  (July  27,  1914).  The  proclamation  of  the 
Emperor  Francis  Joseph  to  his  people  (July  28th). 
Czar  Nicholas  sends  an  urgent  telegram  to  the  Kaiser, 
begging  of  him  to  discourage  war  (July  29th).  The 
reply  and  the  declaration  of  war  (July  31st). 

The  inflexible  plan  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  govern- 
ment was  announced  on  July  27,  1914,  with  the  following 
declaration  made  to  the  powers: 


AUSTRIA  DECLARES  WAR  ON  SERBIA  215 

To  put  an  end  to  the  subversive  plots  coming  from  Belgrade 
and  directed  against  the  territorial  integrity  of  the  Austro-Hun- 
garian  Monarchy,  the  imperial  and  Royal  Government,  warned  the 
Royal  Government  of  Serbia  July  23,  1914,  by  means  of  a  note,  in 
which  we  find  formulated  a  series  of  demands  for  the  acceptance 
of  which  there  was  accorded  forty-eight  hours. 

The  Royal  Government  of  Serbia  not  having  responded  to 
this  note  in  a  satisfactory  manner,  the  Imperial  Royal  Govern- 
ment of  Austria  found  it  necessary  to  provide,  with  force  of  arms, 
for  the  defense  of  its  rights  and  interests. 

Austria,  which  had  simultaneously  directed  a  formal  declara- 
tion to  Serbia,  in  conformity  to  Article  I  of  the  Convention  of 
October  18,  1907,  relative  to  the  opening  of  hostilities,  considers 
itself,  from  this  moment  in  a  state  of  war  with  Serbia. 

The  day  after,  July  28th,  the  Emperor  Francis  Joseph 
published  from  Vienna  a  proclamation,  in  which  among 
things  he  said  to  his  people: 

My  greatest  desire  has  always  been  to  consecrate  the  years, 
which  by  "grace  of  God  remain  to  me,  to  the  work  of  peace, 
and  to  preserve  my  people  from  the  great  sacrifice  and  burdens 
of  war.  But  Providence  has  willed  otherwise.  The  conduct  of 
an  adversary  full  of  hate  obliges  me  to  defend  the  honor  of  my 
monarchy;  to  protect  its  authority  and  its  power;  to  guarantee  its 
position;  to  take  the  sword  in  hand  after  long  years  of 
peace. 

My  Government  has  made,  in  vain,  a  last  attempt  to  obtain  by 
pacific  means  its  ambition  to  induce  Serbia  to  change  its  course  of 
conduct;  but  Serbia  has  rejected  the  moderate  overtures  of  my 
government  and  has  refused  to  do  its  duty.  I  see  myself  con- 
strained to  create  by  force,  the  indispensable  guarantees  which 
must  secure  to  my  State  internal  calm  and  permanent  peace  with 
the  outside  world. 

I,  in  this  grave  hour,  assume  all  of  the  burden  of  my  decision 
and  the  responsibility  which  I  may  encounter  before  Omnipotent 
God.  I  have  examined  and  studied  everything.  I  pledge  myself 
conscientiously  to  the  way  which  duty  points  out  to  me.  I  have 
faith  in  my  people,  who  during  so  many  storms  have  always 
united  themselves  around  my  throne;  I  have  faith  in  the  Austro- 
Hungarian  army,  which  is  animated  by  sentiments  of  valor  and 
devotion.  I  have  faith  in  Omnipotent  God,  who  will  give  victory 
to  my  armies. 


216  THIRD  PART 

On  July  29th,  Czar  Nicholas  II  telegraphed  to  Kaiser 
William  II  thus: 

In  this  grave  moment  I  beg  of  you  to  assist  me.  A  cowardly 
war  has  been  declared  against  a  weak  nation.  In  Russia  the 
indignation,  which  I  myself  share,  is  enormous.  I  foresee  that  I 
cannot  long  resist  the  pressure' forced  upon  me  and  I  shall  be  con- 
strained to  take  such  measures  as  may  lead  to  a  European  war. 
I  beg  of  you,  in  the  name  of  our  old  friendship,  to  do  all  that  is 
possible  to  prevent  your  ally  continuing. 

But  William  II  responded  by  insisting  that  Austria  had 
acted  justly;  that  the  conflict  must  be  limited  to  Austria 
and  Serbia;  but  in  any  case  Germany  would  be  with  her  ally 
Austria. 

Events  became  more  serious  and  continued  to  go  rapidly 
from  bad  to  worse. 

On  the  afternoon  of  July  31st,  Kaiser  William  II  was 
obliged,  by  the  insistent  cheers  of  an  immense  crowd,  to 
present  himself  on  the  balcony  of  the  Imperial  Palace  in 
Berlin  with  the  Empress  at  his  side,  together  with  the  Crown 
Prince  and  his  consort,  the  Chancellor,  and  the  principal 
personages  of  the  court.  On  this  occasion  he  pronounced 
these  words: 

A  critical  hour  has  fallen  upon  Germany.  From  every  part 
we  are  constrained,  much  to  my  grief,  to  take  arms  in  just  defense. 

If  at  the  last  hour  our  efforts  cannot  induce  our  adversaries  to 
repent  and  maintain  peace,  for  which  for  twenty-five  years  I  have 
worked,  I  hope  that  we,  with  the  help  of  God,  will  unsheath  the 
sword,  and  I  hope  we  shall  sheath  it  again  with  honor.  You  must 
be  willing  to  endure  enormous  sacrifices  of  blood  and  of  goods, 
but  you  will  endure  this,  I  know,  and  to  our  adversaries  we  will 
show  what  it  means  to  oflfend  Germany. 

I  commend  you  to  God!  Go  to  church  and  pray  to  God  to 
grant  victory  to  the  German  arms  and  cause. 

On  August  I,  1914,  Germany  declared  war  on  Russia. 
On  August  3d,  Germany  declared  war  upon  France  and 
on  the  same  date  (August  3d)  Germany  declared  war  on 
Belgium. 


TRIPLE  ALLIANCE  217 


VII 


The  treaty  of  the  Triple  Alliance  between  the  Govern- 
ments of  Italy,  Austria,  and  Germany  (1882-1912).  The 
articles  III,  IV,  and  VII  of  that  same  treaty. 

When,  in  September,  1877,  Francesco  Crispi  —  who  as 
yet  had  not  risen  to  power  in  the  Government  of  Italy  — 
met  Prince  Bismarck  at  Wildbad  and  spoke  of  a  possible 
defensive  alHance  between  Germany  and  Italy,  and  touched 
on  the  compHcated  Oriental  question,  Bismarck  responded: 
"If  Austria  should  take  Bosnia,  Italy  would  take  Albania, 
or  any  other  Turkish  land  on  the  Adriatic."  One  year 
after  (1878)  Austria,  following  the  congress  of  Berlin, 
*'took"  Bosnia;  but  Italy  did  not  "take"  Albania. 

Instead,  on  October  31,  1881,  Humbert  I  accompanied 
by  Queen  Margherita,  Minister  Depretis,  and  Mancini, 
visited  Francis  Joseph  at  Vienna,  for  important  political 
reasons.  And  on  May  20,  1882,  the  Italian,  Austrian  and 
German  Governments  signed  the  famous  treaty  of  the  Triple 
Alliance  which  was  afterward  renewed  in  1887,  1897,  and 
1902,  and  finally  in  191 2  for  another  twelve  years. 

After  the  treaty  was  signed  on  May  20,  1882,  Prince 
Bismarck,  in  a  speech  in  the  German  parliament  on  June  12, 
1882,  expressed  himself  thus:  "We  are  united  and  allied, 
gentlemen,  with  two  great  monarchies,  Italy  and  Austria, 
who  will  defend  our  interests  and  who  want  peace  as  we 
want  it." 

From  the  documents  published  after  the  war  broke  out, 
it  clearly  followed  that  the  treaty  of  the  Triple  Alliance  — 
renewed,  as  has  been  said,  in  191 2,  for  another  twelve  years — 
contained  among  other  things,  three  articles  (3,  4,  and  7). 

Such  articles  were  of  the  following  tenor: 

Article  III.  If  one  or  two  of  the  contracting  parties,  without 
provocation  on  their  part,  are  attacked  by  two  or  more  Powers 
which  have  not  signed  this  treaty,  and  are  implicated  in  a  war  with 
them,  this  will  at  the  same  time  raise  the  casus  foederis  for  the  other 
parties. 


218  THIRD  PART 

Article  IF.  If  a  great  Power  which  has  not  signed  this  treaty 
menaces  the  national  safety  of  one  of  the  contracting  parties  and 
the  nation  thus  menaced  were  thus  constrained  to  declare  war,  the 
other  two  would  be  obliged  to  observe  toward  their  ally  a  benev- 
olent neutrality.  Each  one  of  the  three  contracting  Powers  in 
this  case,  will  remain  free  to  participate  in  the  war  if  it  seems  wise 
and  to  make  a  common  cause  with  her  ally. 

Article  VII.  Austria-Hungary  and  Italy,  which  have  only 
the  object  in  view  to  maintain  the  status  quo  in  the  Orient,  obligate 
themselves  to  use  their  influence  to  prevent  any  territorial  change 
dangerous  to  one  or  the  other  of  the  contracting  Powers.  They 
will  reciprocally  give  all  the  explanations  necessary  to  clarify 
their  respective  intentions  and  the  intentions  of  the  other  Powers. 

But  if,  however,  in  the  course  of  events  a  case  presents  in  itself 
w^hich  it  would  be  impossible  to  maintain  the  status  quo  in  the  terri- 
tory of  the  Balkans,  and  of  the  Ottoman  coasts  and  islands  of  the 
Adriatic  and  Aegean  Seas;  and  in  consequence  of  the  conduct  of  a 
third  Power,  or  for  other  causes,  Austria  and  Italy  would  be  obliged 
to  change  the  status  quo  with  a  temporary  or  lasting  occupation,  such 
occupation  would  take  place  only  after  previous  agreement  be- 
tween the  two  Powers,  based  on  the  principle  of  a  reciprocal  con- 
sent ^  for  all  territorial  or  other  sorts  of  advantages  which  could 
come  to  one  of  them  outside  of  the  present  status  quo  and  in  a 
manner  to  satisfy  the  justifiable  pretentions  of  both  parties. 


VIII 

How  the  Government  of  Austria,  in  its  fatal  ultimatum 
of  July  23,  1914,  and  the  consequent  declaration  of  war 
against  Serbia,  of  July  27,  1914,  violated  the  treaty  of 
the  Triple  Alliance  to  the  injury  of  Italy. 

The  Giornale  d' Italia  (the  great  oificlal  daily  of  Rome) 
August  I,  1914,  published  the  follow^Ing: 

During  the  grave  crisis  provoked  by  the  note  of  Austria  to 
Serbia,  the  Italian  government  worked  actively  and  In  conjunc- 
tion especially  with  the  English  Government,  to  avoid  European 
complications   and   to   maintain   peace.     But   unfortunately  the 

^  Some  publications  say:  "based  on  the  principle  of  reciprocal  compensation." 


AUSTRIA  VIOLATED  THE  ALLIANCE  219 

Italo-English  efforts  for  peace  did  not  succeed;  and  from  day  to 
day  the  probabilities  of  an  European  conflagration  became  greater. 
Thus  the  Italian  Government  had  to  considerthe  situation  in  which 
(the  Government)  Italy  might  find  herself  in  a  future  conflict,  and 
place  herself  in  accord  in  the  following  points: 

First.  The  note  of  Austria  to  Serbia  was  communicated  to  the 
Italian  government  after  it  had  been  communicated  to  the  Serbian 
government,  so  that  there  was  no  advice  beforehand  on  the  part 
of  the  Chancellery  of  Vienna,  nor  any  treaty  with  the  Roman  cabinet 
regarding  the  grave  decision  which  immediately  had  European 
consequences. 

Second.  One  of  the  fundamental  characteristics  of  the  Triple 
Alliance  is  that  no  one  of  the  allies  can  undertake  an  action  in 
the  Balkans  without  first  being  in  accord  with  the  other  allies. 
Now  there  was  no  such  preventive  agreement  between  Austria 
and  Italy. 

Third.  The  Triple  Alliance  has  a  defensive,  not  an  offensive 
character,  and  cannot  obligate  the  allies  to  follow  one  of  them, 
who,  on  its  own  account  and  without  previous  advice,  would  have 
the  object  in  view  of  pursuing  an  aggressive  action  exactly  such 
as  that  undertaken  by  Austria  against  Serbia. 

Fourth.  The  fundamental  interest  of  Italy  is,  that  the  Adrl- 
atic-Balkanic  equilibrium,  resulting  from  the  recent  wars  in  the 
European  East,  shall  not  be  disturbed,  but  instead,  the  principle 
must  continue  to  prevail  that  the  Balkans  must  be  for  the  Balkan 
people.  Now,  the  military  action  of  Austro-Hungary  against 
Serbia  —  notwithstanding  the  Chancellery  of  Vienna  had  de- 
clared that  it  had  no  territorial  ambitions  —  is  of  such  a  nature  that 
a  change  may  be  precipitated  in  the  aforesaid  equilibrium. 

Fifth.  Italy,  not  having  been  advised  In  advance  of  the 
thing  which  Austria  was  undertaking,  could  not  even  take  one  of 
the  necessary  precautions  for  the  protection  of  her  most  vital 
interests  in  the  eventuality  of  unforeseen  European  complications. 
On  these  substantial  points,  the  council  of  the  ministers  of  Italy 
(meeting  August  i,  1914)  found  themselves  in  accord.  On  the 
other  hand  the  Italian  Government  did  not  fail  to  make  known  Its 
point  of  view  to  the  governments  of  Vienna  and  Berlin,  assuring 
them  that  in  any  case  Italy  would  have  held  an  amicable  attitude 
toward  the  allies.  But  they  observed  In  the  meantime  that  the 
sudden  and  not  concerted  action  of  Austria  against  Serbia  could 
not  Impose  on  them  the  obligation  to  follow  Austria  everywhere, 
and  that  the  object  of  Italy  was  essentially  pacific. 


220  THIRD  PART 

On  the  evening  of  August  2d,  the  Giornale  d'ltalia 
pubHshed  the  following: 

This  morning,  a  little  before  noon,  the  German  ambassador  in 
Rome,  Baron  von  Flotow,  visited  our  minister  of  foreign  affairs, 
and  communicated  to  him  that  Germany  had  declared  war  on 
Russia.  The  minister,  the  Marquis  of  San  Giuliano,  received  the 
communication  and  declared  that  Italy,  inspired  by  the  spirit  and 
the  letter  of  the  treaty  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  does  not  believe  that 
the  actual  conflict  as  it  has  risen  and  developed,  can  constitute  the 
casus  foederis  for  the  participation  of  Italy  in  this  conflict;  there- 
fore the  Honorable  San  Giuliano  added  that  Italy  will  maintain 
the  most  rigorous  neutrality. 


IX 
The  declaration  of  Italian  neutrality  (August  4,  1914). 

On  August  4,  1914,  the  oflftcial  gazette  of  the  kingdom  of 
Italy  published  the  following: 

The  ItaUan  cabinet  has  deliberated  upon  the  following  text 
of  a  declaration  of  neutrality: 

Finding  some  of  the  Powers  of  Europe  in  a  state  of  war,  and 
Italy  being  in  a  state  of  peace  with  all  belligerents,  the  government  of 
the  King,  citizens,  and  other  subjects  of  the  kingdom,  are  obliged  to  ob- 
serve the  duties  of  neutrality  following  the  existing  laws  and  following 
the  principle  of  international  rights. 

Whoever  violates  these  duties  must  suffer  the  consequences,  and 
will  inctir  the  punishments  established  by  law. 

Such  proclamation  of  neutrality  was  unanimously  ap- 
proved by  a  great  majority  of  the  nation  represented  by  the 
Socialists,  Republicans,  Radicals,  Democrats,  Progressives 
and  by  many  of  the  Liberal  Constitutional  party;  onone  side, 
for  pacific  and  theoretic  reasons  of  principle;  on  the  other, 
for  party  reasons,  and  for  historical  and  sentimental  reasons, 
and  on  account  of  Masonic  opposition  to  Catholic  Austria, 
against  German  militarism,  in  fact,  against  the  Triple 
Alliance;  and  also  because  of  the  fear  of  financial  and 
economic   conditions  which   seemed   very   delicate   for  the 


ITALY  DENOUNCES  TRIPLE  ALLIANCE  221 

state  and  for  the  country  —  as  was  shown  by  the  recent 
parhamentary  discussions  —  after  the  campaign  with  Lybia, 
which  brought  to  the  national  treasury  a  burden  of  no  less 
than  one  billion  of  lire  to  face,  together  with  new  taxes  which 
were  exasperating  additions  to  the  old;  there  were  citizens 
of  every  sort  who  for  one  reason  or  another  were  not  of  any 
party,  not  representative,  non-agitators,  because  they  were 
opposed  in  general  to  the  war,  to  the  adventurous  under- 
taking and  because  they  were  desirous  that  Italy,  in  the 
general  interests  of  the  nation,  should  have  a  long  period  of 
peace  and  fruitful  work. 

The  proclamation  of  neutrahty  was  disapproved  and 
combated  by  a  small  minority  of  the  Italians  who  wanted 
immediate  intervention  at  the  side  of  Germany  and  Austria, 
and  also  by  those  who  stood  by  the  Triple  Alliance  at  any 
cost  (ModerateLiberals,  Conservatives  and  someof  the  Young 
Nationalists)  and  who  were  convinced  of  the  moral  necessity 
for  Italy  to  face  in  Europe,  for  her  present  and  for  her  future 
place  in  the  world  among  the  nations,  the  cementation  of 
war  and  the  necessary  risks  borne  by  it;  and  to  acquire  from 
her  natural  boundaries  from  every  part  greater  and  na- 
tural expansion  on  the  surrounding  seas. 


X 

The  Italian  Government,  on  May  3,  1915,  denounces 
the  treaty  of  the  Triple  Alliance. 

If  the  majority  of  the  nation  was  in  favor  of  neutrality 
in  1914,  in  191 5  it  was  in  favor  of  war.  On  May  3,  191 5, 
Baron  Sydney  Sonnino,  minister  of  foreign  affairs  in  Italy, 
presented  the  following  note  to  the  minister  of  foreign 
affairs  of  Austro-Hungary  through  the  Duke  of  Avarna, 
Ambassador  of  Victor  Emanuel  III  at  Vienna: 

The  alliance  between  Italy  and  Austria-Hungary  became 
stronger,  from  its  very  beginning,  as  an  element  and  a  guarantee  of 
peace,  and  aimed  chiefly,  at  first,  toward  the  end  of  mutual  defense. 
Considering  the  ulterior  events  and  the  new  situation  which  resulted 


222  THIRD   PART 

from  them,  the  governments  of  both  countries  were  forced  to 
consider  another,  and  no  less  essential  aim  in  the  course  of  the 
successive  renewals  of  the  treaty,  and  thus  applied  themselves  to 
safeguard  the  continuance  of  their  alliance,  stipulating  the  prin- 
ciple of  previous  understandings  relative  to  the  Balkans,  in  view 
of  conciliating  the  interests  and  divergent  tendencies  of  the  two 
powers. 

It  is  very  evident  that  these  stipulations,  loyally  observed, 
would  have  been  sufficient  to  furnish  a  solid  basis  for  a  mutual  and 
fecund  action.  Instead,  Austria-Hungary,  during  the  summer  of 
1914,  without  consulting  Italy,  without  even  giving  her  the  least 
notice,  and  taking  no  cognizance  of  the  advices  of  moderation 
which  were  given  to  her  by  the  Royal  Government,  sent  Serbia  the 
ultimatum  of  July  23,  1914,  which  was  the  cause  and  the  starting 
point  of  the  present  European  conflagration. 

Austria-Hungary,  in  neglecting  the  obligations  arising  from 
the  treaty,  profoundly  disturbed  the  status  quo  of  the  Balkan 
States,  and  created  a  situation  by  which  she  alone  was  to  profit, 
to  the  detriment  of  the  interests  of  the  greatest  importance,  that 
her  ally  had  so  many  times  affirmed  and  proclaimed. 

So  flagrant  a  violation  of  the  letter  and  the  spirit  of  the  treaty, 
not  alone  justified  the  refusal  by  Italy  to  take  sides  with  the  allies 
in  a  war  provoked  without  her  consent,  but  took  away  at  the  same 
time  from  the  allies  their  most  essential  content  and  raison 
d'etre. 

The  condition  itself,  of  the  benevolent  neutrality  provided  for 
by  the  treaty,  was  compromised  by  this  violation.  Reason  and 
sentiment  are  agreed,  in  fact,  to  exclude  the  idea  that  benevolent 
neutrality  could  be  maintained  when  one  of  the  allies  takes  up 
arms  for  the  realization  of  a  program  diametrically  opposed  to 
the  vital  interests  of  the  other  ally;  interests,  the  safeguarding 
of  which  constitutes  the  principal  reason  for  the  alliance  itself. 

In  spite  of  these  facts  Italy  has  endeavored,  during  several 
months,  to  create  a  situation  favorable  to  the  re-establishment  be- 
tween the  two  states  of  such  amicable  relations  as  constitute  the 
fundamental  principles  of  all  co-operation  in  the  domain  of  general 
politics. 

With  this  end  in  view,  and  with  this  hope,  the  Royal  Govern- 
ment declared  itself  disposed  to  agree  to  an  arrangement  having  as 
a  base  the  satisfaction  in  an  equitable  measure  of  the  legitimate 
national  aspirations  of  Italy,  and  which  would  serve  at  the  same 
time  to  reduce  the  existing  disparities  in  the  reciprocal  situations 


GOVERNMENT  AND  PARLIAMENT  223 

of  both  states  on  the  Adriatic.  These  negotiations,  however, 
brought  no  appreciable  results. 

All  efforts  of  the  Royal  Government  were  frustrated  by  the 
resistance  of  the  Imperial  and  Royal  Government,  which,  after 
several  months,  onl}'^  decided  to  admit  of  the  special  interests  of 
Italy  in  Valona,  and  to  promise  an  insufficient  concession  of  ter- 
ritory in  the  Trentino,  a  concession  which  did  not  achieve  the  nor- 
mal adjustment  of  the  situation,  either  from  a  political  or  a  military 
point  of  view.  This  concession,  besides,  was  to  have  its  execution 
only  at  an  indeterminate  date,  that  is  to  say,  only  at  the  end  of 
the  war. 

In  view  of  this  state  of  affairs,  the  Italian  Government  must 
give  up  the  hope  of  reaching  an  understanding,  and  sees  itself 
forced  to  retire  from  all  propositions  of  arrangement. 

It  is  equally  useless  to  maintain  toward  the  alliance  a  formal 
appearance  which  belies  the  reality  of  continual  distrust  and  daily 
disputes. 

That  is  why,  Italy,  confident  in  her  right,  affirms  and  pro- 
claims that  it  takes  back,  from  this  instant,  its  entire  liberty  of 
action  and  declares  annulled  and  forever  without  effect,  its 
treaty  alliance  with  Austria-Hungary. 

SONNINO. 

XI 

Antonio  Salandra,  president  of  the  ministerial  council 
of  Italy,  in  the  historical  session  of  the  National  Italian 
Parliament  in  Rome,  May  20, 1915,  explains  the  reasons 
which  forced  the  Italian  Government  to  declare  war  on 
Austria-Hungary. 

On  May  20,  191 5,  in  the  historical  session  of  the  National 
Parliament  at  Rome,  Antonio  Salandra,  president  of  the 
ministerial  council  of  Italy,  presented  a  sketch  of  laws,"  for 
the  conferring  of  extraordinary  powers  on  the  Government 
of  the  King  in  case  of  war,'*  and  made  the  following  address : 

Honorable  Colleagues:  Italy  from  the  time  in  which  she  rose 
to  the  unity  of  State,  asserted  herself  in  the  world  of  nations  as  a 
factor  of  moderation,  concord  and  peace;  and  she  can  proudly 
proclaim  to  have  fulfilled  such  a  mission  with  a  firmness  which 
did  not  make  her  shrink  even  before  the  most  painful  sacrifices. 


224  THIRD  PART 

For  more  than  thirty  years,  she  has  maintained  a  system 
of  alliance  and  of  friendship,  dominated  principally  by  the  desire 
to  better  assure,  in  such  a  way,  the  European  equilibrium,  and 
with  it,  peace.  For  the  nobility  of  such  an  end,  Italy  has  not 
only  tolerated  the  insecurity  of  her  frontiers,  not  only  has  she  sub- 
ordinated to  this  end  her  most  sacred  national  aspiration,  but  she 
has  been  forced  to  assist,  with  repressed  sorrow,  in  the  attempts 
methodically  conducted  to  suppress  those  characteristics  of  Ital- 
ianity  which  nature  and  history  have  indelibly  impressed  on  gen- 
erous regions. 

The  ultimatum  that  the  Austro-Hungarian  Empire  directed 
to  Serbia  in  July  1914,  at  one  blow  annulled  the  effects  of  our 
long  efforts,  violating  the  pact  which  tied  us  to  that  state.  Austria 
violated  the  aforesaid  pact,  by  omitting  the  agreement  with  us, 
and  by  not  even  having  sent  a  simple  notice  to  us.  She  violated 
it  in  substance,  thus  intending  to  disturb,  to  our  injury,  the 
delicate  system  of  territorial  possession  and  of  spheres  of 
influence  which  had  been  formed  in  the  Balkan  peninsula. 

But,  to  speak  of  more  than  this  or  that  particular  point,  the 
whole  spirit  of  the  treaty  was  offended  even  more  than  it  was  sup- 
pressed; because  it  unleashed  in  the  world  this  most  terrible  war 
contrary  to  our  sentiments  and  to  our  interests.  And  the  equi- 
librium, which  the  alliance  might  have  secured,  was  destroyed;  and 
virtually  but  irresistibly,  the  problem  of  the  national  integration 
of  Italy  arose,  notwithstanding  that  for  many  months,  the  govern- 
ment has  patiently  labored  to  effect  a  compromise  which  might 
restore  to  the  treaty  its  right  to  exist,  which  it  has  lost.  But  the 
treaties  necessary  to  effect  such  a  compromise  should  have  had 
limitations  not  only  of  time  but  of  prestige  without  which  the  inter- 
est of  our  country  would  have  been  compromised. 

For  the  guardianship,  therefore,  of  these  treaties  the  govern- 
ment of  the  kingdom  of  Italy  found  itself  constrained  to  notify 
the  imperial  Austrian  Government  on  the  fourth  of  this  month, 
May,  191 5,  that  it  must  withdraw  all  of  its  proposals  of  agreement, 
denounce  the  treaty  of  the  alliance,  and  declare  its  own  liberty 
of  action.  Nor,  on  the  other  hand,  was  it  more  possible  to  leave 
Italy  in  isolation  without  security  and  without  prestige,  just  at  the 
moment  in  which  the  history  of  the  world  was  taking  on  a  decisive 
phase. 

Now  in  the  name  of  the  Patria  and  because  of  our  devotion  to 
her,  we  fervently  make  our  most  earnest  appeal  to  Parliament  and 
to  the  country  that  all  dissensions  stop,  and,  more  than  this,  in 
every  part  they  must  be  forgotten. 


ITALY  ENTERS  THE  GREAT  WAR  225 

The  disputes  between  parties  and  classes,  individual  opinions 
—  always  respected  in  normal  times  —  in  other  words,  the  reasons 
themselves,  which  give  life  to  the  daily  fecund  contrast  of  tenden- 
cies and  principles,  must  today  disappear  before  an  ideality  which 
inflames  more  than  any  other  ideality  the  fortunes  and  greatness 
of  Italy. 

Everything  else  we  must  forget  from  this  moment,  and  re- 
member only  this:  to  be  Italians,  to  love  all  Italy  with  the  same 
faith  and  fervor.  The  forces  of  all  must  be  cemented  into  one 
single  heart;  only  one  single  will  must  guide  all  toward  the  wished 
for  end;  and  force,  and  art,  and  will  must  find  their  expression  one, 
alive,  and  heroic  in  the  army  and  navy  of  Italy  and  in  the  august 
leader  who  conducts  them  toward  the  destiny  of  the  new  history. 


XII 

Italy  declares  war  against  Austria-Hungary 
(May  23,  1915). 

On  May  23,  191 5,  the  Government  of  Victor  Emanuel 
III,  incited  by  the  great  majority  (nine-tenths  of  the  Italian 
people),  declared  vv^ar  on  the  Austro-Hungarian  Empire 
through  the  follov^ing  communication  by  the  duke  of 
Avarna,  the  Italian  Ambassador  to  the  Austrian  Govern- 
ment at  Vienna: 

Vienna,  May  23,  1915. 

Following  the  instructions  that  I  have  received  from  His 
Majesty  the  King,  my  august  sovereign,  I,  the  undersigned,  have 
the  honor  to  communicate  to  his  excellency,  minister  of  foreign 
affairs  of  Austro-Hungary,  the  following  declaration: 

As  has  already  been  noted,  on  May  4,  1915,  there  was  communi- 
cated to  the  Imperial  Royal  Government  the  motives  for  which  Italy, 
confident  of  her  rights,  considered  the  treaty  of  the  alliance  zvhich  had 
been  violated  by  the  Imperial  Royal  Government,  and  declared  it  null 
and  without  effect  in  the  future,  and  she  assumed  her  former  liberty  of 
action. 

The  Government  of  the  King,  firmly  determined  to  assure  with 
every  means  at  its  disposal  the  defense  of  Italian  rights  and  interests, 
will  not  neglect  its  duty  to  undertake,  in  the  face  of  any  present  and 
future  threats,  the  measures  which  may  be  imposed  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  its  national  aspirations. 


226  THIRD  PART 

His  Majesty  the  King  declares  that  Italy  from  tomorrow  must  he 
considered  in  a  state  of  war  zuith  Austria-Hungary  {May  24,  IQ15). 

I,  the  undersigned,  have  the  honor  to  communicate  at  the  same 
time  to  his  excellency,  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  of  Austro- 
Hungary,  that  the  passports  will  be  handed  today  to  the  Imperial 
Royal  Ambassador  at  Rome.  I  shall  be  gratified  if  mine  may  also 
be  handed  to  me. 

Duke  of  Avarna. 


XIII 

The  Emperor  Francis  Joseph  in  a  proclamation  addressed 
to  his  people  on  May  24,  1915,  accuses  Victor  Emanuel 
III,  King  of  Italy,  of  treachery. 

The  day  after  (May  24,  191 5)  Francis  Joseph  published 
the  following  proclamation: 

To  my  People! 

The  King  of  Italy  has  declared  war.  History  does  not  record 
such  betrayal  as  this  which  has  been  accomplished  by  the  King  of 
Italy  against  his  two  allies.  After  an  alliance  of  more  than  thirty 
years,  during  which  time  Italy  has  been  able  to  increase  her 
territory  and  develop  her  resources,  she  has  left  us  and  goes  forth 
with  her  flag  floating  in  the  field  of  the  enemy. 

We  have  not  threatened  Italy,  we  have  not  lessened  her  prestige; 
we  have  not  hurt  her  goods  nor  her  interests;  we  have  always  ob- 
served our  duty  toward  her  as  an  ally,  and  have  accorded  to  her 
our  defense  when  she  went  to  war. 

We  have  done  more:  when  Italy  turned  her  covetous  eyes  on 
our  boundaries  we  decided  to  maintain  peace  and  alliance  at 
whatever  great  and  painful  sacrifice.  This  is  especially  painful 
to  our  paternal  heart.  But  Italian  cupidity  which  wished  to  take 
advantage  of  the  moment,  was  insatiable.  Destiny,  however, 
must  be  fulfilled.  My  armies,  in  faithful  fraternity  of  arms  with 
those  of  my  highest  allies,  have  victoriously  sustained  a  gigantic 
fight  of  ten  months  with  the  powerful  enemy  of  the  east. 

The  perfidious  enemy  of  the  South  is  not  a  new  adversary. 
The  great  memories  of  Novara,  Mortara,  Custozza,  Lissa,  which 
formed  the  pride  of  my  youth;  the  spirit  of  Radetzky,  the  Arch- 
duke Albert,  and   of  Tegetthofi',^  which  live  in  my  army  and 

'The  Austrian  Admiral  who  at  Lissa  (July  20,  1866)  defeated  the  Italian  fleet. 


THE  ACCUSATION  OF  GERMANY  227 

navy,  guarantee  to  me  that  we  shall  know  how  to  defend  with 
success  the  boundaries  of  the  monarchy  even  on  the  South. 

I  salute  my  troops  and  their  commanders,  who  have  proven 
themselves  victorious,  and  to  whose  admirable  spirit  of  sacrifice 
I  owe  my  deepest  gratitude,  with  the  hope  that  my  people  will 
pray  to  Almighty  God  to  bless  our  flag  and  take  our  cause  under 
his  protection. 

Francis  Joseph. 


XIV 

The  "  violent  and  false  "  speech  of  von  Bethmann- 
HoUweg,  the  German  chancellor  to  the  Reichstag  in 
Berlin,  against  Italy  (May  28,  1915). 

The  German  chancellor  von  Bethmann-Hollweg  de- 
livered the  following  speech  at  the  session  of  the  Reichstag 
of  Berlin,  May  28,  191 5: 

When  eight  days  ago  I  spoke,  the  hope  still  existed  that  it 
would  be  possible  to  put  off  the  war  with  Italy.  The  hope  was  a 
delusion;  in  Germany  it  was  impossible  to  believe  that  there  would 
be  such  a  sudden  change.  Today  the  Italian  government  has 
written  for  all  time,  in  the  book  of  the  history  of  the  people  and  in 
letters  of  blood,  its  act  of  disloyalty. 

It  was,  I  believe,  Machiavelli  who  said  that  sometimes  a 
necessary  war  was  also  a  just  war;  now  this  war  of  Italy,  considered 
from  a  purely  materialistic  point  of  view,  independent  of  any  moral 
obligation,  is  it  necessary?     Is  it  not  rather  madness? 

No  one,  either  in  Austria  or  in  Germany,  threatens  Italy. 
History  will  judge  in  the  future  whether  Italy  has  allowed  herself 
to  be  seduced  by  the  fine  promises  of  the  Entente.  Italy  might 
have  obtained  a  series  of  concessions,  of  which  I  have  recently 
spoken:  the  territories  of  the  Tyrol  and  Isonzo  where  Italian  is 
spoken,  the  acceptation  of  the  national  Italian  reclamation,  a  free 
hand  in  Albania  and  the  seaport  of  Avlona  which  is  of  great 
value.  Why  has  not  Italy  accepted  such  offers?  Does  she  hope 
to  conquer  the  Tyrol?  Then  let  her  show  her  hand!  Does  she 
want  to  offend  Germany  who  has  done  so  much  to  elevate  her  to 
a  position  as  one  of  the  great  powers,  and  from  whom  she  is  not 
separated  by  any  discordance  of  interests?  I  have  left  no  doubt 
in  the  Reichstag  on  this  point;  an  attack  by  Italy  against  the 


228  THIRD   PART 

Austro-Hungarian  army  would  be  a  blow  equally  against  the 
German  army. 

Why  has  Italy  rejected  the  proposals  of  Austria?  The  Italian 
manifesto  published  on  the  occasion  of  the  declaration  of  war, 
shows  that  a  bad  conscience  is  hidden  under  empty  phrases,  and 
it  gives  no  explanations.  It  might  perhaps  be  embarrassing  to 
declare  openly  some  of  the  things  which  were  said  in  conversations 
in  parliamentary  circles,  which  were  that  the  Austrian  offers 
have  come  too  late  and  Italy  could  have  no  confidence  in  them. 
In  reality  what  does  this  mean?  The  Italian  statesmen  had  no 
reason  to  put  their  confidence  in  the  loyalty  of  our  nation  only 
in  proportion  to  the  measure  of  their  own  fidelity  to  the  treaties. 
Germany  gave  her  word  that  the  Austrian  concessions  would  be 
realized;  therefore  Italy  had  no  right  to  distrust  her.  Why  too 
late?  On  May  4,  191 5,  Trentino  existed  just  as  it  had  previously 
existed,  and  to  Trentino  was  joined  a  series  of  concessions  which 
were  not  thought  of  in  the  winter. 

If  it  were  too  late,  was  it  not  rather  because  the  Roman  states- 
men had  not  hesitated  long  since,  while  the  triple  alliance  still 
existed  (an  alliance  which  the  King  of  Italy  and  the  Italian  Govern- 
ment had  formerly  recognized  even  after  the  beginning  of  the  war) 
to  compromise  themselves  so  gravely  with  the  Triple  Entente,  as 
not  to  be  able  to  extricate  themselves  from  the  meshes? 

In  December  1914,  one  could  notice  the  first  indication  of  the 
change  in  the  Roman  Cabinet,  because  it  is  always  ready  to  seize 
upon  new  opportunities.  On  the  other  hand  Italy  has  never 
ceased,  even  in  past  times,  to  show  her  predilection  for  the  changes 
of  the  dance;  but  now  there  is  no  ballroom,  there  is  instead  a  bloody 
battle  field  in  which  Germany  and  Austro-Hungary  fight  for  their 
lives  against  a  world  of  enemies.  The  Italian  statesmen  have 
played  against  their  own  people  the  same  game  that  they  have 
played  against  us. 

Undoubtedly  the  regions  of  the  Italian  language  situated  on 
the  northern  frontier  were  the  object  of  the  dreams  and  the  desires 
of  every  Italian;  but  the  great  majority  of  the  people  and  the 
majority  of  parliament  did  not  want  war.  During  the  first  days 
of  May,  191 5  —  according  to  the  observations  of  one  who  knew 
Italian  affairs  very  well  —  the  senate  (May  4,  191 5)  and  the 
Chamber  of  deputies  (May  12, 191 5),  composed  of  the  most  serious 
statesmen,  were  still  against  war. 

We  have  done  everything  possible  to  prevent  Italy  from  de- 
taching herself  from  the  Triple  Alliance.     Just  for  this,  we  have 


THE  DEFENSE  OF  ITALY  229 

assumed  the  ungrateful  task  of  suggesting  to  our  faithful  ally, 
Austria  —  by  means  of  her  army  with  which  our  troops  daily  divide 
death  and  victory  —  to  buy  faithfulness  from  this  third  ally, 
ceding  to  it  territory  which  Austria  acquired  long  ago.  It  is  well 
known  that  Austria-Hungary  went  to  the  extreme  limits  of  con- 
cessions. Prince  von  Biilow,  again  in  the  active  service  of  the 
Empire,  has  put  to  work  with  untiring  energy  all  of  his  diplomatic 
ability,  and  his  exact  knowledge  of  men  and  of  things  in  Italy,  to 
bring  about  harmony.  If  his  work  has  come  to  naught,  the 
people  recognize  it  just  the  same. 


XV 

Antonio  Salandra,  president  of  the  Italian  Cabinet,  in 
a  solemn  and  detailed  speech  delivered  in  the  Campido- 
glio  of  Rome,  June  2,1915,  defends  Italy  from  the  accusa- 
tions of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Emperor  and  the  German 
Chancellor. 

On  June  2,  191 5,  Prime  Minister  Salandra  delivered 
the  following  memorable  discourse  ^  in  the  vast  hall  of  the 
Horatii  in  the  Campidoglio  at  Rome. 

We  have  entered  upon  a  war,  greater  than  any  other  recorded 
in  history,  in  order  to  safeguard  the  oldest  and  loftiest  aspirations, 
the  most  vital  interests  of  our  country.  Italians  of  every  calling 
in  life  must  not  only  have,  as  indeed  they  have  wondrously  proved 
themselves  to  have,  a  spontaneous,  instinctive  and  profound  sense 
of  justice  of  our  cause  and  the  holiness  of  our  war;  they  must  have 
also  a  rational  conviction  of  it,  and  the  whole  civilized  world  must 
be  persuaded  of  it. 

To  Italy,  therefore,  and  to  the  civilized  world  I  now  address  my- 
self, and  I  will  demonstrate,  not  with  violent  words,  but  with  pre- 
cise facts  and  with  unimpeachable  documents  how  the  fury  of  our 
enemies  has  vainly  sought  to  diminish  the  lofty  moral  and  political 
dignity  of  the  cause  which  our  arms  shall  make  triumph.  I  will 
speak  with  that  calm  serenity  of  which  the  King  of  Italy  gave  so 
noble  an  example  when  he  called  to  arms  his  soldiers  on  land 

^This  speech  was  published  in  the  American  papers  in  October  1915,  but  was 
so  mutilated  and  altered  as  to  be  deceiving,  especially  in  the  documentary  parts. 


230  THIRD   PART 

and  sea.^  I  will  speak  as  I  ought,  with  all  the  respect  due  to  my 
exalted  position  and  to  the  place  where  I  stand.  I  can  afford  to 
pass  by  the  insults  written  in  imperial,  royal  and  archducal  pro- 
clamations, because  I  speak  from  the  Campidoglio,  and  because  I, 
in  this  solemn  hour,  represent  the  people  and  the  government  of 
Italy.  I,  a  modest  burgess,  feel  myself  nobler  far  than  the  head 
of  the  Hapsburgs. 

The  mediocre  statesmen  who  with  trifling  boldness,  and  mis- 
taken in  all  their  previsions,  applied  the  torch  to  the  whole  of 
Europe,  and  to  their  own  homes  as  well,  in  July  1914,  now,  seeing 
the  colossal  error  which  has  been  made,  turn  with  brutal  words 
against  Italy  and  her  government  in  the  parliaments  of  Budapest 
and  Berlin,  with  the  evident  purpose  of  reinstating  themselves  be- 
fore their  compatriots,  and  intoxicating  them  with  visions  of  ha- 
tred and  blood. 

The  Chancellor  of  the  German  Empire  has  said  he  was  filled 
not  with  hatred  but  with  anger.  And  very  truly  he  spoke,  since 
he  reasoned  ill,  as  one  usually  does  in  an  excess  of  rage.  I  could 
not,  even  if  I  would,  imitate  that  language.  An  atavistic  re- 
version to  primitive  barbarism  is  more  difficult  to  us  Italians, 
who  are  twenty  centuries  farther  removed  from  it. 

But  let  us  have  done  with  words;  let  us  deal  with  facts  and  rea- 
sons. 

The  fundamental  argument  of  the  statesmen  of  Central  Europe 
is  summed  up  in  the  words,  treachery  and  jMrpru^,  addressed  to 
Italy  —  treachery  and  surprise  toward  her  faithful  allies.  It 
would  be  easy  enough  to  ask  if  a  man  had  any  right  to  speak  of 
alliances  and  of  respect  for  treaties  who,  representing  with  far 
less  genius  but  with  equal  indifference  to  moral  considerations  the 
traditions  of  Frederick  the  Great  and  Prince  Otto  von  Bismarck, 

Wictor  Emanuel  III,  King  of  Italy,  on  assuming  the'command  of  the  land  and 
sea  forces,  sent  out  the  following  order  of  the  day: 

"Soldiers  of  the  army  and  navy:  The  solemn  hour  of  national  vindication  has 
arrived.  Following  the  example  of  my  ancestors,  I  assume  today  the  supreme 
command  of  the  army  and  navy;  with  the  assurance  of  faith  and  victory  that 
your  valor,  your  self-abnegation,  and  your  discipline  will  know  how  to  accomplish. 
The,  enemy  you  are  preparing  to  combat  is  well  equipped  and  a  worthy  ad- 
versary. Favored  by  location  and  by  learned  military  tactics,  he  will  oppose 
you  with  tenacious  resistance,  but  your  indomitable  buoyancy  will  lead  you  to 
victory. 

"Soldiers! 

"To  you  will  belong  the  glory  of  planting  the  flag  of  Italy  upon  the  sacred  con- 
fines which  nature  placed  as  the  boundaries  of  our  country.  To  you  will  belong 
the  glory  of  finally  finishing  the  work  begun  by  our  forefathers,  with  so  much 
heroism." 

"General  Headquarters,  May  26,  1915.  Victor  Emanuel." 


THE  DEFENSE  OF  ITALY  231 

has  dared  to  proclaim  that  necessity  knows  no  law  and  has  con- 
sented to  his  country's  trampling  under  foot,  burning,  and  burying 
in  the  depths  of  the  ocean  every  document  and  every  civilized 
practice  of  public  international  right. 

But  this  would  be  too  simple  and  misleading  an  argument. 
Let  us  rather  calmly  examine  the  facts  and  see  if  our  allies  have  any 
right  to  say  that  they  have  been  betrayed  and  surprised  by  us. 

It  had  been  evident  for  a  time  that  our  aspirations  and  our 
judgment  on  that  act  of  criminal  folly,  by  which  the  allies  amazed 
the  world,  took  from  the  alliance  its  fundamental  reason  for  being. 
The  Green  Book,  prepared  by  Baron  Sydney  Sonnino,  which 
more  than  any  other  diplomatic  collection  of  documents, has  per- 
meated the  minds  of  the  people,  shows  the  long  and  painful  transac- 
tions which  dragged  on  from  December,  1915,  to  May,  1915.  It 
is  not  true,  as  astute  attempts  are  being  made  to  show,  that  the 
ministry  which  was  reconstituted  last  November  changed  the 
direction  of  our  international  policy. 

The  Italian  Government,  whose  line  of  conduct  has  never 
changed,  severely  condemned  the  aggression  of  Austria  against 
Serbia  the  very  moment  it  came  within  its  knowledge;  and  it 
foresaw  the  consequences,  which  those  who  had  with  such  blind- 
ness premeditated  the  blow  had  failed  to  foresee. 
Here  are  the  proofs: 

I  will  read  the  very  words,  since  we  are  dealing  with  documents. 
On  July  25,  1914,  two  days  after  Austria  had  sent  the  famous 
ultimatum  note  to  Serbia,  the  Marquis  of  San  Giuliano,  the 
minister  of  foreign  affairs  of  the  Kingdom  of  Italy,  telegraphed 
to  the  Duke  of  Avarna,  the  ItaHan  Ambassador  at  Vienna,  as  fol- 
lows: 

Today  we  three,  the  Prime  Minister,  Von  Flotow  and  myself, 
had  a  long  conversation  -which  I  summarize  for  the  personal  guidance 
of  your  Excellency: 

Salandra  and  myself  made  it  quite  clear  to  the  Austrian  Am- 
bassador that  Austria  could  have  no  right,  according  to  the  spirit  of 
the  treaty  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  to  act  as  she  has  done  at  Belgrade 
without  previous  understanding  with  her  allies.  Austria,  in  fact, 
by  reason  of  the  tone  in  which  her  note  is  drawn  up  and  by  reason  of 
the  demands  she  has  made  —  which  demands,  while  they  are  of  little 
effect  against  the  Pan-Serbian  peril,  are  deeply  offensive  to  Serbia  and 
indirectly  so  to  Russia  —  has  clearly  proved  that  she  intends  to 
provoke  a  war.  We  therefore  told  Von  Flotow  that  in  consequence  of 
such  a  manner  of  proceeding  on  the  part  of  Austria  and  by  reason  of 


232  THIRD   PART 

the  defensive  and  conservative  character  of  the  treaty  of  the  Triple  Al- 
liance, Italy  is  under  no  obligation  to  come  to  the  aid  of  Austria  in 
the  event  of  this  action  of  hers  involving  her  in  a  war  with  Russia; 
since  any  European  war  whatever  would  in  this  event  be  the  result  of 
a  provocative  and  aggressive  act  on  the  part  of  Austria. 

Shortly  after,  on  July  27  or  28,  1914,  we  raised  in  clear 
terms,  at  Berlin  and  Vienna,  the  question  of  the  cession  of  the 
Italian  provinces  of  Austria,  and  we  declared  that  if  adequate 
compensation  were  not  obtained  —  I  am  reading  the  actual  words 
—  the  Triple  Alliance  would  be  irreparably  broken. 

The  impartial  historian  will  say  that  Austria,  having  found 
Italy  in  July,  1913,  and  in  October  of  the  same  year,  hostile  to  her 
aggressive  designs  against  Serbia,  attempted  last  summer  in  agree- 
ment with  Germany,  to  achieve  her  purpose  by  the  surprise  of  an 
accomplished  fact. 

The  execrable  crime  of  Sarajevo  was  only  used  as  a  pretext  a 
month  after  its  perpetration.  Austria's  refusal  to  accept  the  prof- 
fered submission  of  Serbia  is  proof  of  this. 

Neither  at  the  outbreak  of  the  general  conflagration  would 
Austria  have  been  satisfied  with  the  unconditional  acceptance  of 
the  ultimatum.  On  July  31,  1914,  Count  Berchtold  (minister  of 
foreign  aflFairs  of  Austria-Hungary)  informed  our  Ambassador 
that  even  if  mediation  had  been  possible,  it  could  not  have  inter' 
rupted  the  hostilities  already  engaged  in  with  Serbia.  This  was  the 
mediation  for  which  England  and  Italy  were  striving.  In  any  event 
Count  Berchtold  was  not  disposed  to  accept  any  mediation  which 
aimed  at  minimizing  the  conditions  laid  down  in  the  Austro-Hungarian 
note  —  conditions  which  could  only  have  been  increased  at  the  con- 
clusion of  the  war.  On  the  other  hand,  if  Serbia,  meanwhile,  had  de- 
cided unconditionally  to  accept  the  above  mentioned  note  and  had  de- 
clared herself  ready  to  agree  to  the  terms  forced  upon  her  —  that 
would  not  have  induced  the  Imperial  and  Royal  Government  of 
Austro-Hungary  to  cease  hostilities. 

It  is  not  true  that  Austria  pledged  herself,  as  the  Hungarian 
Prime  Minister  asserted,  not  to  undertake  any  acquisitions  of 
territory  to  the  damage  of  Serbia,  who,  moreover,  by  accepting  all 
of  the  conditions  imposed  on  her,  would  have  become  a  vassal 
state,  even  while  she  might  remain  unbroken  territorially. 

On  July  30,  1914,  the  Austrian  Ambassador  Merey  uses  the 
following  words  to  the  Marquis  of  San  Giuliano: 

Austria  cannot  make  a  binding  declaration  in  regard  to  this 
matter  because  she  is  unable  to  foresee  if  during  the  course  of  the  war 


THE  DEFENSE  OF  ITALY  233 

she  may  not  be  obliged,  against  her  will,  to  appropriate  Serbian 
territories. 

And  on  July  29,  1914,  Count  Berchtold  made  the  Duke  of 
Avarna  understand  that  he  was  not  disposed  to  pledge  himself  in 
any  way  as  to  what  he  had  said  to  him  concerning  the  eventual 
conduct  of  Austria  in  the  case  of  a  conflict  with  Serbia. 

Where,  then,  is  the  betrayal,  the  treachery,  where  the  surprise, 
if,  after  nine  months  of  vain  efforts  to  arrive  at  an  honorable  under- 
standing which  should  recognize  in  equitable  measure  our  rights 
and  safeguard  our  interests,  we  have  now  resumed  our  liberty  of 
action  and  have  taken  such  measures  as  the  interests  of  our  coun- 
try have  counseled  us  to  take? 

The  fact  is,  both  Austria  and  Germany  believed  up  to  the  last 
few  days  that  they  had  to  do  with  an  Italy  not  only  unwarlike  and 
clamorous,  but  feeble  of  purpose,  capable  of  attempting  to  black- 
mail, but  never  of  enforcing  her  proper  right  by  arms  —  with  an 
Italy  that  might  be  paralyzed  by  the  expenditure  of  a  few  millions, 
by  shameful  underhand  methods,  and  by  insinuating  themselves 
between  the  Country  and  the  Government. 

Kings  and  ministers  have  talked  of  the  alliance  which  we  have 
denounced  —  after  they  have  substantially  broken  it  —  as  a 
Providence  under  whose  great  wings  Italy  has  lived  for  many 
years,  has  developed  economically,  and  has  enlarged  her  ter- 
ritories. I  do  not  deny  the  benefits  to  be  derived  from  the  al- 
liance, it  would  be  foolishness  to  do  so;  but  it  would  be  not  a  one- 
sided benefit,  but  a  benefit  to  all  concerned,  and  perhaps  more  of 
an  advantage  to  the  others  than  to  us.  If  it  were  not  so,  why  did 
the  Central  Empire  wish  to  make  and  to  renew  it?  Was  Prince 
Bismarck  a  sentimentalist,  or  a  lover  of  the  country  where  the 
orange  flourishes?  And  were  the  princes  and  the  statesmen  of  the 
Austro-Hungarian  monarchy  ever  so  tender  toward  us? 

It  is  well  to  know  in  reality  and  with  exactness  of  dates  and 
facts  how  the  alliance  has  worked  in  its  true  spirit  during  the  latter 
years,  and  how  it  contributed  to  our  only  territorial  enlargement, 
which  was  Lybia. 

The  continual  suspicion  and  the  aggressive  intentions  of  the 
Austro-Hungarian  monarchy  against  the  ally  are  notorious,  and 
are  shown  by  authentic  proofs. 

The  head  of  the  Austrian  staff,  General  Conrad,  has  always 
sustained  the  idea  that  war  against  Italy  is  inevitable,  be  it  on  ac- 
count of  the  question  of  the  Irredentist  provinceSybe  it  for  the  jealousy 
of  the  Kingdom  of  Italy  for  every  undertaking  of  the  Austro-Hun- 


234  THIRD   PART 

garian  monarchy  in  the  Balkans  and  in  the  eastern  part  of  the 
Mediterranean. 

And  at  another  time  he  said:  "Italy  wishes  to  expand  when  she 
is  hardly  prepared;  in  the  meantime  she  opposes  all  that  we  wish  to 
undertake  in  the  Balkans.  Consequently  it  is  necessary  to  defeat 
her  in  order  to  leave  our  hands  free." 

And  he  deplored  that  up  to  1908,  Italy  had  not  been  attacked 
by  Austria.^ 

The  same  Austrian  minister  of  foreign  affairs  recognized  that 
in  the  military  party  of  the  Empire  the  opinion  obtained  that  the 
kingdom  of  Italy  must  be  crushed^  because  from  it  comes  the  force 
of  attraction  for  the  Italian  provinces  for  the  empire,  and  that  there- 
fore, with  the  victory  over  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  and  with  its  political 
annihilation,  every  hope  of  the  Irredentists  would  cease.  But 
before  the  war,  we  should  have  oppressed  the  Italian  provinces  with 
rigorous  penalties,  by  opposing  ourselves  to  all  of  their  wishes  re- 
garding the  question  of  education."^ 

This  thought  shows  clearly  with  what  sincerity  and  good  faith 
the  question  of  the  Italian  University  at  Trieste  had  been  promised 
and  put  off  for  so  many  years! 

And  now  we  will  see  how  the  allies  aided  in  the  conquest  of 
Lybya. 

I  will  speak  only  of  that  which  is  proven  by  documents. 

^  At  the  foot  of  a  report  regarding  the  miUtary  preparations  of  the  Italo- 
Austrian  boundaries,  the  above-said  General  Conrad  wrote: 

"Why  was  I  not  listened  to  when  I  proposed  and  insisted  upon  attacking  Italy 
in  1908?" 

In  other  words,  the  zealous  head  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  stafF  regretted  the 
opportunity  which  Austria  lost  to  invade  Italy  when  the  latter  was  struck  by 
the  terrible  Calabrian-Sicilian  earthquake  on  the  last  of  December,  1908! 

^  Count  Berchtold  also  recognized  "the  gravity  of  the  problem  of  the  Italians 
subject  to  Austria,"  but  he  always  affirmed  that  it  is  an  evil  without  a  remedy. 
Instead  the  Armee  Zeitung  confessed  frankly  "that  the  Italian  Irredentists  should 
be  destroyed  for  the  highest  strategical  reasons,  for  the  purpose  of  not  having 
enemies  at  their  backs  on  the  day  when  Austria  declares  war  on  Italy." 

Among  the  preparations  for  war  by  Austria  against  Italy,  which  were  never 
objected  to  by  Germany,  there  was  brought  one  day  to  the  Chamber  of  deputies 
in  Rome,  a  singular  document  in  the  form  of  a  hand  book  containing  vocabularies 
and  dialogues  in  Italian  and  German  for  use  by  the  Austrian  army  when  it  should 
be  ordered  —  according  to  its  plans — to  invade  Italy.  Its  authenticity  was 
guaranteed  by  the  official  stamp  and  was  never  denied  by  the  commandant  at 
Gratz,  nor  by  the  Government  of  Vienna.  One  can  see  in  the  replies  to  the  ques- 
tions their  great  importance  and  helpfulness  when  the  time  might  come  for 
the  Austrian  troops  to  pass  over  the  frontier  into  the  kingdom  of  Italy. 

"What  is  the  attitude  of  the  Italians?  Are  they  haughty?  Are  they  bold, 
demoralized  or  sad? 

"Where  are  the  public  treasures  kept?  Where  are  the  depots  for  grain,  wine 
and  food?" 


THE  DEFENSE  OF  ITALY  235 

The  operations  brilliantly  begun  by  the  Duke  of  Abruzzi 
against  the  Turkish  torpedoes  assembled  at  Prevesa  were  suddenly 
and  absolutely  stopped  by  Austria. 

On  October  i,  191 1,  Aehrenthal  ^  said  to  our  Ambassador  at 
Vienna  that  our  military  operations  had  impressed  him  painfully, 
and  that  they  could  not  be  permitted  to  continue;  it  was  most  necessary 
that  they  should  cease  and  they  were  given  orders  to  remain  no  longer 
either  in  the  waters  of  the  Adriatic  or  of  the  Ionian  Sea. 

Worse  still,  the  following  day  the  German  Ambassador  in 
Vienna  informed  our  Ambassador  confidentially  that  Aehrenthal 
had  begged  of  him  to  telegraph  his  own  Government  to  say  to  the 
Italian  Government  that  if  it  had  continued  in  its  naval  operations 
in  the  Adriatic  and  the  Ionian,  the  Italian  Government  would  have  had 
to  treat  directly  with  Austria.  ' 

And  not  only  in  the  Adriatic  and  the  Ionian  did  Austria  paralyze 
our  action.  On  November  5,  191 1,  Count  Aehrenthal  informed 
our  Ambassador  in  Vienna  that  he  understood  that  several  Italian 
battleships  were  sighted  in  the  vicinity  of  Salonica  where  they 
made  electric  light  projections,  and  declared  that  not  one  single 
action  on  the  Ottoman  coasts  of  European  Turkey  or  even  on  the 
Islands  of  the  Aegean  Sea  would  be  permitted  by  either  Austria- 
Hungary  or  Germany  because  it  was  contrary  to  the  treaty  of  the 
Triple  Alliance. 

In  March,  191 2,  Berchtold,  who  succeeded  Aehrenthal,  de- 
clared to  the  Ambassador  of  Germany  at  Vienna  that  regarding 
one  of  our  operations  against  the  Ottoman-European  coast,  and  the 
islands  of  the  Aegean  Sea,  he  held  Aehrenthal's  point  of  view,  ac- 
cording to  which  operations  were  considered  by  the  Imperial  Royal 
Government  as  opposed  to  the  obligations  assumed  by  us  in  Article 
VII  of  the  Treaty  of  the  Triple  Alliance.  Regarding  our  operations 
against  the  Dardanelles,^  he  considered  it  in  opposition:  first,  to  our 
promise  not  to  proceed  with  any  act  which  would  place  in  jeopardy 
the  status  quo  of  the  Balkans;  second,  to  the  spirit  itself  which  was 
based  on  the  maintenance  of  that  same  status  quo. 

Then  when  our  fleet,  finding  itself  bombarded  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Dardanelles  by  the  Turkish  forts  of  Kum  Kalessi,  replied,  dam- 
aging these  same  forts,  Berchtold  deplored  the  event,  considering 

*  Minister  of  foreign  affairs  to  Austria-Hungary. 

'  It  even  resulted  that  because  of  the  few  projectiles  thrown  by  the  Duke  of 
Abruzzi  from  his  torpedoes,  Austria  prepared  her  entire  fleet  for  immediate  action. 

'This  alludes  to  some  Italian  torpedoes  which  succeeded  in  penetrating  (1912) 
into  the  strait  of  the  Dardanelles,  making  a  daring  raid. 


236  THIRD  PART 

it  in  contradiction  to  the  promises  made;  and  declared  that,  if 
the  Italian  Royal  Government  wished  to  regain  its  liberty  of  action, 
the  Royal  Imperial  Government  was  able  to  do  the  same. 

He  added  that  he  could  not  permit  us  in  the  future  to  repeat 
any  operations  similar  to  those  which  had  been  accomplished,  or  to 
do  anything  at  all  in  opposition  to  his  point  of  view. 

The  occupation  of  Chio  ^  was  thus  prevented. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  repeat  how  many  lives  of  Italian  soldiers, 
and  how  many  millions  of  lire,  the  persistent  obstructions  at  each 
one  of  our  moves  against  Turkey  have  cost  us,  who  were  sure  of 
the  protection  of  our  allies  against  every  attack  in  her  most  vital 
parts.^ 

Another  reproof  which  was  bitterly  made  was  that  we  were  not 
contented  with  the  prodigious  concessions  which  were  offered  to 
us  in  these  latter  times. 

Above  all  we  could  ask:  were  these  concessions  offered  in  good 
faith?  The  suspicion  is  born  from  the  reading  of  the  last  docu- 
ments. 

The  Emperor  Francis  Joseph  has  said  that  Italy  looked  with 
cupidity  on  the  patrimony  of  his  own  house. 

The  Chancellor  von  Bethmann-Holweg  said  that  with  such 
concessions  it   was  meant  to  buy  our  fidelity.     Therefore,  you, 

*  Turkish  Island  in  Aegean  Sea. 

^  In  the  diplomatic  conference  of  London  for  the  Balkanic  League  against 
Turkey  (1912-1913)  Austria,  "dragging"  Italy  to  her  side,  "imposed"  the 
exclusion  of  Montenegro  from  the  conquered  Scutari,  and  the  creation  of  that 
autonomous  and  independent  Albania,  when,  in  their  own  respective  zones  of 
influence  —  at  Durazzo,  Austria;  at  Avlona,  Italy — the  two  allied  powers 
believed  they  had  finally  found  the  means  to  satisfy  and  silence  some  of  the  reasons 
for  their  unanswerable  and  fatal  rivalries.  But  the  discussions  between  Austria 
and  Italy  repeatedly  gave  the  impression  of  the  lack  of  sincerity  of  Austria  toward 
Italy,  especially  when  on  March,  1914,  the  German  Prince,  William  of  Wied, 
was  seated  on  the  throne  of  the  new  Albania,  around  which,  there  is  no  doubt, 
Austria  had  created  a  net  of  Catholic-Austrian-anti-Italian  intrigues;  a  net  which 
was  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  that  persistent  rebellion  of  the  Albanian  Mus- 
sulman elements  (a  natural  reaction)  because  of  sympathy  toward  Italian  influ- 
ence, in  consequence  of  which,  one  sees  in  September,  1914,  the  disappearance  — 
in  the  tumult  of  the  greater  war — of  the  ephemeral  sovereignty  of  this  prince 
who  was  thrust  upon  Albania  by  Germany. 

The  Austrian  struggle  in  Albania  aimed  to  make  of  this  coast  an  impenetrable 
barrier  against  Italian  commerce  toward  the  East.  And  in  all  of  the  Italian 
Mediterranean  there  was  jealousy  and  discontent.  Thus,  when  Italy,  being 
in  accord  with  England,  obtained  a  railroad  concession  in  Asia  Minor  (at  Adalia), 
the  spectre  of  the  allies  followed  her,  each  one  according  to  his  own  methods: 
Austria  reclaimed  a  zone  of  territory  near  the  place  where  the  Italian  railroad 
started,  which  it  had  never  thought  of  doing  before;  Germany  hurriedly  sent  there 
the  agents  oi  the  Deutsche  Bank,  who,  under  the  pretext  of  selling  agricultural 
machines,  attempted  to  buy  up  the  ground  which  the  Italian  railroad  occupied. 


THE  DEFENSE  OF  ITALY  237 

gentlemen,  should  applaud  us  for  not  having  accepted  such  con- 
cessions. 

But  let  us  turn  to  the  concessions  which  reached  the  Foreign 
Minister's  hands  and  mine  after  they  had  been  in  the  hands  of 
politicians  and  journalists  hither  and  thither  —  these  belated 
concessions  which,  even  if  accepted  as  made  in  good  faith,  respond 
in  no  way  to  the  aims  and  objects  which  Italian  policy  must  have 
in  view. 

These  aims  and  objects  may  be  reduced  to  three:  ist.  The 
defense  of  Italianity,  our  first  and  greatest  duty.  2nd.  A  secure 
military  frontier  which  shall  replace  that  which  was  imposed  on  us 
in  1866,  and  by  which  all  the  gates  of  Italy  are  open  to  our  en- 
emies. 3rd.  A  less  dangerous  strategical  position  in  the  Adri- 
atic, less  insecure  than  that  whose  effects  we  have  witnessed  dur- 
ing the  past  days. 

All  those  advantages,  so  essential  to  us,  were  practically  re- 
fused. The  offer  of  the  Trentino,  an  offer  increased  bit  [by  bit, 
never  has  reached,  to  the  gorges  of  the  Adige;  it  excluded  the 
Ampezzano  —  that  Cortina  to  which  our  soldiers  have  now  glori- 
ously arrived  —  and  the  upper  part  —  undoubtedly  Italian  — 
of  the  Valley  of  Non,  was  refused  under  the  pretext  that  in 
Ampezzano,  one  did  not  treat  with  Italian  people  but  with  the 
Ladin  people;  as  if  the  difference  between  the  Ladins  and 
Italians  were  not  infinitely  less  than  between  the  Ladins  and 
Teutons.  And  we  had  no  aspirations  for  this  territory  for  its 
importance,  but  because  of  the  boundaries  assigned  to  us  by  Aus- 
tria, in  whose  power  the  heads  of  the  valley  would  have  remained, 
and  we  would  have,  as  at  first,  opened  the  gateway  of  our  own 
country.^ 

In  the  Green  Book  there  is  to  be  found  an  ingenuous  Austrian 
document  in  which  it  is  said  approximately:  No,  this  we  cannot 
give  to  you  because  it  would  spoil  our  military  boundaries.     But  we 

^  A  propos  of  the  new  boundaries  offered  by  the  Austrian  Government  to  Italy, 
Prof.  Gino  Fani  of  the  Polytechnic  school  of  Turin,  in  one  of  his  lectures  observed 
that  "this  new  and  insidious  frontier  constitutes  a  conventional  line  which  always 
leaves  to  Austria  the  upper  part  of  our  valleys,  and,  therefore,  the  possibility  of 
invasion  of  territory  with  no  possibility  of  defense,  if  such  invasion  were  to  come 
suddenly,  and  it  would  be  very  difficult  in  any  case.  In  fact  the  upper  parts  of 
the  Valley  of  Non,  Avisio,  Cordevole  and  Boite,  and  the  great  road  of  the  Dolomites 
(Bolzano-Lago)  would  have  remained  in  the  hands  of  Austria,  in  such  a  way  that 
while  we  might  have  gained  some  groups  of  Italian  people — leaving  always  outside 
of  the  mother  country  important  Italian  centers  —  from  a  political  and  strategical 
point  of  view  we  should  certainly  have  gained  nothing. 

"Thus  the  acceptation,  while  it  meant  a  definite  renunciation,  would  have 
continued  to  keep  us  at  the  mercy  of  our  neighbor,  and  aggravate  our  subjection." 


238  THIRD   PART 

are  not  treating  of  the  defensive  military  boundaries  of  Austria, 
in  which  case  the  pretense  of  not  leaving  the  door  of  one's  home 
open,  would  have  been  right;  one  is  treating  instead,  of  an  offensive 
military  boundary  for  Italy,  because  one  treats,  I  repeat,  of  leaving 
open  the  doors  of  our  country. 

No  concession  was  offered  to  us  along  the  coast  of  the  Adriatic, 
even  at  the  last  moment,  and  when,  with  sadness  in  our  souls,  but 
thinking  that  the  greatest  efforts  were  necessary  to  keep  out  of  the 
war,  we  stopped  to  ask,  as  the  least  favor,  that  Trieste  and  a 
surrounding  zone  might  be  considered  not  a  part  of  the  kingdom  of 
Italy,  but  only  that  it  should  not  be  considered  a  part  of  the 
Austrian  Empire  and  should  be  constituted  a  free  State.  This 
was  denied;  and  at  Trieste,  what  did  they  promise?  Autonomous 
administration! 

Another  and  most  important  part  of  the  matter  in  dispute 
was  concerning  its  execution. 

I  wonder  what  you  would  have  said,  you  Italians,  w^hat  would 
our  Parliament  have  said  if  we,  your  Government,  had  presented 
ourselves  before  you  with  the  announcement  that  we  were  in 
complete  agreement  with  Austria-Hungary,  and  that  we  were  to 
have  a  part  of  the  Trentino  and  some  other  small  strip  of  land  not 
beyond  the  Isonzo,  but  only  at  the  conclusion  of  peace.  The 
"conclusion  of  peace;"  then  it  was  weakened  down  to  the  offer,  at 
the  last  moment,  of  the  nomination  of  mixed  commissions  which 
should  study  the  boundary  line;  after  that,  ratification  should  fol- 
low; and  after  that,  and  within  a  month,  the  territories  should  be 
occupied.  How  much  time  and  how  many  probable  sophisms 
were  used  in  the  development  of  this  procedure? 

But  we  are  met  with  the  assertion  that  we  ought  to  have  had 
no  doubts  as  to  the  performance  of  the  promise  because  there  would 
be  Germany's  guarantee.  Let  us  suppose  that  this  guarantee 
was  made  with  the  full  intention  of  carrying  it  out.  Let  us  sup- 
pose that  at  the  end  of  the  war  Germany  would  be  in  a  condition 
to  keep  her  word  —  which  is  by  no  means  certain.  What  would 
our  position  have  been  after  this  agreement?  There  would  have 
been  a  new  Triple  Alliance,  a  renewed  Triple  Alliance,  but  under 
far  other  and  far  inferior  conditions  than  had  existed  before,  be- 
cause there  would  have  been  one  sovereign  State  and  two  vassal 
States. 

The  day  on  which  one  of  the  clauses  of  the  Treaty  was  not 
fulfilled,  the  day  on  which,  whether  after  a  brief  period  or  whether 
after  some  years,  the  municipal  autonomy  of  Trieste  was  broken 


THE  DEFENSE  OF  ITALY  239 

by  an  imperial  decree  or  any  Austrian  lieutenant's  orders,  of 
whom  could  we  ask  redress?  Should  we  have  to  apply  to  our 
common  superior  —  to  Germany? 

Now,  gentlemen,  I  wish  to  say  that  it  is  not  my  intention  to 
speak  to  you  of  Germany  in  other  terms  than  those  of  admiration 
and  respect.  I  am  the  Prime  Minister  of  Italy,  not  the  German 
Chancellor;  and  I  do  not  lose  the  light  of  reason.  But  with  all 
the  respect  due  to  learned,  powerful,  great  Germany,  that  mar- 
velous example  of  organization  and  resistance,  I  must  say,  in  the 
name  of  my  country  —  no  vassalage;  no  protectorate  under  any 
one.  The  dream  of  a  universal  hegemony  has  been  shattered. 
The  whole  world  is  risen  up  against  it.  The  peace  and  civiliza- 
tion of  humanity  must  in  the  future  be  based  on  respect  for  exist- 
ing nationalities,  among  which  great  Germany  must  take  her 
seat  as  an  equal,  and  not  as  a  mistress. 

But  the  most  striking  example  of  the  overweening  pride  with 
which  the  men  who  direct  the  policy  of  the  German  Empire  look 
down  on  other  nations  is  afforded  by  the  picture  which  the 
Chancellor  Bethmann-Hollweg  has  drawn  of  the  Italian  political 
world.  I  will  read  it  in  a  more  complete  form  than  that  given  by 
the  newspapers,  the  form  in  which  it  reached  us  the  day  after. 
Here  is  what  the  Chancellor  said  of  us: 

Italian  statesmen  have  played  the  same  game  with  their  people 
that  they  played  against  us.  Without  doubt  the  possession  of  the 
territories  of  the  Italian  language  at  the  north  of  her  frontiers  has 
always  been  the  objects  of  the  dreams  and  the  desires  of  every  Italian. 
But  the  fact  is  that  the  greater  part  of  the  Italian  people,  and  the 
majority  of  parliament  were  opposed  to  the  war. 

In  the  first  days  of  May,  1915,  according  to  the  observations  of 
the  best  informed  men  on  Italian  matters,  four-fifths  of  the  Senate 
and  two-thirds  of  the  House  were  as  yet  opposed  to  war.  Among 
them  one  found  the  most  serious  and  authoritative  statesmen. 

But  the  voice  of  good  sense  was  not  listened  to,  only  the  lowest 
populace  reigned. 

With  the  benevolent  toleration  and  the  support  of  the  chief  members 
of  a  Cabinet  gorged  with  the  gold  of  the  Triple  Entente,  the  populace, 
led  by  unscrupulous  provocateurs  was  goaded  to  bloody  frenzy,  threat- 
ening the  King  with  a  revolution  and  all  the  Moderates  with  assas- 
sination if  they  did  not  abandon  themselves  to  the  delirium  of  war. 

The  Italian  people  were  deliberately  left  in  ignorance  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  negotiations  between  Italy  and  Austria,  and  of  the 


240  THIRD  PART 

importance  of  the  Austrian  concessions;  in  such  a  manner  that,  after 
the  resignation  of  the  Salandra  Cabinet,  one  could  find  no  one  with 
sufficient  courage  to  accept  and  form  a  new  cabinet;  and  in  the  course 
of  the  decisive  discussions,  no  member  of  the  constitutional  parties 
of  the  Senate  and  of  the  House  attempted  to  appreciate  the  value  of  the 
generous  concessions  made  by  Austria. 

In  this  frenzy  of  war,  honest  men  of  politics  became  mute.  But 
when  in  future  military  operations  the  Italian  people  shall  have  re- 
gained their  good  sense,  as  we  hope  and  desire,  then  they  ivill  recognize 
how  imprudently  they  were  forced  to  participate  in  the  world  wide  war. 

I  know  not,  Gentlemen,  if  it  was  the  intention  of  this  man 
(Bethmann-Hollweg),  blinded  with  rage,  personally  to  insult  my 
colleagues  and  myself  (if  it  were  I  should  pass  it  by);  men  whose 
past  you  know;  men  who  have  served  the  State  up  to  the 
present  day;  men  of  unblemished  fame;  men  who  have  given 
the  lives  of  their  sons  for  the  Country.  But  think  not  of  us.  Give 
heed  rather  to  the  atrocious  insult  which  that  scrap  of  vandal 
prose  flings  in  the  face  of  our  King,  in  the  face  of  the  Italian  people, 
in  the  face  of  the  Senate  and  the  House,  in  the  faces  of  those  same 
politicians  who  held  an  opinion  different  from  ours.  "All  dumb," 
it  is  said;  therefore  all  cowards. 

The  information  on  which  this  judgment  is  based  is  attributed 
by  the  Chancellor  of  the  Empire  to  him  whom  he  calls  the  best 
judge  of  Italian  affairs.  Perhaps  he  is  alluding,  with  a  fraternal 
desire  of  shifting  the  responsibility  on  to  his  shoulders,  to  Prince 
von  Billow. 

Now  Gentlemen,  I  do  not  wish  you  to  carry  away  an  erroneous 
impression  of  Prince  von  Billow's  intentions.  I  do  believe  he 
had  a  real  sympathy  for  our  country,  and  that  he  has  done  every- 
thing in  his  power  to  bring  about  an  understanding.  But  how 
great  and  how  many  are  the  errors  he  has  made  in  translating  his 
good  intentions  into  actions!  He  supposed  that  Italy  could  be 
turned  aside  from  her  path  by  some  few  millions  ill  spent  and  by 
the  influence  of  a  few  persons  who  have  lost  touch  with  the  soul  of 
the  nation,  by  sinister  contact,  attempted,  but  I  hope  and  believe 
unsuccessfully,  with  Italian  politicians.  The  very  opposite  was 
the  result.  An  immense  outburst  of  [indignation  flamed  forth 
throughout  the  whole  of  Italy,  and  not  only  in  the  populace,  but 
in  the  most  educated  classes;  in  the  noblest  breasts;  in  all  those 
who  felt  the  dignity  of  the  nation;  in  the  whole  of  our  youth  ready 
to  shed  their  purest  blood  for  the  national  ideals.  An  outburst 
of  indignation  was  kindled  at  the  mere  suspicion  that  a  foreign 


THE  DEFENSE  OF  ITALY  241 

ambassador  in  Rome  should  interfere  between  the  Government, 
the  Parliament  and  the  Country. 

In  this  fiery  indignation  all  internal  discord  melted  away,  the 
whole  nation  was  fused  together  in  a  wondrous  moral  unity,  which 
will  form  our  greatest  strength  in  the  hard  struggle  which  lies  be- 
fore us,  and  which  must  lead  us,  not  by  benevolent  concessions 
from  others,  but  by  our  own  integral  virtue,  to  the  achievement 
of  the  loftiest  destinies  of  our  Country. 


FOURTH  PART 
I 

First  reason:    Patriotism. 

The  compendium  of  facts  narrated  in  the  first  part  of 
this  work  may  be  officially  called  "  The  History  of  the  Italian 
Risorgimento/'  with  the  exception  of  the  episode  of  Balilla, 
which  logically  may  be  considered  the  prelude  to  the  history. 

The  narration  of  these  facts  differs  more  or  less  only 
in  form  from  the  accounts  of  other  writers  who  have  pre- 
ceded me.  And  this  is  but  natural,  because  the  form,  espe- 
cially in  historical  narrative,  is  simply  a  reflected  quality  of 
the  writer  —  a  quality  drawn  from  complex  causes  purely 
literary  and  aesthetic. 

The  substance  is  identical.  And  that,  too,  is  natural. 
The  diversity  of  form,  whether  aulic  or  free,  cannot  in  any 
manner  alter  the  positive  elements  of  the  facts,  their  dy- 
namic moral  substratum,  that  Veritas  which  regulates  and 
dominates  the  manifestations  of  human  thought  and  the 
duties  of  human  conscience. 

Now  such  facts,  with  their  suggestive  eloquence,  from  1870 
were  taught  in  all  of  the  schools  of  Italy,  according  to  the 
government  programmes.  They  were  continually  recalled 
to  mind  by  an  entire  nationalist  literature  extending  even  to 
the  daily  papers.  They  were  kept  in  mind  by  eulogies  be- 
fore the  monuments  erected  in  the  great  and  small  cities  of 
Italy  in  memory  of  the  martyrs  and  heroes  of  revolutions 
and  the  wars  of  liberation  provoked  in  Italy  by  cruel  Aus- 
trian domination.  They  were  always  represented  by  the 
scars,  by  the  anecdotes,  by  the  patriotic  enthusiasm  of  the 
veterans  who  were  yet  living.  These  facts  were  the  spiritual 
nutriment,  if  not  the  only  food,  of  the  ideality  which  kept 
the  entire  peninsula  alive  and  vibrating  in  its  rising  political 
unity. 

243 


244  FOURTH   PART 

This  accumulation  of  things  in  their  ceaseless  rhythmical 
repetition  could  not  do  other  than  rekindle  and  keep  per- 
manently burning,  in  a  people  so  passionate  as  the  Italians, 
the  old  hatred  against  the  Austrians.  It  could  not  do  other 
than  fertilize  (even  in  the  most  Franciscan  souls)  the  soil 
from  which  nothing  could  grow  but  a  revengeful,  militaris- 
tic, and  ferocious  patriotism,  the  evil  weeds  from  which 
could  be  produced  but  one  fruit:  that  of  bitter  and  wicked 
warfare. 

It  is  true  that  Giordano  Bruno  affirmed  that  he  was  a 
citizen  of  the  world,  son  of  mother  Earth  and  of  father  Sun. 

It  is  true  that  Tommaso  Campanella  demonstrated  that 
peace,  prosperity  and  happiness  are  impossible  without  the 
universal  republic. 

It  is  true  that  even  Mazzini  and  Garibaldi,  while  fighting 
for  a  sane  nationalistic  principle,  fought  also  for  the  larger 
principle  of  the  brotherhood  of  all  peoples. 

But  contrary  to  the  thoughts  and  actions  of  those  great 
Italians,  the  privileged  classes  knew  full  well,  theoretically 
and  practically,  by  means  of  the  servile,  dynastic,  and  non- 
dynastic  governments,  how  to  keep  up  the  selfish  old  axiom 
divide  et  impera. 

Thus  the  people,  blinded  by  the  astuteness  and  brutalized 
by  the  perfidy  of  such  parasitic  hydras,  could  not  see  the 
light  diffused  by  the  apostles  of  truth.  They  could  not 
assimilate  the  regenerating  elements  poured  out  by  the 
apostles  of  civilization.  They  could  not  free  themselves 
from  the  cancerous  error,  which  is  the  above-named  false 
patriotism,  the  fundamental  cause  of  all  the  calamities,  of 
all  the  sorrows  which  today  more  than  ever  oppresses 
humanity. 

In  the  schools  of  the  different  nations  (I  say  in  the 
schools  because  there  the  conscience  of  the  future  citizens 
is  formed)  one  should  teach  the  history  of  wars  and  the 
domination  of  strangers  by  methods  rigorously  and  con- 
cretely objective;  that  is,  one  should  eliminate  from  the 
teaching  of  history,  not  only  the  details  of  facts  describing 
evil  committed  on  the  part  of  the  aggressors  who  conquer 
and  tyrannize,  but  also  the  comments  execrating  the  evil 


IRREDENTISM  245 

and    magnifying    the    heroism    of   those    who    have    been 
attacked,  conquered,  and  tyrannized  over. 

In  speaking,  for  example,  of  the  Five  Days  of  Milan, 
the  standard  books  and  the  teachers  should  simply  say: 

In  1848  the  Milanese  rebelled  against  their  dominators  (the 
Austrians)  and  after  five  days  of  fighting,  drove  them  from  the  city. 

Thus  the  pupils  of  the  schools  would  not  feel  and  absorb 
the  poison  which  generates  and  nourishes  enmity  in  their 
innocent  souls,  by  which,  as  Horace  says,  "man  is  a  wolf  to 
other  men." 

The  details  of  facts  (for  example,  the  Austrian  soldiers 
during  the  Five  Days  filed  living  infants  on  their  bayonets, 
and  cut  and  pocketed  the  ringed  hands  of  dead  women) 
should  be  left  to  adults,  in  whom  the  habits  of  study  have 
already  eliminated,  or  at  least  have  calmed,  the  fatal  excit- 
ability of  the  baser  passions;  to  the  adults,  in  whom  the 
evolution  of  the  spirit  has  already  developed  to  the  highest 
point,  or  to  a  high  point,  the  sense  of  reason,  and  its  noblest 
derivative,  Love:   Love  for  one's  neighbor. 

By  this  means  one  might  begin  to  cure  the  cursed  frenzy 
of  war. 

And  that  would  be  no  small  matter. 


II 

Second  reason:    Irredentism. 

The  facts,  almost  all  proved  by  documentary  evidence, 
presented  in  the  second  part  of  the  present  volume  would 
alone  be  sufl&cient  to  justify  the  entrance  of  Italy  into  the 
great  war. 

It  was  a  question  with  the  Italians  how  to  liberate 
thousands  of  their  consanguineous  relations  who  were 
oppressed  in  their  own  homes  (that  is,  on  ground  geograph- 
ically, historically,  and  morally  Italian)  by  a  stranger 
tyranny  that  the  Italians  themselves  knew  only  too  well. 

It  was   a   question  with   the   Italians   how  to    liberate 


246  FOURTH  PART 

thousands  of  their  brothers  of  the  same  blood  who  were 
fighting,  fighting,  fighting  against  such  tyranny  and  had 
always  been  longing  and  imploring  to  be  returned  to  the 
breast  of  their  primigenious  Latin  mother. 

It  was  a  question  with  the  Italians  how  to  perform  a  duty 
of  love  and  of  honor  too  long  delayed. 

It  was  a  question  with  the  Italians  how  to  complete  their 
national  unity  in  the  northeastern  division  of  their  penin- 
sula, affirmed  by  the  law  of  Rome,  and  reaffirmed,  even 
immortalized,  by  Dante  in  Canto  IX  of  the  Divine  Comedy. 

Pola  near  the  Quarnero  [gulf]  which  surrounds  Italy  and  bathes 
its  borders. 

Italy,  unsupported,  had  never  been  able  (without  risk 
to  her  own  territorial  integrity  or  worse)  to  attack  Austria 
alone,  as  that  country  was  superior  to  her  in  number  of  in- 
habitants, in  wealth,  in  her  army,  in  the  natural  fortifica- 
tions of  her  boundaries,  and  because  she  was  sure  of  the 
support  of  Germany. 

Italy  was  obliged  to  attack  the  enemy  at  the  opportune 
and  propitious  moment;  and  that  moment  came  when  the 
enemy  was  engulfed  in  the  great  war,  and  when  the  historic 
fates  seemed  to  will  that  her  martyrology,  synthesized  in  the 
binomial  Trent-Trieste,  should  finally  enter  into  its  last 
phase. 

Who  could  dare  to  say  that  the  Italian  people  were  in 
the  wrong? 


Ill 

Third  reason:    An  unretumed  visit. 

The  Emperor  Francis  Joseph  never  returned  the  visit 
that  King  Humbert  I  and  Queen  Margherita  of  Savoy 
officially  made  him  at  Vienna  in  1882. 

And  why? 

Because  this  would  have  necessitated  Francis  Joseph's 
going  to  Rome,  where  Humbert  and  Margherita  resided. 


NATIONAL  COHESION  247 

Now  Rome  was  never  recognized  by  the  Vatican  as 
a  legitimate  conquest,  as  the  capital  of  the  kingdom  of 
Italy. 

The  taking  of  the  eternal  city  by  the  Italian  soldiers 
September  20,  1870,  was  always  considered  by  the  Vatican 
as  a  violent  and  sacrilegious  usurpation.  And  the  Vatican 
considered  the  King  of  Italy  an  usurper.  And  the  Italian 
people  were  also  considered  usurpers  by  that  same  Vatican. 

Francis  Joseph,  rabid  Catholic  that  he  was,  openly 
approved  the  anti-Italian  attitude  of  the  papal  govern- 
ment, and  with  full  consciousness  and  of  set  purpose  he 
failed  to  observe  the  rules  of  Galateo^  and  the  duties  imposed 
on  him  by  the  Alliance. 

Such  discourtesies  and  insincerity  were  aggravated  by 
the  assassinated  Crown  Prince  Franz  Ferdinand  in  Serajevo. 
This  latter,  no  less  a  bigot  than  his  uncle,  the  emperor, 
often  boasted  both  in  public  and  in  private  that  he  would 
invade  Italy  with  a  powerful  army,  take  Rome,  and  return 
it  to  the  Catholic  Church,  and  thus  re-establish  the  ancient 
temporal  power  of  the  popes! 

How  the  chivalrous  and,  more  than  that,  the  national 
sentiments  of  the  people  were  offended  by  such  facts  can 
well  be  imagined  when  one  considers  that  Rome  is,  as  it  was 
in  the  past,  and  will  be  in  the  future,  the  source  and  center 
of  all  the  virile  triumphant  grandeur  of  Italy. 


IV 

Fourth  reason:    National  cohesion;  military  efficiency. 

The  civic  greatness  of  a  people,  according  to  the  opinion 
of  the  majority,  consists,  or  at  least  did  so  consist  up  to  the 
time  of  the  outbreak  of  the  great  war,  in  its  national  cohesion 
and  in  its  military  efficiency.  In  Europe  and  also  outside 
of  Europe  it  was  believed,  and  too  confidently,  that  the 
Italian  people  lacked  both.  Other  peoples  believed  that 
Italy  lacked  national  cohesion  because,  after  she  had  brought 

^  Book  of  Manners,  by  the  classic  writer  Giovanni  Delia  Casa  (XVI  century). 


248  FOURTH  PART 

about  her  unity  and  independence,  she  was  often  disturbed 
by  internal  discords  of  a  purely  regional  character;  that  she 
lacked  military  efficiency,  as  was  shown  by  her  utter  rout 
in  Africa  in  the  war  of  1896  against  Abyssinia,  and  by  the 
lack  of  military  ability  also  shown  in  Africa  in  the  war  of 
1911-12  against  Turkey. 

One  might  be  led  to  believe  that  the  peninsula  so  famous 
for  its  beauty  and  its  ancient  glories  was  nothing  more  than 
a  chain  of  dilapidated  inns  and  a  big  carcass  of  museums 
where  a  frivolous  and  lazy  populace  could  do  nothing 
(between  mandolin  playing,  dancing  the  tarantella,  and 
macaroni  eating  alia  Napoletana),  but  serve  camoristically 
as  they  say,  foreigners,  who  poured  down  from  beyond  the 
Alps  and  seas,  and  show  them  awkwardly  and  vaingloriously 
the  mummified  relics  of  its  past  greatness  as  if  it  had  little 
relation  to  the  present  life,  and  even  less  to  the  future. 

A  superficial  American  woman  writer,  for  example,  aping 
the  French  poet  Lamartine,  who  called  Italy  the  *'Land  of 
the  Dead,"^  had  the  impudence  to  assert  that  the  Latin  race 
was  a  ''cadaver  well  on  to  putrefaction."  * 

And  not  only  in  private  but  also  in  official  circles  in 
foreign  countries  everyone  has  had  a  knowledge,  far  from 
exact,  of  Italy's  national  cohesion  and  of  her  military 
efficiency.     It  is  sufficient  to  recall  the  following  incident. 

On  January  14,  1912,  during  the  Italo-Turkish  War, 
the  Italian  torpedo  boat  Agordat  stopped  the  French  steamer 
Carthago  south  of  Sardinia,  because  the  Italian  Government 
knew  that  it  carried  an  aeroplane  which  was  destined  for 
the  Turks  in  Tripoli.  After  the  search  which  the  Italian 
officers  made  of  the  French  steamer,  this  aeroplane  was  taken 
by  the  Agordat  to  the  port  of  Cagliari  in  Sardinia,  and  there 
was  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  Italian  Governm.ent. 

A  few  days  later,  that  is  on  January  i8th,  this  same 
torpedo  boat  Agordat  stopped  the  postal  steamer  Manouha^ 
which  plied  between  Marseilles  and  Tunis,  and  found  there 
were  twenty-nine  Turkish    officers   aboard   dressed  in  the 

*  See  tlie  spicy  reply  to  this  given  by  the  Italian  satirical  poet  Giuseppe  Giusti. 
^  See  in  my  volume  Journalism  of  the  Italian  Emigrants  in  America  answer 
which  was  given  to  this  good  woman  (pages  1 18-123). 


NATIONAL  COHESION  249 

garb  of  the  Mohammedan  Red  Cross,  secretly  making 
their  way  into  TripoH  to  take  their  places  at  the  head  of  the 
Arabs  against  the  Italians.  The  twenty-nine  so-called 
members  of  the  Turkish  Red  Cross  were  put  ashore  by 
the  crew  of  the  Agordat  at  Cagliari,  Sardinia,  and  there  held 
at  the  disposition  of  the  Italian  Government,  while  the 
Manouha  was  left  free  to  continue  on  its  way. 

Poincare,  who  previously  had  been  made  premier  and 
foreign  minister  of  the  French  Republic,  protested  against 
the  "arbitrary  acts"  committed  by  the  Italian  torpedo  boat 
Agordaty  and  had  the  courage  to  declare  among  other  things 
in  open  parliament,  that  if  the  government  of  Rome  had  not 
freed  the  Carthago  and  the  twenty-nine  Turkish  officers 
immediately,  the  French  fleet  would  have  attacked  the 
Italian  fleet  without  delay  and  would  have  sent  it  to  the 
bottom  in  less  time  than  it  takes  to  tell  of  it,  —  just  as  one 
might  say  that  he  would  send  to  the  bottom  the  three  glori- 
ous caravels  of  Christopher  Colombus! 

Now  a  people  so  calumniated  and  so  misjudged,  a  people 
who  through  Rome  have  touched  the  apogee  of  national 
cohesion  and  of  military  efficiency,  must  naturally  feel  the 
necessity  of  demonstrating  with  facts  (it  would  be  im- 
possible with  mere  words)  how  false  was  the  opinion  which 
the  world  had  formed  of  them. 

And  they  forced  the  war  against  Austria  on  the  Govern- 
ment of  Victor  Emanuel  III,  to  prove  that  they,  the  Italian 
people,  notwithstanding  their  internal  discords  of  a  char- 
acter purely  regional  (discords  provoked  by  the  injustice  of 
government  more  than  by  anything  else)  have  today,  as  in 
the  days  of  Cato,  a  solid  national  cohesion;  to  prove  that 
they,  the  Italians,  notwithstanding  the  rout  in  the  war 
against  Abyssinia,  and  notwithstanding  the  deficiences  in 
the  war  against  Turkey  (routs  and  deficiencies  coming  more 
than  anything  else  from  errors  of  government),  have  today, 
as  in  the  times  of  Julius  Caesar,  a  formidable  military 
efficiency.  Formidable,  one  means,  not  so  much  in  a  quanti- 
tative as  in  a  qualitative  sense:  in  genius,  in  vigor,  in  en- 
thusiasm, in  tenacity  and  in  faith  of  their  final  victory. 

They,  the  Italian  people,  forced  intervention  in  the  great 


250  FOURTH  PART 

war  on  Austria  to  prove  that  they,  the  people,  because  of 
one  of  those  natural  laws  (law  of  continuity) — which  eludes 
the  ignorant — can  always  reclothe  themselves  in  the  virtues 
of  their  ancestors;  to  prove  that  they  can,  when  they  will, 
rise  (like  the  eternal  Arabian  phoenix)  from  the  ashes  of 
their  millenaries  of  civilization. 


V 

Fifth  reason:    Fear  of  isolation. 

The  Italian  people  quickly  understood  that  the  great 
war  which  burst  out  in  the  latter  part  of  July  1914  would 
produce  international  political  changes  of  the  utmost 
importance.  And  they  foresaw  the  calamitous  effects  that 
such  changes  would  bring  to  the  Patria  did  she  remain 
neutral. 

If  the  Central  Empires  (Germany  and  Austria)  should 
conquer,  Italy  would  remain  at  the  mercy  of  these  two 
nations  made  bolder  by  their  recent  victories.  She  would 
have  suffered  the  vendetta  which  the  Teutons  had  sworn 
because  she  had  not  drawn  up  in  line  of  battle  on  their  side. 
She  would  have  been  invaded  and  conquered.  She  would 
again  have  become  the  slave  of  Austria.  And  England, 
France,  and  Russia,  whom  she  had  abandoned  and  left 
defeated  and  humiliated,  would  not  have  done  other  than 
laugh  at  her  coldly  with  hate  and  scorn. 

If  the  nations  of  the  Triple  Entente  (England,  France, 
and  Russia)  had  remained  conquerors,  Italy  would  have 
been  obliged  to  submit  to  the  masterful  influence  of  these 
three  nations  as  the  punishment  for  her  neutrality,  influence 
which  would  have  grown  immeasurably  after  their  victories. 
She  would  have  been  so  blocked  on  all  sides  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean that  she  could  not  have  had  free  access  even  to  her 
African  colonies.  She  would  have  been  paralyzed  in  every 
expansive  movement.  She  would  have  been  reduced  to 
poverty.  And  Germany  and  Austria,  whom  she  had  left 
defeated  and  humiliated,  would  then  have  laughed  coldly 
at  her  with  hate  and  scorn. 


THE  RIGHT  TO  TRAVEL  251 

In  fact,  Italy,  had  she  remained  neutral  in  the  great 
war,  would  have  lost  all  credit,  all  prestige  in  the  world. 
She  would  not  have  been  considered  nor  respected  by  any 
one.  She  would  have  been  spurned  by  every  one,  by  the 
conquered  and  by  the  conquerors,  as  a  mangy  dog,  and 
avoided  as  a  wormy  carcass.  She  would  have  placed  in 
jeopardy  even  her  own  national  unity. 

In  order  to  escape  such  misfortune,  the  Italian  people 
imposed  on  the  Government  of  Victor  Emanuel  III  armed 
intervention  by  the  nation. 

Is  not  the  preservation  of  one's  own  life,  either  individ- 
ually or  collectively,  one  of  the  supreme  natural  laws,  the 
protoplasmic  law  of  all  human  laws?  Is  it  not  perhaps  the 
most  impelling  physical  and  moral  necessity  —  the  supreme 
necessity? 

VI 

Sixth  reason:    The  right  to  travel. 

Man  has  the  right  at  any  time  in  his  life  to  go  about 
the  world  far  and  wide.  He  has  the  right  to  go  where  his 
will  prompts  and  where  his  interests  call  him.  This  is  a 
natural  right  which  no  one  can  contest,  for  the  simple  reason 
that  the  right  to  travel  was  born  with  the  first  man  for  his 
needs  and  enjoyment;  for  the  simple  reason  that  the  right 
to  travel  is  a  motor  force  of  human  progress,  a  force  that 
more  than  any  other  contributes  to  create,  to  cultivate,  to 
consolidate  (between  people  separated  by  distance,  and 
more  than  by  distance,  by  prejudice  of  race  and  nationality) 
those  currents  of  sympathy  which  by  an  irresistible  impulse 
of  love  tend  toward  universal  brotherhood,  that  is,  to  the 
apogee  of  civilization  which  has  for  its  substantial  contents 
(besides  the  splendor  of  science,  of  arts  and  letters)  the 
moral  purity  of  the  spirit,  which  man  must  sincerely  feel 
toward  his  equals. 

I  enunciated  and  sustained  this  idea  in  my  book.  Journa- 
lism of  the  Italian  Emigrants  in  America^  on  page  104  where 
I  said,  among  other  things,  that  **  for  that  great  and  sacred 


252  FOURTH   PART 

social  principle,  based  upon  the  fact  that  every  man  has  the 
right  to  go  to  any  country,  to  exercise  freely  and  honestly 
the  demands  of  his  work,"  the  Italians  who  have  emigrated 
to  the  United  States  could  not  with  a  servile  sense  of  grati- 
tude, consider  and  exalt  the  American  people  as  hosts. 
More  than  this,  the  Americans,  at  least  at  that  time,  did  not 
receive  them  as  equals.  And  yet  these  same  Americans  have 
received  a  great  part  of  the  prosperity  which  has  rendered 
them  so  unreasonable,  so  unjust  and  overbearing,  by  means 
of  the  strong  and  willing  brawn  of  the  Italian  emigrants. 

And  I  corroborated  my  statement  by  subjoining:  *'The 
English,  the  French,  the  Teutons,  the  Americans  themselves 
and  all  other  foreigners  whom  one  finds  in  Italy,  speculating 
and  enriching  themselves  with  flourishing  industries  and 
commerce,  never  have  dreamed  of  considering  themselves 
guests  of  the  Italian  people,  but  free  men,  who  come  to 
our  country  to  exercise  the  rights  of  their  inclinations  and 
their  interests." 

Only  tyrants  who  wish  to  provoke  and  direct  wars  dare 
to  contest  and  even  to  crush,  in  the  cruelest  manner,  the 
right  that  man  has  at  any  time  in  his  life  to  travel  far  and 
wide  through  the  world.  They  wish  to  provoke  and  direct 
war,  thus  blocking  the  land  and  waters  wherever  it  pleases 
them  to  do  so,  and  forget  or  feign  to  forget  that  the  globe 
inhabited  by  men  is  for  all  men,  as  is  the  air  which  surrounds 
the  globe  itself;  as  is  the  sun  which  illuminates,  warms,  and 
fertilizes  the  globe. 

These  tyrants  who  wish  to  provoke  and  direct  war,  thus 
preventing  man  (the  one  who  is  not  implicated  in  war  and 
who  is  opposed  to  war)  from  going  where  his  will  prompts, 
where  his  interests  call,  commit  an  arbitrary  act  of  the 
greatest  gravity  which  no  people,  having  at  heart  their  own 
liberty  and  the  liberty  of  others,  should  tolerate. 

The  people  of  the  new  Italy,  strong  in  their  reawakened 
consciousness,  would  not  tolerate  it.  And  they  imposed  on 
the  Government  of  Savoy  armed  intervention  of  the  nation 
in  the  European  war  to  defend  with  their  own  blood  one 
of  the  most  precious  gifts  of  nature. 

Thus  the  people  of  the  new  Italy  devotedly  followed  the 


HUMAN  SOLIDARITY  253 

examples  of  their  apostles  who  preferred  prisons,  tortures, 
or  the  stake  rather  than  yield  to  any  restriction  whatsoever 
of  human  liberty  either  for  themselves  or  for  humanity 
whom  they  worthily  represented. 


VII 

Seventh  reason:    Human  solidarity. 

The  Italian  people,  on  account  of  one  of  the  natural 
laws  which  psychologically  distinguish  the  human  races 
from  one  another,  have  implanted  in  them  two  senti- 
ments: a  sentiment  of  sympathy  for  the  weak,  and  a  senti- 
ment of  indignation  against  the  strong  who  abuse  and 
tyrannize  over  the  weak.  These  sentiments  form,  in  the 
peculiar  harmony  of  their  spiritual  essence  and  of  their 
practical  workings  out,  the  granite-like  foundation  of  their 
social  life. 

Glance  for  a  moment  at  the  history  of  Italy  from  the 
time  of  the  famous  republic  of  Magna  Grecia,  which  has 
grown  and  blossomed  in  the  southern  part  of  the  peninsula 
up  to  the  present  time,  and  one  cannot  fail  to  see  that 
the  Italian  people  were  always  moved  by  the  condition  of 
the  weaker.  They  embraced  their  cause  in  fact,  and  not  in 
words,  for  magnanimous  and  not  for  selfish  and  material 
reasons,  especially  when  their  cause  represented  the  tramp- 
ling upon  or  simply  the  menacing  of  their  national  liberties 
by  presuming  tyrants. 

In  corroboration  of  the  above  statement,  I  will  limit 
myself  to  a  few  of  the  more  recent  historical  facts. 

Giuseppe  Garibaldi  with  a  corps  of  Italian  soldiers 
went  to  the  defense  of  the  French  Republic  in  the  war  of 
1870  against  the  Prussians,  performing  heroic  deeds  at  Dijon 
worthy  of  an  epopee.^ 

Ricciotti  Garibaldi,  living  son  of  the  Hero,  with  a  corps 
of  Italian  volunteers  went  to  the  defense  of  Greece  against 

*  Victor  Hugo  said:  "During  that  memorable  campaign  Garibaldi  was  the  only- 
captain  who  really  conquered." 


254  FOURTH   PART 

Turkey  in  1897,  performing  heroic  deeds  worthy  of  an  epopee 
at  Domokos.^ 

Peppino  Garibaldi,  living  son  of  Ricciotti,  with  a  corps 
of  Italian  volunteers  went  to  the  defense  of  the  French 
Republic  in  the  present  war  against  Germany,  performing 
heroic  deeds  worthy  of  an  epopee  in  the  Argonne.^ 

And  not  only  in  battles  of  a  collective  public  nature, 
but  also  in  the  altercations  of  a  private  and  personal  char- 
acter, the  Italian  people  have  put  in  evidence  —  or  better, 
into  action  —  their  innate  sentiments  of  sympathy  for  the 
weaker  and  of  indignation  against  the  stronger  (strong 
naturally,  in  the  brutally  physical  sense  of  the  word,  be  it 
understood).  In  America,  for  example  (particularly  in 
the  city  where  for  many  years  I  have  lived),  I  have  frequently 
witnessed  disputes  between  two  persons,  usually  for  some 
trivial  reason,  which  quickly  ended  by  their  coming  to 
blows.  No  one  among  the  bystanders  ever  moves  to  try 
to  pacify  the  two  disputants  or  even  to  prevent  the  weaker 
from  receiving  the  worst  of  it.  I  have  always  seen  the 
stronger  throw  the  weaker  to  the  ground  undisturbed  by 
anyone;  stamp  on  his  breast,  his  jaws,  his  nose,  his  eyes, 
transforming  his  countenance  into  a  horrible  bloody  mass, 
leaving  him  half  dead.  The  bystanders,  even  the  acquaint- 
ances, friends,  or  relatives  of  the  weaker,  look  on  with  in- 
difference (as  if  it  were  a  moving  picture)  or  with  vile 
voluptuousness  at  the  doglike  fight,  seeming  to  feel  an 
admiration   for  the   stronger. 

In  Italy,  particularly  in  my  native  Calabria,  which  with 
good  reason  is  called  strong  and  generous,  nothing  of  this 
kind  could  occur.  There  the  bystanders,  even  though 
they  might  be  strangers;  from  the  first  word  of  altercation 
interpose  themselves  between  the  disputants.  And  if  they 
are  unable  to  calm  them  with  reason  and  re-establish  peace 
between  them   and  thus   prevent  the   bestial  fight,   they 

^  In  the  battle  of  Domokos,  among  others  who  fell  was  Antonio  Fratti,  the 
Republican  deputy  of  the  Italian  National  Parliament  to  whom  Guglielmo  Oberdan 
left  his  political  testament. 

^  In'the  battle  of  the  Argonne,  between  the  Garibaldians  and  the  Germans,  among 
other  Italians  who  fell  were  the  young  Bruno  and  Sante  Garibaldi,  brothers  of 
Peppino. 


HUMAN  SOLIDARITY  255 

immediately  sympathize  with  the  weaker;  they  openly  and 
resolutely  take  his  part;  they  will  not  permit  that  a  hair  of 
his  head  shall  be  touched;  they  prefer  even  at  the  risk  of 
death  to  themselves  to  receive  the  blows  from  the  stronger, 
on  whose  head  will  descend,  sooner  or  later,  a  general 
execration. 

Now  this  people,  so  sensitive,  so  just,  so  humane,  having 
at  their  command  a  sufficiently  formidable  army  and  navy, 
could  not  remain  inert  before  the  violence  committed  by 
the  strong  and  tyrannical  Austria  against  little  Serbia.  They 
could  not  remain  inert  before  the  incomparable  crime  com- 
mitted by  the  strong  and  tyrannical  Germany  against  little 
Belgium.  They  could  not  remain  inert  before  a  scowling 
and  brutal  Teutonic  militarism  which  menaces  with  grow- 
ing and  strengthening  gravity  that  republican  France  which 
had  poured  out  rivers  of  her  blood  for  the  unity  and  inde- 
pendence of  her  Latin  sister  and  for  the  triumph  of  demo- 
cratic principles  in  all  of  Europe.  They  could  not  remain 
inert  before  a  scowling  and  brutal  Teutonic  militarism  which 
menaced  with  growing  and  strenghtening  gravity  that  Eng- 
land which  even  in  a  time  of  general  reaction  gave  hospitality 
with  generous  and  affectionate  liberality  to  the  great  exiles, 
to  all  the  great  Italian  political  refugees  from  Giordano  Bruno 
to  Ugo  Foscolo,  from  Mazzini  to  Malatesta;^  to  that  Eng- 
land which,  with  its  battleships  Intrepid  and  Argus,  protected 
and  facilitated  in  the  spring  of  i860  the  memorable  landing 
of  The  Thousand  at  Marsala  (a  disembarkation  which  de- 
cided the  national  unity  of  Italy) ;  that  England  which  received 
Garibaldi  like  a  god  when  the  Hero  in  April,  1864,  went  as 
a  representative  of  the  people  of  the  new  Italy  to  visit 
London.  They  could  not  remain  inert  before  the  scowling 
and  brutal  Teutonic  militarism  which  menaced  with  grow- 
ing and  strengthening  gravity  that  Russia  whose  great  men 
such  as  Turghenieff,  Tchernichewsky,  Tolstoy,  Gogol,  and 

^  Dr.  E.  Malatesta,  one  of  the  living  Italian  anarchist  leaders,  between  June 
7  and  10,  1914,  headed  a  revolutionary  movement  vyhich  had  for  its  object  the 
overthrowing  of  the  monarchy  of  Savoy  and  the  proclaiming  of  the  Republic  of 
Italy,  in  the  provinces  of  Ancona,  Forli,  and  Ravenna.  Prosecuted  by  the  govern- 
ment of  Victor  Emanuel  III,  he  wandered  all  over  Europe  and  was  everywhere 
repulsed.     He  found  refuge  only  in  London,  where  he  now  lives. 


256  FOURTH  PART 

Gorky  always  admired  and  glorified  Italy;^  that  Russia 
which  was  the  first  to  send  her  sailors  to  Calabria  and  Sicily 
to  succor  the  people  struck  by  the  terrible  earthquake  of 
1908. 

If  the  Italian  people  had  remained  inert,  they  would 
have  negated  their  incomparable  moral  personality  which 
is  composed  of  altruism  and  gratitude;  they  would  have 
obscured  their  most  radiant  traditions  of  thought  and 
action;  they  would  have  done  that  which  is  worse:  at  the 
moment  when  death  was  preparing  to  form  the  new  life 
of  the  world  on  the  battlefields  of  old  Europe,  they  would 
have  betrayed  the  cause  of  humanity,  which  must  stand 
above  every  personal  and  national  interest,  as  the  physical 
life  of  the  universe  stands  perennially  above  the  single 
parts  of  which  it  is  composed. 

It  is  useless  to  deny  it.  The  word,  opposed  to  the  fact, 
has  never  been  of  value.  And  it  never  will  be  so  long  as 
in  the  depths  of  certain  human  souls  there  dwell,  as  the 
morchia^  at  the  bottom  of  jars  of  olive  oil,  as  feccia^  in 
the  bottom  of  wine  casks,  as  slime  in  the  bottom  of  wells, 
those  turbid  and  wicked  instincts  which  are  in  open  antith- 
esis to  the  sentiments  of  purity,  compassion,  and  love 
upon  which  every  civilization  should  lean  and  from  which 
it  should  evolve. 

The  plea  has  always  been  made,  and  in  every  tone,  to 
the  potentates  of  Europe,  not  to  strengthen  militarism; 
but  they  have  strengthened  it  —  and  alas,  how  well! 

The  potentates  of  Europe  have  been  counseled  in  every 
manner  not  to  provoke  war;  but  they  have  provoked  it, 
and  how  well! 

Must  one  ignore  the  fact  in  this,  the  beginning  of  the 
twentieth  century,  that  the  imperial  soldiery,  atavistically 
imitating  the  hordes  of  Alaric  and  Attila,  invade  the 
territories  of  small  and  independent  nations,  massacre 
men,  outrage  women,  mutilate  children,  seize  the  fruits  of 

*  It  is  well  to  remember  Maxim  Gorky,  who,  after  having  been  repulsed  by  the 
United  States  because  of  a  false  puritanism,  found  refuge  at  Capri;  and  there, 
received  with  respectful  and  affectionate  hospitality,  put  in  relief  and  exalted 
in  his  writings  the  incomparable  virtues  of  the  Italian  people. 

^The  dregs  of  olive  oil.     '  The  dregs  of  wine. 


HUMAN  SOLIDARITY  257 

so  much  labor,  burn  homes,  raze  entire  cities  to  the  ground, 
in  such  a  manner  for  example,  as  the  Turks  have  been 
allowed  to  treat  the  Armenians  for  years  and  years? 

If  these  things  must  be  forgotten,  then  farewell  to  human 
solidarity. 

After  so  many  promises,  after  so  much  enthusiasm,  it 
could  not  be  other  (except  for  the  weak  who  have  the 
simplicity  to  believe  and  expect  it)  than  an  archaic,  empty 
and  scoffing  phrase,  resurrecting  once  again  the  ignoble 
farce  of  pulpiteers  (both  priests  and  laity)  who  know  only 
how  to  preach  well  and  practice  badly.  The  pulpiteers 
who,  when  put  to  the  test,  know  only  how  to  put  in  practice 
their  selfish  doctrine  which  is  encased  in  the  parabolic 
formula,  **Lontana  da  me,  e  dove  va  va."^ 

The  great  crowned  heads  would  not  have  wished  any- 
thing better! 

Fortunately  the  Italian  people,  with  their  awakened  in- 
telligence, understood  that  words  could  not  supplant  the 
facts. ^  And  they  threw  themselves  into  the  war  (they,  the 
Italian  people,  with  their  childlike  hearts)  to  meet  facts  with 
facts,  action  with  action,  physical  force  with  physical  force 
(a  species  of  similia  similibus  curantur)^  to  teach  the  mob 
of  querulous  doctrinaires  that  the  trampled  rights  of  the 
weak  must  be  defended,  not  with  words,  but  at  the  sacrifice 
of  life  itself;  that  the  innocent  victims  of  barbarism  (mili- 
taristic and  non-militaristic)  must  be  avenged,  not  with 
words,  but  at  the  sacrifice  of  life  itself;  that  the  true  brother- 
hood of  nations,  the  ideal  to  which  the  human  soul  inces- 
santly aspires  because  of  an  immutable  natural  law,  must  be 

^  "It  may  go  where  it  will  if  it  does  not  touch  me." 

'In  the  month  of  May,  191 5  (that  is,  on  the  eve  of  the  declaration  of  war  made 
by  the  Italian  government  against  the  Austrian  government),  the  walls  of  the  cities 
of  Italy  were  covered  with  placards  which  said: 
"We  must  never  forget 
Belgium, 

The  Lusitania, 

The  cutthroats  of  babies. 

The  aged  who  were  massacred. 
The  violated  women. 

The  devastated  countries. 
The  bombarded  hospitals, 
for  the  sole  mania  of  destruction  by  the  army  of  his  majesty  William  II." 


258  FOURTH  PART 

affirmed,  be  exalted,  be  perpetuated,  not  with  words  but  at 
the  sacrifice  of  Hfe  itself. 

The  Italian  people  know  well  that  after  the  great  war  they 
will  have  no  other  reward  than  that  of  starvation,  scorn 
and  oblivion  worse  than  before.  But  of  what  importance 
is  this?  With  spirits  eminently  poetic  and  philosophic  at 
the  same  time,  inured  to  every  privation,  to  every  ingrati- 
tude, to  every  sorrow,  they  will  be  convinced  of  having 
opened  the  way,  with  their  purest  blood  —  given  the 
present  order  of  things,  the  only  way  that  could  lead  to  the 
longed-for  universal  peace.  And  such  knowledge  will  be 
sufficient  to  render  them  content,  happy,  and  blessed. 

I  have  said,  "given  the  present  order  of  things."  I 
have  said,  *'the  only  way."     And  I  will  explain. 

The  life  of  a  nation,  nowadays,  notwithstanding  its 
complexities,  depends  in  great  part  on  essentially  industrial 
bases  constructed  by  the  people,  not  for  their  own  advantage, 
but  for  the  advantage  of  a  big-bellied  and  cruel  minority 
called  plutocracy,  which  has  nothing  else  in  common  with 
the  people  except  their  simple  Darwinian  origin. 

Such  national  industrialism,  in  order  to  maintain  itself 
and  prosper  —  always  to  the  benefit  of  the  big-bellied  and 
cruel  minority  called  plutocracy  —  must  necessarily  push 
itself  into  commercial  competition  against  the  industrialism 
of  another  nation,  or  other  nations,  and  vice  versa.  But 
commercial  competition,  in  order  to  give  financial  results 
proportionate  to  the  insatiable  greed  of  the  nationalist 
plutocracy,  must  be  incessantly  and  strenuously  favored 
and  defended  by  the  State. 

Does  a  State  government  of  the  present  day  lend  itself 
to  a  partisanship  so  bold  and  iniquitious? 

Certainly  it  does! 

And  why  shouldn't  it,  if  the  State  government  of  today, 
be  it  covered  by  a  mask  surmounted  by  a  royal  crown,  or 
be  it  a  mask  surmounted  by  a  republican  cap,  is  none 
other  than  a  being  voluntarily  placed  at  the  service  of  the 
big-bellied  and  cruel  minority  called  plutocracy? 

Now  a  Government  thus  made,  frankly,  could  not  with- 
out injury  to  itself  put  in  action  the  military  forces,  which 


HUMAN  SOLIDARITY  259 

are  the  positive  forces  of  the  State,  except  for  the  protection 
of  its  master;  or  more  correctly  speaking,  for  the  protection 
of  its  mistress  (plutocracy  in  the  Italian  language  is  in  the 
feminine  gender).  Italy  in  its  war  against  Africa,  for  ex- 
ample (that  is,  against  Abyssinia  and  Turkey),  had  no  other 
aim,  at  least  originally,  except  that  of  the  so-called  "com- 
mercial penetration"  made  by  the  monarchical  Government 
of  Savoy  in  the  interests  of  Italian  plutocracy.  And  the 
war  which  today  rages  in  Europe  is  one  provoked  for  no 
other  reason  than  that  of  jealousy  of  the  German  plutocracy, 
for  the  English  commercial  supremacy  in  the  world. ^ 

In  causes  of  a  purely  humanitarian  character  —  that  is, 
where  the  intellectual,  moral  and  economic  elevation,  justice, 
liberty  and  the  happiness  of  the  people  are  involved  —  the 
government  of  today  never  puts  into  action  the  military 
forces  of  the  State.  And  this  is  natural;  for  if  the  military 
forces  were  to  make  the  humanitarian  causes  triumph,  only 
one  effect  could  follow:  the  end  of  plutocracy;  the  end,  that 
is,  of  inequality,  of  all  injustice,  of  all  social  tyrannies:  an 
effect,  as  one  can  see,  completely  opposed  to  that  for  which 
the  military  forces  of  a  nation  exist  today.  In  causes  of  a 
purely  humanitarian  character,  the  Government  of  today 
employs  only  the  negative  force  of  the  State:  diplomacy, 
which  would  have  no  other  result  than  that  of  chattering; 
stirring  up  confusion;  tangling  the  skeins  of  yarn  as  much  as 
possible;  throwing  dust  in  the  eyes  of  the  masses;  anaes- 
thetizing the  nation;  reducing  every  heart  throb  of  collective 
life  to  status  quo;  to  this  most  convenient  Latin  ellipsis 
(convenient  for  the  strong,  but  wickedly  disastrous  for  the 
weak),  which  is  fossilized  and  is  fossilizing. 

Must  the  nations  continue  to  face  a  situation  so  evident, 
so  tangible  in  chronic  evil,  opposing  the  murderous  facts  of 
the  deaf  and  ferocious  plutocrats  with  only  the  usual 
innocuous  words? 

If  so,  the  people  could  not  do  other  than  rivet  to  them- 
selves the  chains  of  servitude;  they  could  not  do  other  than 
perpetuate  war,  always  to  the  advantage  of  the  more  astute, 

^The  other   causes  which   determined   the   great  war   (pan-Slavism,  French 
revenge,  Italian  Irredentism,  etc.)  were  all  of  secondary  importance. 


260  FOURTH  PART 

who  idly  reap  all  of  the  benefits,  and  to  the  damage  of  the 
credulous,  who  labor  and  who  suffer. 

So  long  as  nationalistic  industrialisms  with  their 
respective  commercial  competitions  exist;  so  long  as  plu- 
tocracies exist  which  have  in  their  hands  to  dispose  of  at 
their  pleasure  all  of  the  positive  forces  of  the  nations  (from 
financial  to  military),  duly  legalized  by  governments  and 
blessed  by  religions,  which  are  also,  by  the  grace  of  God, 
at  the  service  of  the  strong;  so  long  as  plutocracies  provoke 
war  because  of  a  thirst  for  riches  and  dominion,  originated  by 
innate  hardness  of  heart;  so  long  as  all  this  exists,  the  inertia 
of  the  people,  armed  only  by  old  lachrymose  and  even 
scornful  rhetoric,  is  not  other,  to  my  mind,  than  an  incon- 
gruity, anachronism,  folly,  suicide.  It  is  the  fragile  glass 
that  would  resist  the  powerful  blow  of  the  sledge  hammer, 
the  soap  bubble  that  would  resist  the  rock. 

The  way  must  be  changed.  We  are  in  a  century  in 
which  one  must  reasonably  believe  in  only  a  single  truth: 
that  which  teaches  —  or  better,  is  demonstrated  by  —  posi- 
tive science.  One  must  therefore  live  a  little  less  in  the 
metaphysical  world  of  dreams,  and  a  little  more  in  the 
physical  world  of  reality.  The  words  with  which  Joshua 
stopped  the  sun  and  moon,  the  words  with  which  Christ 
raised  Lazarus  of  Bethany,  are  no  other  now  than  old  and 
rusty  biblical  iron. 

The  people  must  have  facts.  They  must,  without  dis- 
tinction, create  among  themselves  a  solid  spiritual  alliance 
(prodrome  of  their  universal  political  union) :  and  establish 
as  a  fundamental  principle  of  justice,  inviolate  and  in- 
variable, that  when  a  controversy  between  two  nations 
degenerates  into  war,  each  of  the  people  not  involved  in  the 
controversy  so  degenerated  must  a  priori  impose  on  their 
own  government  an  armed  intervention  in  favor  of  the 
weaker  nation  which  one  finds  on  the  side  of  reason  On 
the  side  of  reason,  not  according  to  the  porcine  point  of 
view  of  the  big-bellied,  cruel  minority  called  plutocracy; 
not  according  to  verbose  partisan  laws  voted  by  parliaments 
and  sanctioned  by  kings,  emperors  or  presidents  of  republics; 
not   according  to  the  fantastic  and  complacent  sentences 


HUMAN  SOLIDARITY  261 

flung  by  petticoated  comedians  of  the  different  arbitrary 
tribunals  of  the  Hague.  But  on  the  side  of  reason  accord- 
ing to  the  judgment  that  springs  spontaneously,  free  from 
preconceived  ideas  and  passions,  from  free  intelligence,  from 
the  candid  conscience  of  the  people  themselves:  above  all, 
according  to  the  natural  guide  of  life  which  makes  the 
cause  of  the  weak  always  beautiful,  sacred,  and  worthy  of 
victory. 

Only  in  such  a  manner  for  the  present  can  one  curb  the 
aggressive  mania  of  the  stronger.  Only  in  such  a  manner 
can  wars  be  prevented. 

In  fact,  if  the  Government  of  Francis  Joseph,  for  example, 
could  have  known  in  anticipation  that  the  peoples  of  Europe, 
even  of  the  whole  world,  would  rise  up  and  intervene  prompt- 
ly with  all  of  the  positive  forces  of  their  nations  in  defense 
of  little  Serbia,  the  Government  of  Francis  Joseph,  however 
powerful  and  arrogant,  however  much  upheld  by  that 
military  colossus,  the  German  Empire,  would  never  have 
dared  to  dictate  to  the  little  Balkan  nation  who  was  defend- 
ing her  own  independence.  It  would  not  have  had  the 
insane  temerity  to  send  to  it  in  July,  1914,  that  ultimatum 
which  unchained  the  most  terrible  inferno  in  the  world's 
history. 

But  the  spiritual  alliance  of  the  people  (prodrome  of 
a  universal  political  union)  can  never  be  effected  if  from  the 
first  the  two  most  advanced  groups  of  doctrinaires,  which 
have  an  extraordinary  moral  ascendency  over  the  people, 
do  not  know  how  to  adapt  effectively  their  pacifist  theories 
—  freed  from  every  dogmatic  sophism  —  to  the  events 
which  day  by  day  unfold  themselves. 

The  first  group:  those  who  limit  human  progress  to 
the  struggle  between  classes  (the  economic  problem)  are 
in  favor  of  war  only  in  the  case  where  it  is  necessary  to 
defend  from  an  invading  foe  the  country  in  which  all  the 
material  interests  of  the  national  proletariat  are  concen- 
trated.    These  are  the  Conditional  Neutrals. 

The  second  group:  those  who  await  the  destruction 
of  every  political,  judicial,  military,  economic  and  religious 


262  FOURTH   PART 

authority  by  revolution  and  are  opposed  to  all  wars,  because 
wars  are  made  only  for  the  round-bellies  of  their  masters. 
These  are  Absolute  Neutrals. 

The  members  of  these  groups  are  doubtless  animated  by 
right  motives.  They  aim  at  the  high  purpose  which  every 
open  and  active  mind  and  sensitive  heart  aims:  the  eman- 
cipation of  all  oppressed  beings.  I  therefore  wish  to  reason 
calmly  with  them.^ 

And  I  say  to  the  Conditional  Neutrals: 

Thetheoryof  waronly  for  national  defense,  which  you  sus- 
tain, is  in  open  contradiction  to  the  doctrines  which  you  say 
that  you  profess, — doctrines  which  in  their  idealistic  con- 
tents are  conspicuously  and  rigorously  international  and 
do  not  admit  of  restrictions  of  any  sort.  The  cry,  ''Work- 
men of  every  nation,  unite!"  in  which  are  synthesized  those 
doctrines  which  cannot  be  interpreted  exclusively  in  the 
economic  sense  as  you  seem  to  believe  —  must  be  inter- 
preted logically  in  a  much  wider  sense,  at  least  if  one  would 
not  wish  to  belittle  the  merit  of  him  who  launched  it; 
must  be  interpreted  in  a  sense  embracing  every  social 
problem  from  which  the  economic  problem  cannot  be 
eliminated  without  disturbing  the  harmony  or  absolutely 
breaking  the  compages  of  things  which  regulate  and  per- 
petuate human  progress. 

Because  the  social  question  is  polyhedric.  And  the 
economic  problem  is  none  other  than  a  part  of  the  social 
question,  one  face  of  the  polyhedron  each  part  of  which  is 
intimately  connected  with  the  others;  and  the  economic 
problem  is  even  dependent  upon  the  others  and  it  comes 
from  one  cause:  ignorance.  This  was  clearly  demonstrated 
three  centuries  ago,  during  the  most  horrible  torture  of 
the  lay  and  ecclesiastic  inquisition,  by  that  most  daring 
father  of  universal  communism,  my  encyclopaedic  fellow- 
countryman,  Tommaso  Campanella. 

According  to  the  belief  of  this  giant  precursor  of  the 
civil   redemption  of  humanity  —  a  belief  which  has   been 

^  I  do  not  occupy  myself  with  the  other  groups  of  pacifists,  because  they —  being 
an  emanation  more  or  less  direct  from  the  plutocracy  —  cannot  be  logical. 
"Let  us  not  speak  of  them,  but  look  and  pass." 

(Dante,  Inferno,  Canto  III.) 


HUMAN  SOLIDARITY  263 

fully  confirmed  by  the  facts  of  the  social  situation,  our 
maladjustments  come  from  the  following  causes: 

First  —  Ig7iorancey  which,  preventing  the  knowledge  of 
true  vices  and  of  true  virtues,  generates  and  nourishes 
evil,  "under  which  the  world  chafes  and  weeps." 

Second  —  Blind  Self-love;  that  is,  Egotism,  worthy  son 
of  Ignorance. 

Third  —  Tyranny  (false  power),  sophism  (false  science), 
Hypocrisy  (false  love),  the  three  extreme  evils  (the  triple 
lies)  which  have  "root  and  fomentation"  in  blind  self-love. 

Fourth  —  Famine;  that  is,  misery  (the  economic  prob- 
lem), warsy  pestilence y  envy,  deceit^  injusticCy  luxury ^  sloth, 
disdain,  all  derived  from  the  three  extreme  evils  to  which 
they  are  hierarchically  subject. 

Therefore,  the  economic  problem  cannot  be  detached 
from  the  others;  cannot  be  settled  independently  of  the 
others.  If  it  could  thus  be  resolved,  its  isolated  solution 
could  not  attain  its  object  (the  moral  betterment  of  the 
world)  toward  which  the  whole  question  tends.  And  the 
proof  of  this,  my  assertion,  which  at  first  seems  a  paradox, 
comes  to  us  by  means  of  this  same  plutocracy  in  an  un- 
answerable manner. 

It  is  a  fact,  and  I  trust  that  on  this  point  there  will  be 
no  divergence  of  opinion,  that  plutocracy  is  composed  of 
flesh  and  bone,  is  of  exactly  the  same  species  as  that  of  the 
proletariat. 

The  plutocrats  have  splendidly  solved  the  economic 
problem  to  their  own  advantage.  I  trust  that  on  this  point 
there  may  be  no  difference  of  opinion. 

But  has  the  solution  of  the  problem  which  has  brought 
all  of  the  luxuries,  all  of  the  sensual  pleasures  of  life  within 
the  reach  of  the  plutocrats, —  has  it  brought  to  them  a 
proportionate  betterment? 

Absolutely  it  has  not. 

The  solution  of  the  economic  problem  (luxuries  and 
sensual  pleasures  ad  infinitum)  has  instead  brought  to  the 
plutocrats  a  fearful  moral  retrogression  visible  even  to  the 
blind.  It  has  taught  that  this  solution,  when  unaccom- 
panied by  the  solution  of  the  other  social  problems,  is  not 


264  FOURTH  PART 

and  never  can  be  the  panacea  which  is  preached  by  super- 
ficial and  short-sighted  theorists.  It  has  demonstrated 
once  more,  and  today  more  than  ever,  the  positive  value 
of  the  truth  which  was  proclaimed  in  the  difficult  and 
dark  ages  by  that  great  apostle  from  Stilo,  Calabria,  who 
was,  with  Vinci,  Pomponazzi,  Telesio,  Bruno,  and  Galilei, 
one  of  the  creative  geniuses  of  modern  positivism;  of  that 
positivism  which  for  the  voluble  authority  of  the  word  sub- 
stituted the  solid  authority  of  facts;  of  that  positivism  cul- 
minating in  our  day  in  the  monumental  works  of  that  other 
pure  Italian  who  is  the  living  pride  and  glory  of  Italy:  Pro- 
fessor Roberto  Ardigo. 

And  if  the  cry  which  synthesizes  the  doctrine  professed 
by  you,  Conditional  Neutrals,  has  a  content  conspicuously 
and  rigorously  international,  I  do  not  understand  with 
what  conscience  or  more,  with  what  heart,  you  can  restrict 
the  war  to  national  defense  only,  permitting  the  stronger 
nation,  which  is  found  on  the  side  of  wrong,  to  assault  and 
devour  at  its  pleasure  the  weaker  nations  which  are  found 
on  the  side  of  right. 

Such  a  restrictive  principle  (war  only  for  national  de- 
fense) is  an  unheard  of  and  selfish  cruelty.  It  is  the  most 
repugnant  ironic  interpretation  of  internationalism,  or  what 
calls  itself  internationalism.  It  is  the  absolute  negation 
of  every  human  and  animal  solidarity.  I  say  animal,  because 
even  the  animals  feel  and  put  in  practice  among  themselves 
that  which  we  humans  call  moral  solidarity  toward  the 
weak.  The  example  of  the  dog  suffices  to  illustrate  this. 
He  continually  risks  his  own  life  to  defend  the  weak  and 
innocent  sheep  from  the  strong,  arrogant,  and  savage  wolf. 

And  your  own  nation,  my  dear  Conditional  Neutrals, 
would  not  be  long  in  falling  a  victim  to  the  plutocratic 
perfidy  and  cupidity  of  some  stronger  nation;  a  victim  of 
your  own  error. 

Because  it  is  not  enough  to  wish  to  defend.  One  must 
be  able  to  defend.  Serbia  also  wished  to  defend  herself 
against  Austria.  Belgium  wished  to  defend  herself  against 
Germany.  But  each  one,  being  too  small,  and  in  conse- 
quence too  feeble  compared  with  its  aggressors,  was  con- 


HUMAN  SOLIDARITY  265 

strained  to  succumb,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  it  based 
its  defense  on  its  rights  of  independence  and  on  points  of 
honor  more  than  sacred. 

And  the  two  heroic  peoples  (Serbia  and  Belgium)  can 
never  rise  again,  and  will  always  remain  slaves  of  the 
tyrants  who  have  trampled  upon  them  with  military 
brutality,  if  they  must  await  aid  from  brothers  who  boast 
themselves  internationalists  but  remain  encased  in  their 
shell  of  national  neutrality. 

And  if  the  social  question  embraces  many  other  problems 
besides  that  of  the  economic,  and  if  the  emancipation  of  the 
oppressed  depends  on  the  parallel  solution  of  all  of  these 
problems  and  not  on  the  solution  of  only  one  of  them,  I 
do  not  understand  why  you,  followers  of  the  cry  which 
synthesizes  the  social  question  in  all  of  its  idealistic  entirety, 
must  persist  only  in  the  solution  of  the  economic  problem. 
I  do  not  understand  how  you  can  detach  yourselves  or  in- 
terest yourselves  so  little  in  the  other  problems  when  it 
is  demonstrated  that  the  parallel  solution  of  all,  not  the 
isolated  solution  of  one,  can  eliminate  evils  "under  which 
the  world  trembles  and  weeps";  the  evils  which  retard  the 
longed-for  emancipation. 

One  knows  that  nowadays  wars  are  not  waged  to  revenge 
the  offended  honor  of  Menelaus  —  who  may  be  more  or  less 
crowned  —  as,  for  example,  was  the  mythological  war  of 
Greece  made  against  Troy  of  Homeric  memory. 

Wars  nowadays,  as  has  been  hinted  before  and  as  you 
yourselves.  Conditional  Neutrals,  recognize,  are  made  for 
ends  essentially  economic;  for  ends  such  as  the  doctrines 
which  you  are  said  to  profess  tend,  even  when  interpreted 
in  their  highest  sense. 

And  if  they  are  made  for  ends  essentially  economic,  I 
do  not  see  the  reason  for  which  you,  followers  of  inter- 
nationalism reduced  even  to  its  lowest  terms,  that  is  to 
strictly  economic  terms,  should  abstain  from  intervention. 

Because  such  ends,  you  object,  do  not  touch  the  economic 
interests  of  our  national  proletariat. 

That  the  economic  interests  of  a  neutral  nation  are 
endangered  —  given  the  present  industrial  and  commercial 


266  FOURTH   PART 

organization  of  the  world  —  by  a  war  between  two  or  more 
nations,  and  especially  by  a  war  of  such  gigantic  proportions 
as  that  which  has  been  raging  for  three  years  in  old  Europe 
and  by  reflection  has  affected  the  whole  world,  is  a  self- 
evident  truth  to  every  intelligence. 

But  even  if  —  to  take  it  as  an  hypothesis  —  the  eco- 
nomic interests  of  the  neutral  national  proletariat  were  not 
endangered  by  the  war  of  others,  you  Conditional  Neu- 
trals should  consider  it  equally  your  duty  to  interfere  to 
defend  the  economic  interests  of  the  proletariat  of  the 
weaker  nation  which  is  assaulted  by  the  plutocratically 
stronger,  and  this  because  of  the  factive  elements  and  not 
the  chatterings  of  the  doctrines  which  you  say  that  you 
profess. 

The  sentimental  scruples  which  w411  not  permit  you  to 
intervene  in  war  because  you  would  be  constrained  to  kill 
your  brothers,  must  be  eliminated. 

In  case  of  national  defense  would  not  the  invaders  be 
your  brothers  whom  you  would  be  obliged  to  kill? 

Are  not  the  scabs  also  your  brothers,  and  brothers  of 
your  own  nation  whom  you  fight  and  kill  during  the  strikes? 

And  these  strikes  themselves  which  you  are  continually 
making  as  defensive  means  in  the  class  struggle,  are  they 
not  substantially  wars  between  brothers  who  are  exploited, 
and  those  who  are  not;  wars  of  hate  between  unionist  and 
non-unionist  brothers? 

You  unionist  workmen  strike,  assault,  and  kill  without 
mercy  your  non-unionist  brothers.  And  why?  To  defend 
yourselves  against  their  economic  competition.  But  these 
non-unionists  rarely  take  your  places  in  your  work  for  malig- 
nant reasons.  In  the  majority  of  cases  they  are  none  other 
(and  I  know  this  only  too  well)  than  sons,  brothers,  hus- 
bands, and  fathers  reduced  to  extreme  misery.  They,  not 
knowing  to  what  saint  to  pray  in  their  extremity  or  where 
to  turn  their  heads,  face  your  insults  with  desperation  in 
their  souls  and  run  to  the  conquest  of  a  mouthful  of  bread 
or  a  bit  of  coal  which  may  save  those  dependent  upon  them 
from  starvation. 

You  do  not  wish  to  face  these  facts.     You  do  not  wish 


HUMAN  SOLIDARITY  267 

to  know  the  reasons,  which  are  beyond  their  control,  which 
force  your  unfortunate  brothers  to  enter  into  competition 
against  you.  You  know  only  that  they  injure  your  cause, 
and  for  this  you  fight  to  destroy  them. 

And  the  gunmen,  so-called  in  America  (I  allude  to  the 
savage  private  policemen  charged  to  ''maintain  order"  dur- 
ing the  strikes)  are  they  not  also  your  brothers?  Why  then 
do  you  fight  and  destroy  them? 

Because  they  do  not  hesitate  to  shoot  you.  Because 
they  do  not  hesitate  to  massacre  your  women  and  chil- 
dren. 

I  compare  the  scabs  to  the  conscript  soldiers.  I  compare 
the  gunmen  to  the  professional  soldier.  The  unwilling 
action  of  the  one  (scab  and  conscript)  is  inspired  as  is  the 
voluntary  action  of  the  other  (gunman  and  professional 
soldier)  by  plutocracy  and  is  stirred  up  by  plutocracy 
and  terminates  also  to  the  advantage  of  plutocracy. 

Now  if  you  unionist  workmen  representing  inter- 
nationalism synthesized  in  the  cry,  "Workmen  of  all  coun- 
tries, unite!"  if  you  fight  to  destroy  scabs  and  gunmen 
during  strikes,  why  should  you  not  fight  to  kill  soldiers  in 
time  of  war?  The  scabs  and  gunmen,  I  repeat,  are  your 
brothers  as  also  are  the  soldiers.  The  sins  which  the  soldiers 
commit  have  the  same  root  of  evil  as  the  scabs  and  gun- 
men; they  have  only  one  root:  plutocracy.  This  is  the  new 
and  real  Pandora's  box. 

And  if,  with  the  struggle  of  classes  culminating  in  the 
murder  of  scabs  and  gunmen  during  strikes,  you,  Conditional 
Neutrals,  economically  defend  your  national  proletariat 
interests  against  your  national  plutocracy,  you  must  at  the 
same  time  and  for  the  sake  of  the  international  doctrine 
which  you  say  you  profess,  not  only  admit  the  justice  of 
armed  intervention  in  every  way  today  in  defense,  not  only 
of  the  territorial  integrity  of  your  nation,  protecting  the 
material  interests  of  your  national  proletariat,  but,  also  in 
defense  of  the  territorial  integrity  including  the  mate- 
rial interests  of  all  of  the  other  weaker  nations  assaulted 
by  the  common  enemy  (plutocracy)  for  economic  and 
insatiable  greed. 


268  FOURTH   PART 

If  you  will  persist  in  your  restrictive  attitude,  Conditional 
Neutrals,  you  will  end  by  discrediting  the  cry  synthe- 
sizing the  doctrine  which  you  boast  that  you  profess,  be- 
cause this  cry  was  launched  to  give  a  [deadly  blow  by 
means  of  the  union  of  workmen  of  every  country,  not 
to  the  plutocracy  of  one  nation  only,  but  to  plutocracies 
of  every  nation. 

If  the  plutocracies  of  every  nation,  instead  of  dying, 
continue  to  fatten  on  the  blood  of  the  workmen  of  every 
country,  it  signifies  that  your  restrictive  action  (that  of 
conditional  neutrality)  is  not  the  right  interpretation  of  the 
cry  synthesized  in  the  doctrine  reduced  even  to  purely 
economic  terms. 

And  if,  on  the  other  hand,  the  workmen  of  five  of  the 
greatest  and  most  advanced  nations  of  the  world  (France, 
England,  Russia,  Japan  and  Italy)  —  those  who  have  list- 
ened to  the  gospel  synthesizing  the  doctrine  in  the  cry, 
"Workman  of  all  nations,  unite!" — had  placed  themselves 
militarily  at  the  side  of  Serbia  and  Belgium,  this  would  have 
signified  that  they  repudiated  the  restrictive  interpretation 
of  conditional  neutrality  and  resolutely  put  into  practice, 
especially  the  Italian  proletariats,  all  of  the  idealistic  con- 
tents, conspicuously  and  rigorously  international,  which 
their  cry  represented. 

You,  Conditional  Neutrals,  must  recognize  the  error 
into  which  you  have  fallen  (error,  considering  the  time  in 
which  we  live,  considering  the  formidable  positive  efficiency 
reached  by  plutocracies).  You  must  follow  the  practical 
good  sense  of  the  people.  If  you  do  not  do  this,  your  ranks 
will  continually  become  thinner;  you  will  be  swallowed  up  in 
the  furious  whirlwind  of  facts. 

If  you  obstinately  refuse  to  follow  the  people  in  their 
practical  good  sense,  it  means  that  you  do  not  understand 
their  spirit. 

And  the  people  will  abandon  you,  and  they  will  give 
themselves  to  those  who  will  know  how  to  lead  them  by  a 
less  tortuous  road  to  their  emancipation. 

Because  the  people  are  tired  of  waiting.  Their  physical 
and  moral  sufferings  are  growing  in  proportion  to  the  com- 
modities and  sensual  pleasures  of  plutocracy.     These  suf- 


HUMAN  SOLIDARITY  269 

ferings  have  increased  in  constant  ratio  to  the  increase  of 
the  sensual  pleasure  of  the  plutocracy. 

The  people  are  tired  of  waiting. 

Conditional  Neutrals,  meditate  on  these  truths. 

And  I  say  to  the  Absolute  Neutrals: 

Is  it  true,  as  you  have  held  and  as  I  myself  maintain, 
that  nowadays  war  is  made  for  the  round-bellies  of  the 
plutocrats.  But  who  does  the  fighting?  Is  it  the  plutocrats 
who  fight?  The  plutocrats  only  provoke  and  direct  wars. 
Those  who  in  reality  bear  the  brunt  of  the  war  are  the 
people  whom  the  plutocrats  dominate. 

Now  among  those  who  are  at  war  are  also  Absolute 
Neutrals  garbed  as  soldiers,  not  willingly  so,  but  because 
of  one  of  those  partisan  laws  favorable  to  plutocracy  (mili- 
tary conscription)  which  has  been  spoken  of  before. 

And  if  they  are  the  people  who  must  fight;  and  if  they 
are  your  brothers;  and  if  their  industrial  and  collective 
lives  are  placed  in  jeopardy,  how  can  you  remain  dis- 
interested and  inert? 

You  could  remain  thus  disinterested  and  inert,  only 
if  the  plutocrats  lived  on  a  different  planet  from  that  upon 
which  the  people  live,  on  which  your  brothers  live,  and  where 
they  could  fight  among  themselves. 

But  from  the  moment  that  the  plutocrats  inhabit  a  planet 
inhabited  also  by  the  people,  your  brothers,  and  with  the 
positive  means  at  their  command  to  enable  them  at  their 
pleasure  to  provoke  and  direct  wars,  it  is  necessary  that  you 
take  an  interested  and  active  part  in  such  wars. 

Because  the  plutocrats  lose  nothing  by  wars;  they 
always  gain.  It  is  the  people,  your  brothers,  the  humble, 
those  who  have  always  striven  and  suffered  day  and  night 
who  in  war  lose  everything.  Your  absolute  neutrality — 
in  the  face  of  the  weak  massacred  on  the  field  of  battle, 
before  their  ravished  virgins,  their  mutilated  children,  their 
sacked  and  burned  homes — places  you  in  the  same  category 
as  the  authorities  (sanctified  afterward  by  the  church)  who 
retire  to  the  solitude  of  [the  desert  and  there,  whistling  at 
the  oppressed,  selfishly  and  stupidly  think  of  nothing  ex- 
cept the  eternal  salvation  of  their  souls. 


270  FOURTH  PART 

You  object:  "But  why  don't  the  people  enter  into  the 
sphere  ofour  ideas  which  have  no  other  reason  for  being  than 
that  of  hberating  them  by  means  of  revolution  (it  not  having 
been  possible  up  to  the  present  time  to  do  so  by  other  means) 
from  plutocratic  tyranny  which  starves  and  incites  them  to 
fratricidal  butchery?" 

Before  responding  to  such  a  question  I  assert  my  belief 
that  the  individualist  regime  of  life,  which  you  long  for  and 
defend,  is  possible.  I  believe  it  is  possible,  not  because  of  a 
more  or  less  doctrinaire  pretension,  but  because  most  men  — 
if  not  all,  certainly  a  large  part  of  them  —  have  already 
touched  the  point  of  moral  purity  sufficient  to  bring  about 
the  aforesaid  regime  from  the  theoretic  to  the  practical 
stage.  I  have  no  need  to  search  among  the  dead  genera- 
tions for  proof  of  this  assertion.  It  suffices  for  me  to  look 
only  among  the  living,  and  not  farther  than  my  native  land, 
to  find  the  corroborative  proof  of  my  belief  and  affirma- 
tion. Roberto  Ardigo,  Pasquale  Villari, Theodore  Moneta, 
Guglielmo  Marconi.  Who  would  presume  to  say  that  these 
men,  and  others  such  as  these  or  even  of  lesser  intellectual 
qualities  would  have  need  of  any  sort  of  political,  judicial, 
military,  economic  or  religious  authority  to  live  among 
themselves  in  perfect  peace  and  harmony? 

Beside  this,  there  are  an  infinite  nu'rber  of  private  busi- 
ness associations  (without  speaking  cf  tribes  falsely  called 
savage)  which  are  satisfactorily  regulated  by  laws  not  written 
in  any  code;  by  laws  which  have  no  substantial  authority 
other  than  that  which  each  person  feels  within  himself  and 
obeys  in  his  relation  to  others. 

He  who  admits  the  law  of  evolution  must  honestly  admit 
individualism. 

Because  the  law  of  evolution,  morally  speaking,  implies 
nothing  else  than  the  study  of  human  virtues;  while  in- 
dividualism is  nothing  more  than  the  exercise  of  human 
virtues. 

Evolution  is  nothing  more  than  the  theory  of  civil  life; 
individualism  is  nothing  more  than  the  practice  of  human 
life. 

Individualism  —  so  far  as  it   represents  the  degree  of 


HUMAN  SOLIDARITY  271 

moral  perfection  already  attained  by  man  and  according 
to  which  he  feels  himself  disposed  to  deal  uprightly  with  his 
fellow  man  and  even  capable  of  this  —  is  the  supreme  ideal 
of  evolution,  or  I  might  say,  is  the  complement  of  evolution, 
did  I  not  know  that  evolution  as  a  synonym  of  progress  is 
infinite  and  therefore  cannot  have  a  complement,  at  least 
in  the  absolute  sense. 

After  making  this  declaration  in  honor  of  the  truth, 
Absolute  Neutrals,  let  me  say:  the  people  do  not  enter 
within  the  radius  of  your  ideas  because  they  have  not  yet 
arrived  at  the  intellectual  heights  necessary  to  comprehend 
the  sublimity  of  the  goal  to  which  you  wish  to  attain. 
And  there  are  others  who  have  reached  such  heights,  but 
who  do  not  wish  to  engage  in  a  revolution,  because  of  a 
repugnance  for  a  means  so  violent  and  sanguinary;  and 
more  than  this,  such  methods  have  never  brought,  as  history 
teaches,  substantial  results  proportionate  to  the  efforts  and 
sacrifices  made  by  revolutionists.  Such  methods  have 
never  destroyed  as  they  should  have,  and  they  have  not  even 
arrested  the  sturdy  and  arrogant  vitahty  of  plutocracies 
which  incarnate  all  of  the  evils  of  society. 

But  because  the  people  have  not  yet  reached  the  neces- 
sary intellectual  height,  and  because  they  will  not  engage 
in  revolutions,  do  you  believe,  you  Absolute  Neutrals,  that 
you  have  the  right  to  leave  them  to  themselves  during  a 
war,  or  to  leave  them  in  the  power  of  the  more  astute,  of 
the  stronger,  of  the  more  malicious? 

To  tell  the  truth,  such  a  vindictive  plan,  however 
negative  it  may  be,  is  not  compatible,  a  priori^  with  your 
principles  of  universal  brotherhood.  It  is  unworthy  of 
your  civil  apostolate.  Especially  if  one  considers  that  you, 
outside  of  war  (one  means  military  war),  do  not  hesitate 
to  break  the  rigidity  of  your  absolute  neutrality  —  which 
should  be  invulnerable  —  by  descending  in  the  field  to  fight 
battles  which  are  of  a  strictly  economic  character;  battles 
which  are  not  favorable  to  your  individualistic  theories.  I 
am  speaking  of  partial  strikes.  Why  should  one  discuss 
general  strikes,  national  or  international,  if,  from  the  day 
that  class  struggle  enters  into  a  practical  phase,  strikes  of 


272  FOURTH  PART 

every  category  are  only  made  by  rhetorical  and  high  sound- 
ing phrases? 

You  Absolute  Neutrals  have  gone  far  afield,  into  abso- 
lutely hostile  camps,  to  defend  openly  and  energetically  the 
rights  of  those  who  strike  against  the  cruel  greed  of  plutoc- 
racy, the  competition  of  scabs,  the  violence  of  gunmen. 

However,  those  who  strike  do  not  comprise  all  of  the 
proletariat,  but  are  only  a  small  part  of  them  (the  privileged 
part,  a  sort  of  caste),  the  part  which  is  the  antithesis  of 
your  ideas. 

Because,  according  to  the  idealistic  contents  of  the  doc- 
trines which  you  say  you  profess,  you  work  toward  the  en- 
tire amelioration  of  all  oppressed  peoples  without  distinction 
(there  are  hundreds  of  millions  outside  of  the  unions);  while 
the  unionists  who  strike,  work  only  to  their  own  exclusive 
material  amelioration. 

You  are  working  toward  the  destruction  of  plutocracies 
since  you  are  justly  convinced  that  on  such  destruction 
depends  the  solution  of  the  entire  social  question.  The 
unionists  instead,  as  soon  as  they  have  attained  the  material 
betterment  for  which  they  struck,  are  quieted  as  was  the 
famous  Cerberus  of  Dante: 

Cerberus,  a  cruel  beast  and  strangely  made, 
Barks  out  of  his  three  dog-like  throats 
At  those  who  were  there  submerged. 

When  Cerberus,  the  great  worm,  saw  us 

He  opened  his  mouth  and  showed  his  tusks 

And  quivered  in  every  limb. 

My  guide^  ....  took  up  earth:  and  with  full 

Fists  cast  it  into  his  ravening  gullets. 

As  the  dog  that  barking  craves  and 

Grows  quiet  when  he  bites  his  food,  for  he 

Strains  and  battles  only  to  devour  it,  so  did 

Those  squalid  visages  of  Cerberus,  the 

Demon,  who  thundered  on  the  spirits  so  they  would 

Fain  be  deaf.^ 

»  Virgil. 

'  The  epicures  and  Rluttons  of  the  Third  Circle.    Divine  Comedy,  Inferno,  Canto 
VI  ("Temple  Classics"). 


HUMAN  SOLIDARITY  273 

And  when  the  unionists  believe  themselves  to  be  well 
paid,  they  no  longer  fight  the  plutocrats.  They  recognize 
the  legitimate  existence  of  the  plutocrats;  they  make  them 
more  solid;  they  fatten  them  more  and  more.  They  even 
come  to  a  point  where  they  admire,  magnify,  and  idolize 
them.  One  can  see  this  in  a  thousand  cases.  For  the 
sake  of  brevity  I  will  cite  only  two  which  are  truly  typical. 
One  case,  proving  my  first  affirmation  —  that  the  unionists 
are  selfishly  quieted,  after  they  have  obtained  the  raise  of 
wages  for  which  they  have  struck;  the  second  case  proving 
my  second  affirmation  that  the  unionists,  when  they  believe 
themselves  well  paid,  recognize  even  indirectly  the  legitimate 
existence  of  the  plutocracy,  and  fatten  the  plutocrats  more 
and  more  even  though  they  do  so  involuntarily;  they  admire, 
they  magnify,  and  they  even  idolize  them  hypocritically. 

The  first  case:  The  unionists  who  work  in  the  great 
clothing  factory  of  Hart,  SchafFner  &  Marx,  of  Chicago, 
Illinois,  one  day  struck  to  obtain  a  raise  of  wages.  Hart, 
SchafFner  &  Marx  raised  the  pay,  according  to  the  demands 
of  the  strikers.  These  returned  to  their  work  satisfied. 
From  that  moment  one  saw  no  more  life  among  them,  they 
did  not  move  again,notevenwhen  their  unionist  brothers  (the 
other  tailors  of  Chicago)  were  reduced  to  the  most  miserable 
economic  condition  and  struck  solidly  and  fought  desperate- 
ly for  weeks  to  obtain  for  themselves  a  raise  of  wages  from 
the  other  local  manufacturers.^ 

The  second  case:  The  employees  of  the  automobile 
manufacturer,  Henry  Ford,  of  Detroit,  Michigan,  believe 
that  they  are  well  paid.  But  this  fact  does  not  prevent 
this  good  man  from  annually  accumulating  millions  and 
millions  of  dollars  for  his  own  benefit  from  the  work  for 
which  the  laborers  beheve  (bless  them!)  that  the  munificent 
plutocrat  has  paid  them  so  well. 

And  besides  this,  the  unionists  do  not  even  in  the  final 
count  obtain  for  themselves  the  benefits  for  which  they  have 
struck. 

^  During  the  tailors'  strike  of  Chicago  in  1915  it  was  shown  that  some  women 
workers  did  not  receive  more  than  ^1.75  per  week.  Of  this  amount  they  were 
obliged  to  use  daily  ten  cents  for  carfare  to  go  and  return  from  work. 


274  FOURTH   PART 

When  the  plutocrats  accede  to  their  demands  by  aug- 
menting the  pay  of  the  strikers,  the  latter  believe  that  they 
have  won.  But  this  is  simply  an  illusion.  The  truth  is 
very  different.  And  it  is  the  plutocrats  who  lose  nothing. 
That  which  they  give  with  one  hand,  they  take  with  the  other 
hand;  they  even  retake  double  or  more.  (The  plutocrats, 
know  arithmetic  very  well;  intellectually  speaking  they 
know  little  besides  arithmetic.) 

An  example:  the  miners  struck  for  a  raise  of  wages. 
The  employers  acceded  to  the  demands  and  increased  their 
pay.  But  they  afterward  sold  the  coal  to  the  same  em- 
ployees with  an  increase  of  price,  corresponding  to  or  more 
than  making  up  the  raise  of  wage  which  the  strike  had  obHged 
them  to  yield.  Without  considering  that  such  raise  of 
wages,  which  were  wisely  transformed  by  the  plutocrats  into 
a  raise  in  price,  falls  on  the  shoulders  also  of  unionists  of 
the  other  categories  of  workers  who  have  not  struck;  it  falls 
also  on  the  shoulders  of  the  workmen  who  cannot  or  will 
not  join  the  unions;  it  falls  therefore  on  the  shoulders  of 
that  eternal,  useful,  patient,  and  beaten  ass:   the  people. 

And  who  suffers  the  other  inconveniences  which  are  born 
out  of  strikes?  Certainly  not  the  plutocrats;  instead,  it  is 
the  just  who  suffer  for  the  unjust.  In  the  Chicago  tailors' 
strike  of  191 5,  of  which  we  have  made  mention  for  example, 
I  personally  knew  many  who  at  the  beginning  of  the  strike 
were  without  a  penny  in  their  pockets.  These  poor  crea- 
tures, during  the  long  weeks  of  the  strike,  did  not  receive 
one  cent  of  assistance  from  the  union  of  which  they  were  a 
part;  thus  they  and  their  families  suffered  from  hunger;  while 
the  plutocrats  (the  employers  who  resisted  the  strike)  did 
not  miss  theirLucullan  meals  any  morethan  beforethe  strike. 
It  is  true  that  a  certain  sum  (a  few  thousand  dollars)  was 
collected  at  that  time,  but  such  alms  (coming  in  great  part 
from  private  individuals,  certainly  not  from  the  proletariat, 
and  I  do  not  know  with  what  conscience  and  dignity  it  was 
accepted  by  the  strike  leaders)  was  unequal  to  the  needs  of 
the  strikers,  partly  because  it  was  unequally  distributed,  not 
to  say  worse. 

Now  if  you.  Absolute  Neutrals,  take  an  active  part  in 


HUMAN  SOLIDARITY  275 

partial  strikes  to  aid  unionists  who  are  substantially  none 
other  than  the  privileged  minority  of  the  proletariat,  as 
plutocracy  is  none  other  than  the  privileged  minority  of  the 
bourgeoisie,  with  much  more  reason  should  you  take  an  ac- 
tive part  in  the  war,  which  is  made  to  aid  the  weaker  nations 
to  free  themselves  from  the  cupidity  of  the  stronger;  in  wars 
which  are  much  nearer  to  revolutions  than  strikes,  especially 
if  one  considers  that  only  theoretically  do  you  combat  the 
unions,  while  you  defend  the  weaker  nations.  You  theoret- 
ically fight  against  unionist  laborers,  but  practically  you  aid 
them  in  their  strikes  against  their  oppressors.  In  fact,  you 
preach  one  thing  and  you  practice  another. 

How  much  this  system  has  damaged  your  cause  you 
yourselves  can  well  imagine,  especially  if  you  consider  that 
by  aiding  the  unionists  in  a  strike  you  do  not  destroy  the 
positive  forces  of  the  plutocracy,  but  instead,  you  augment 
and  perpetuate  them;  while  aiding  the  weaker  nations  in 
war  you  destroy  the  positive  forces  of  plutocracies;  or  if 
you  do  not  destroy  them,  you  begin  to  destroy  them,  which 
amounts  to  the  same  thing. 

The  groups  which,  inspired  by  the  individualistic  doc- 
trines, are  hoping  to  reach  their  goal  by  means  of  partial 
strikes,  are  like  those  who  grind  water  in  a  mortar;  the  groups 
which  obstinately  remain  in  a  verbose  and  virulent  inertia 
during  such  a  war  as  that  of  Europe  —  a  war  which  opens  a 
new  historical  epoch  —  are  groups  which  are  not  in  touch 
with  life,  are  against  life,  and  in  consequence  against  human- 
ity which  loves  life,  against  humanity  which  is  life. 

They  will  be  struck  by  the  fatal  law  of  elimination  be- 
cause of  their  own  fault.     They  will  perish. 

Absolute  Neutrals,  meditate  upon  these  truths! 

The  Italian  people  believed  that  the  theory  of  conditional 
neutrality  (war  only  for  national  defense)  and  the  theory  of 
absolute  neutrality  (peace  at  any  price)  if  put  into  practice 
would  have  driven  humanity  back  into  the  primitive  chaos 
of  barbarism  where  nothing  but  brute  force  reigned;  would 
have  trampled  under  foot  the  foundation  of  every  idea  of 
justice  and  civilization. 


276  FOURTH  PART 

Because  the  tyrants,  always  thirsting  for  more  riches 
and  dominion,  commit  at  their  pleasure  any  sort  of  crime, 
secure  of  immunity.  Who  indeed  could  punish  them  if  the 
people  of  the  nations  who  are  not  implicated  in  wars  (wars 
incited  by  the  stronger  nation  which  is  in  the  wrong,  against 
the  weaker  nation  which  is  in  the  right),  did  not  combine 
solidly  and  practically  with  this  latter? 

Non-intervention  before  an  evil  is  committed,  and  the 
cry  of  peace  after  the  evil  is  committed,  would  be  a  fine 
comedy  for  crowned  and  uncrowned  villains. 

In  such  way  the  mine  owner  could  very  w^ell,  for  example, 
have  his  striking  miners,  with  wives  and  children,  killed  by 
his  gunmen;  then  he  could  demand  peace  and  all  would  be 
happily  ended.  Exactly  as  a  certain  rehgion  which  says  to 
man:  "Commit  any  sin  which  you  wish;  afterward  present 
yourself  at  the  feet  of  your  confessor  whom  I  keep  at  your 
disposal,  and  all  will  be  pardoned  you  in  the  name  of  the  God 
whom  I  represent." 

What  3.  festal  What  a  game! 

The  splendid  example  of  practical  human  solidarity 
given  by  the  Italian  people,  imposing  on  their  own  govern- 
ment armed  intervention  in  the  great  war  in  defense  of  the 
weaker  nations  which  were  assaulted  by  the  stronger,  might 
be  pondered  upon  and  imitated  by  other  peoples. 

This  example  shows  in  a  solemn  manner  how  it  may  be 
possible,  even  easy,  to  bring  about  the  spiritual  alliance 
of  the  people,  provided  that  the  Conditional  Neutrals  and 
the  Absolute  Neutrals  recognize  their  error. 

Certain  it  is  that  the  spiritual  alliance  of  a  people  will 
not  destroy  military  influence  in  twenty-four  hours,  but 
by  strengthening,  holding  back  skillfully  and  energetically 
these  forces  against  the  plutocracy  which  owns  them,  the 
spiritual  alliance  of  the  people  would  be  able  immediately  to 
put  an  end  to  war. 

Do  not  in  heaven's  name  repeat  the  old  ritornello:  "This 
war  will  be  the  last.  This  war  will  signal  the  end  of  mili- 
tarism. After  this  war  we  shall  have  permanent  universal 
peace,"  etc. 

I  conclude. 


HUMAN  SOLIDARITY  277 

As  long  as  there  are  national  industrial  plutocracies  with 
their  related  commercial  competitions  between  nations, 
there  will  be  militarism  and  there  will  be  war. 

Because  militarism  (I  speak  of  the  militarism  of  today) 
is  none  other  than  an  organism  created  and  maintained  by 
plutocracies  to  defend  the  infinite  interests  of  plutocracies, 
the  infinite  increase  of  plutocracies. 

Plutocracies  are  the  cause.  Militarism  is  the  effect. 
Can  one  destroy  the  effect  without  first  destroying  the 
cause.'' 

And  can  one  prevent  war  only  by  preaching  peace  and 
continuing  to  kneel  at  the  feet  of  potentates  ? 

War  has  existed  since  man  existed. 

Peace  has  been  preached  since  war  existed. 

But  the  preaching  of  peace  has  never  been  able  to  pre- 
vent war,  because  war  is  a  material  fact,  is  action,  while  the 
preaching  of  peace  is  an  immaterial  fact;  nothing  but  words. 

If  the  preaching  of  peace  could  have  prevented  war,  it 
would  have  done  so  from  the  first  day  or  during  the  cen- 
turies in  which  peace  has  opposed  itself  to  war. 

And  we  cannot  wait  until  the  potentates  themselves  pre- 
vent it,  because  war  is  the  life  of  potentates.  And  the 
potentates  are  not  so  tender,  nor  even  so  foolish  as  to  sac- 
rifice their  own  lives  for  the  love  of  peace. 

War  will  be  prevented  only  when  the  preaching  of  peace 
shall  be  transformed  into  a  spiritual  alliance  of  the  peoples; 
only  when  it  shall  transform  itself  into  the  armed  interven- 
tion of  a  people  (allied  spiritually  among  themselves)  in 
defense  of  the  weaker  nation  which  is  in  the  right,  and  which 
has  been  assaulted  by  the  stronger  nations  which  are  in  the 
wrong. 

Only  then  the  pure  blood  of  the  youth  of  Italy,  and  of 
the  whole  world,  spilled  in  rivers  on  the  fields  of  Europe  for 
the  past  three  years,  can  seriously  prelude  universal  peace  so 
longed  for  by  humanity,  and  a  lasting  universal  peace  which 
is  so  necessary  to  humanity. 


278  FOURTH  PART 

VIII 
The  betrayal. 

Wherein  was  the  treachery  that  the  Italian  people  com- 
mitted against  Austria-Hungary  and  Germany  by  breaking 
the  treaty  of  the  triple  alliance  and  entering  into  war  in 
behalf  of  Serbia,  Belgium,  France,  England,  and  Russia? 

First  of  all,  the  legend  must  be  destroyed  that  the 
monarchical  Government  of  Savoy  is  a  constitutional  one; 
that  the  king  is  nothing,  or  less  than  nothing;  that  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people  (the  deputies  of  the  national 
parliament)  are  everything. 

The  monarchical  Government  of  Savoy  is,  if  not  in  name, 
certainly  in  fact,  a  government  absolute  and  despotic.  The 
King  is  everything.  And  the  representatives  of  the  govern- 
ment are  mere  figures. 

The  King  of  Italy  by  virtue  of  the  Statute  (that  is,  the 
fundamental  law  of  the  State  which  is  today  that  same  law 
promulgated  by  Carlo  Alberto  on  March  4,  1848)  has  the 
right  to  direct  personally  —  or  by  means  of  his  ministers, 
which  is  the  same  thing  ^ —  all  foreign  policies  of  the  nation. '^ 

Such  right  the  Kings  of  Savoy  have  known  only  too  well 
how  to  use;  and  the  present  King,  Victor  Emanuel  III,  in 
spite  of  his  court-followers  and  courtiers  who  always  extol  him 
as  the  most  democratic  sovereign  in  the  world,  has  made  un- 
limited use  of  it. 

Victor  Emanuel  III  in  191 2  renewed  the  treaty  of  the 
alliance  with  Austria  and  Germany  for  another  twelve  years, 
without  in  any  way  consulting  the  deputies  of  the  national 
parliament  elected  by  the  people;  without  their  consent; 

*  Article  LXV  of  the  Statutes  'says:  "The  King  nominates  and  dismisses  his 
ministers." 

^Article  V  of  the  Statute  says:  "To  the  King  alone  belongs  the  executive 
power.  He  is  the  Supreme  Head  of  the  State;  he  commands  all  of  the  forces  of 
land  and  sea;  declares  war;  makes  all  treaties  of  peace,  of  alliance,  of  commerce,  and 
others,  giving  notice  of  them  to  the  cabinet  as  soon  as  the  interest  and  the  security 
of  the  State  permits,  or  when  it  seems  opportune.  The  treaties  which  might 
bring  honor  to  the  finances  of  the  State  or  increase  its  territory  would  not  be 
valid  without  the  consent  of  the  cabinet." 


THE  BETRAYAL  279 

against  the  will  of  the  people;  even  against  the  interests  of 
the  nation  itself. 

Victor  Emanuel  III  declared  and  directed  the  colonial 
war  of  1911-1912  against  Turkey  without  at  all  consulting 
the  deputies  of  the  National  Parliament  elected  by  the 
people;  without  their  consent;  against  the  will  of  the  people. 
And  only  at  the  conclusion  of  peace  did  Victor  Emanuel  III 
deign  to  announce  to  the  representatives  of  the  people, 
that  is,  to  the  people,  that  Libya  (Tripoli  and  Cyrenaica) 
was  conquered,  and,  by  royal  decree,  proclaimed  a  province 
of  the  realm. 

And  not  only  the  foreign  policy  but  the  internal  policies 
of  the  nation  are  personally  directed  by  the  King  of  Italy. 

It  is  true  that  the  honorable  representatives  of  the  people 
discuss  and  approve  the  laws  of  the  nation.  But  such 
laws  cannot  be  put  in  action,  if  first  they  are  not  discussed 
and  approved  by  the  Senate  and  sanctioned  by  the  King 
himself.^ 

What  is  the  Senate.?  The  Senate,  in  Italy,  is  none  other 
than  the  direct  representative  of  the  King.  The  senators 
in  fact  are  not  elected  by  the  people.  They  are  nominated 
by  the  King,  and  nominated  for  life,  from  men  proved 
liege  and  faithful  to  the  crown,  from  ex-monarchical  depu- 
ties, ministers  of  State,  ambassadors,  magistrates,  generals, 
admirals,  high  administrative  functionaries  and  plutocrats. 
A  small  minority  is  named  by  the  King,  and  not  without 
caution,  from  the  most  conspicuous  intellectual  figures  of 
the  nation.^     But  this  minority  almost  never  takes  part  in 

^Article  VII  of  the  Statute  says:  /'The  king  only  can  sanction  and  promulgate 
the  laws." 

^Article  XXXIII  of  the  Statute  says:  "The  Senate  is  composed  of  members 
who  are  nominated  for  life  by  the  King — these  are  not  limited  in  number  — 
and  who  have  completed  forty  years  of  age,  and  they  are  chosen  from  among  the 
following  Usts: 

1.  The  Archbishops  and  Bishops  of  the  State; 

2.  The  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies; 

3.  The  Deputies  after  three  terms,  or  six  years  of  office; 

4.  The  Ministers  of  State; 

5.  The  Secretaries  of  State; 

6.  The  Ambassadors; 

7.  The  Envoys  Extraordinary;  after  three  years  of  office; 


280  FOURTH   PART 

the  sittings  and  deliberations  of  the  senate;  it  rarely  inter- 
ests itself  in  the  active  policy  of  the  nation.  It  is  a  passive 
minority,  nominated  by  the  King  to  throw  dust  in  the  eyes 
of  the  people  more  than  for  anything  else. 

It  will  be  objected  "that  divergencies  never  arise  among 
the  deputies  elected  by  the  people,  and  the  senators  nomi- 
nated by  the  King;  that  there  never  have  been  incompati- 
bilities between  the  parliamentary  institutes  represented 
by  the  one  or  the  other;  that  the  Senate  has  always  approved 
the  laws  discussed  and  voted  by  the  Chamber  of  deputies." 

It  is  true.     But  why? 

Because  the  majority  of  the  deputies  is  composed,  as 
is  the  majority  of  the  senators,  of  men  proved  liege  and 
faithful  to  the  crown.  It  is  also  a  majority  nominated  by 
the  King. 

And  why  are  they  nominated  by  the  King? 

I  will  tell  you  immediately:  for  the  benefit  of  court 
followers  and  sycophants  who  obstinately  picture  and  extol 

8.  The  First  President,  and  Presidents  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  of  the 
Treasury; 

9.  The  First  Presidents  of  the  Court  of  Appeals; 

10.  The  Attorney  General  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  of  the  Treasury,  after 
five  years  of  office; 

11.  The  Presidents  of  divisions  of  the  Court  of  Appeals,  after  three  years  of 
service; 

12.  The  Councillors  of  the  Supreme  Court  and  the  Treasury,  after  five  years 
of  office; 

13.  The  General  Attorneys  of  the  Court  of  Appeals,  after  five  years  of  office; 

14.  Generals  of  land  and  sea,  but  the  Major-Generals  and  the  Rear-Admirals 
must  have  had  five  years  in  that  rank  of  active  service; 

15.  The  Councillors  of  State,  after  five  years  of  office; 

16.  The  members  of  Councils  of  Divisions,  after  having  had  three  elections  to 
their  presidency. 

17.  General  Superintendents  of  Finance,  after  seven  years  of  office; 

18.  The  members  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  Science,  after  seven  years  of  office; 

19.  The  ordinary  Members  of  the  Supreme  Council  of  Public  Instruction, 
after  seven  years  of  office; 

20.  Those  who  by  high  service  or  merit  have  honored  the  Patria; 

21.  The  persons  who  for  three  years  continuously  have  paid  3,000  lire  of 
direct  tax  in  proportion  to  their  goods  or  their  business. 

Article  XXXIV  of  the  Statute  says:  "The  Princes  of  the  Royal  Family  take 
part  with  full  rights  in  the  Senate.  They  are  seated  directly  after  the  President. 
They  enter  the  Senate  at  twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  have  their  vote  at  twenty- 
five  years  of  age." 

Article  XXXV  says:  "The  President  and  the  Vice-Presidents  of  the  Senate 
are  nominated  by  the  king." 


THE  BETRAYAL  281 

the  Italian  Chamber  of  deputies  as  a  direct  and  authentic 
representative  of  the   ItaHan   people. 

In  the  political  elections  —  in  the  elections,  that  is, 
of  the  deputies  of  the  national  parliament  —  the  Italian 
Government  always  presents,  in  almost  all  of  the  508  elec- 
toral colleges  of  the  realm,  its  monarchical  candidates  in 
opposition  to  the  anti-monarchical  candidates,  or  those 
M^ho   are  not   sufficiently  monarchical. 

To  have  such  candidates  elected,  the  Italian  Government 
feverishly  puts  into  action  all  of  the  police  officers  of  the 
State  (from  the  highest  to  the  lowest).  And  through  them 
the  Government  causes  to  be  lavishly  spent  among  the 
electoral  masses  the  millions  of  lire  of  the  so-called  secret 
funds  drawn  from  the  veins  of  the  tax-payers  (that  is,  from 
the  veins  of  the  people);  it  causesextravagant  promises  of  em- 
ployments and  favors  to  be  made;  in  fact  it  corrupts  without 
scruple.  And  where  it  cannot  corrupt  it  threatens  to  use 
every  sort  of  violence  and  abuse  of  power.  In  one  of  the 
last  general  political  elections,  for  example,  Giovanni 
Giolitti,  then  president  of  the  ministry  and  minister  of  the 
interior,  even  sent  battleships  to  Sicily  to  intimidate  (and 
not  only  to  intimidate!)  with  cannons  of  great  caliber  those 
electors  who  had  shown  themselves  but  little  disposed  to 
vote  for  the  candidate  of  the  Government. 

Now  can  a  cabinet  elected  by  a  system  of  government 
so  arbitrary,  dishonest  and  infamous,  call  itself,  in  good 
conscience,  a  true  representative  of  the  people?  Is  it  not 
rather  —  except  the  small  minority  representing  the  oppos- 
ing electors  which  the  Government  in  a  manner  overrules — 
a  representative  (even  though  indirect)  of  the  King?  Can 
it  never  elect  a  majority  which  will  some  time  find  itself  in 
serious  disaccord  with  the  Senate? 

As  soon  as  the  great  war  broke  out  in  1914,  Victor 
Emanuel  III — who  could  not  personally  put  himself 
forward  for  reasons  easy  to  understand  —  in  furious  haste 
called  the  Italian  politicians  who  were  most  devoted  to 
him  (Giolitti  the  chief  of  all,  as  being  the  most  astute  and 
influential)  and  commanded  them  to  bestir  themselves,  to 
do  everything  possible  to  create  in  the  nation  a  favorable 


282  FOURTH   PART 

current  toward  the  central  empires;  to  induce  the  Italian 
people  to  respect  the  Triple  Alliance,  to  enter  without  delay 
into  the  war  on  the  side  of  Austria  and  Germany. 

The  Italian  people  were  ignorant  of  the  contents  of 
the  treaty  of  the  Triple  Alliance  because  the  King  had  never 
considered  it  his  duty  to  communicate  it  to  them,  but 
because  of  its  having  been  published  by  the  press  they  were 
aware  that  the  treaty  contained  a  basic  defensive  clause. 

Then  why  did  the  King  wish  that  Italy  should  enter 
the  field  in  the  defense  of  Austria  and  Germany  in  an 
offensive  war? 

The  Italian  people  wished  to  see  clearly  this  matter. 
And  they  knew  that  Victor  Emanuel  III  wanted  the  inter- 
vention of  Italy  at  any  cost  in  the  European  war  on  the  side 
of  Austria  and  Germany  for  the  following  reasons: 

First:  From  the  standpoint  of  dynastic  solidarity 
toward  the  Hohenzollerns.  This  dynasty  was  considered, 
at  least  until  the  breaking  out  of  the  great  war,  as  the 
prototype  of  the  imperial  militaristic  dynasties  of  the  world, 
because  on  January  i8,  1871,  it  founded  the  German 
Empire  and  because  it  gave  an  incomparable  impulse, 
power  and  solidity  to  that  empire.  The  dynasty  of  Savoy, 
itself  imperialistically  military,  could  not  but  feel  itself 
attracted  toward  its  consorella  prototype.  Like  seeks  its 
like.  It  could  not  do  other  than  feel  the  need  of  imitating 
it.  The  English  dynasty  of  Brunswick  and  the  Russian 
dynasty  of  Romanoff,  on  the  other  hand,  were  too  tightly 
bound  to  republican  France. 

Second:  Because  the  House  of  Savoy  was,  and  is, 
related  to  the  reigning  Houses  of  Austria  and  Germany. 
In  fact,  Victor  Emanuel  II,  first  King  of  Italy,  grandfather 
of  the  present  Victor  Emanuel  III,  married  Maria  Adelaide, 
daughter  of  Giuseppe  Ranieri,  Archduke  of  Austria  and 
Austrian  viceroy  of  Lombardo-Veneto  from  18 18  to  1848. 
And  this  same  Archduke  Ranieri,  in  1820,  married  Eliza- 
beth of  Savoy-Carignano,  sister  of  Carlo  Alberto.  The 
present  Queen  Margherita,  widow  of  the  second  King  of 
Italy,  Humbert  I,  and  mother  of  the  present  King,  was  a 
daughter  of  Princess  Elizabeth  who  was  a  daughter  of  King 


THE  BETRAYAL  283 

John  of  Saxony.  Prince  Thomas,^  brother  of  Queen  Mar- 
gherita,  uncle  of  the  present  King  Victor  Emanuel  III,  mar- 
ried Maria  Isabel,  daughter  of  Prince  Adalbert  of  Bavaria. 

Third:  For  personal  friendship  toward  the  Kaiser. 
The  intimate  relations  which  exist  between  Emperor  William 
II  and  the  parents  of  the  present  King  Victor  Emanuel  III 
and  between  this  same  William  II  and  this  same  Victor 
Emanuel  III  is  well  known  in  Italy  and  in  all  Europe. 

Fourth:  For  personal  financial  interests.  The  Ameri- 
can journals  and  also  some  newspapers  of  Italy  published 
the  assertion  that  the  present  King  Victor  Emanuel  III  had 
invested  more  than  100,000,000  lire  of  his  private  funds  in 
the  German  Krupp  Manufacturing  Company,  in  the  manu- 
factory that  produces  thousands  of  guns  a  year,  as  well  as 
caldrons,  armored  cars,  locomotives  and  electric  motors;  in 
the  manufactory  which  owns  arsenals,  steamships,  iron  mines 
and  coal. 

Fifth:  For  sympathy  toward  the  German  people. 
Many  Italians  have  always  felt  and  still  feel  a  sympathy 
for  the  German  people.  Why  should  not  Victor  Emanuel  III 
have  felt  this?  Is  he  not  a  man  subject  to  sentiments  and 
passions  as  are  all  others? 

Sixth:  Because  Victor  Emanuel  III  believed  that 
intervention  in  the  great  war  at  the  side  of  Austria  and 
Germany  would  have  been  of  advantage  to  the  nation. 
Many  private  Italian  citizens  believed  and  still  believe  the 
same.  Why  should  Victor  Emanuel  himself  not  have 
believed  it?  Does  he  not  enjoy  the  rights  which  other 
Italian  citizens  enjoy? 

Seventh:  On  account  of  some  secret  treaty  stipulated 
betw^een  Victor  Emanuel  III,  William  II  and  Francis 
Joseph,  with  which  treaty  the  sovereigns  obligated  them- 
selves to  help  each  other  miUtarily  even  in  case  of  an 
offensive  war.  That  such  an  agreement  was  made,  one 
logically  infers  from  the  fact  that  Emperor  William,  however 
conscious  of  the  German  military  power,  however  ambitious, 
audacious  or  insane,  would  never  have  encouraged  Francis 

^  Prince  Thomas  is  at  present  the  lieutenant  of  Victor  Emanuel  III  that  is, 
V^iceroy  of  Italy. 


284  FOURTH  PART     . 

Joseph  to  provoke  this  most  dangerous  of  wars  (dangerous 
to  Germany  itself)  if  he  had  not  been  more  than  sure  of  the 
unconditional  and  unlimited  aid  of  Italy.  Francis  Joseph 
himself — even  had  he  been  senilely  obstinate — would  never 
have  been  so  opposed  to  little  Serbia. 

Giolitti  —  who  was  indebted  for  fifteen  years  of  govern- 
ment dictatorship  to  the  House  of  Savoy  —  obeyed  the 
command  of  his  King,  and,  followed  by  his  satellites,  began 
his  work.  He  ran  through  and  through  (with  mysterious 
circumspection,  more  by  night  than  by  day)  all  of  the 
streets  of  the  capital,  running  up  and  down  stairs,  confab- 
ulating with  the  most  equivocal  figures,  both  indigenous 
and  foreign.  Even  though  he  sweated  dozens  of  shirts, 
his  influence  and  astuteness,  however  much  sustained  by 
the  personal  authority  of  the  Sovereign,  was  of  too  corrupt 
a  sort  and  was  too  well  known.  And,  therefore,  it  did  not 
have  the  effect  which  their  highnesses  wished.  Instead  it 
had  an  absolutely  contrary  effect.  In  fact,  the  people 
of  the  new  Italy  —  in  a  referendum  taken  by  the  govern- 
ment among  the  soldiers  of  sea  and  land  —  said  proudly 
but  firmly  that  they  would  not  fight  for  Germany  and 
Austria  and  especially  for  Austria,  not  even  if  commanded 
by  God  in  person.  Not  only  that,  but  they  imposed  on  the 
King  the  breaking  of  the  treaty  of  the  alliance  with  the  above 
two  nations  and  they  also  imposed  the  declaration  of  neu- 
trality of  Italy  in  the  war;  then  they  began  to  manifest 
openly  and  strongly  their  sympathy  for  the  nations  assaulted 
by  the  armies  of  Francis  Joseph  and  the  Kaiser. 

Victor  Emanuel  III  recognized,  with  an  uneasy  mind, 
the  impossibility  of  intervention  in  the  war  in  favor  of 
Germany  and  Austria  and  he  again  called  upon  Giolitti; 
he  ordered  him  to  lose  no  time;  to  stir  things  up  and  do 
his  best  to  induce  the  people  of  the  new  Italy  at  least  to 
maintain  their  neutrality  and  not  to  abandon  themselves 
to   exaggerated    and   harmful   sentimentality. 

Giolitti  —  who  was  indebted  for  fifteen  years  for  his 
dictatorship  to  the  House  of  Savoy  —  obeyed  the  commands 
of  his  King.    And,  followed  by  his  satellites,  he  plunged 


THE  BETRAYAL  285 

himself  with  more  zeal,  if  not  with  more  confidence,  into 
the  work.  Believing  himself  sure  of  immunity,  he  planned 
dark  intrigues  and  forced  himself  to  commit  acts  more  than 
illicit. 

But  with  the  passing  of  the  days,  the  Italian  people 
saw  that  little  Serbia  was  crushed;  saw  that  little  Belgium 
was  crushed;  saw  that  republican  France  was  also  on  the 
point  of  being  crushed;  saw  that  England  and  Russia 
were  also  running  into  danger  of  being  crushed;  saw  that 
all  Europe  might  fall  into  slavery  at  the  feet  of  the  pluto- 
cratic Teutonic  militarism.  And  then  the  people  of  Italy 
demanded  of  the  King's  Government  the  armed  intervention 
of  Italy  in  the  war  against  the  aggressive  tyrants. 

Victor  Emanuel  III,  realizing,  with  a  soul  full  of  bitterness, 
the  impossibility  of  maintaining  the  neutrality  of  Italy  for 
any  length  of  time,  again  called  Giolitti  and  commanded 
him  to  move  himself  and  stir  things  up  and  do  everything 
that  the  desperation  of  the  moment  called  for,  to  curb  the 
bellicose  ardor  of  the  Italian  people. 

GioHtti  —  who  was  indebted  to  the  house  of  Savoy  for 
fifteen  years*  dictatorship  —  obeyed  the  commands  of  his 
King.  And,  followed  by  his  satellites,  he  precipitated  him- 
self headlong  another  time  into  the  underworld  of  diplomacy. 
There,  creeping  with  a  vileness  without  parallel,  he  began 
with  the  famous  pour  parler  with  Prince  von  Biilow,  which 
very  soon  became  the  lynch  pin  of  the  treaties  which  the 
government  of  Vienna  (under  the  auspices  of  William  II) 
had  already  initiated  with  the  government  of  Rome,  with 
the  object  in  view  of  buying  the  permanent  neutrality  of 
Italy  by  means  of  territorial  concessions  and  millions  of 
lire.i 

'The  personal  responsibility  of  Victor  Emanuel  III  for  the  false  steps  taken  by 
Giolitti  is  clearly  shown  by  the  facts  that  have  now  passed  into  history,  facts  that 
nothing  can  destroy. 

One  must  be  logical,  and  above  all  the  Italian  people  if  they  wish  to  be  really 
respected  must  accustom  themselves  to  call  black  black,  and  white  white  in  ques- 
tions of  national  interests.  They  must  once  and  for  all  free  themselves  from  the 
prejudice  legalized  by  Article  IV  of  the  Statuto  Albertino  which  says:  "The 
person  of  the  King  is  sacred  and  inviolable." 

Giolitti,  however,  short-sighted  as  he  had  become  politically,  could  not  act 
as  he  did  on  his  own  account  at  the  moment  when  the  new  Italy  was  preparing 
to  take  a  great  step  forward  in  the  life  of  the  world. 

Giolitti,  as  a  private  citizen,  as  minister,  as  prime  minister,  was  always   a 


286  FOURTH   PART 

Thus  one  passes  on  to  the  last  days  of  April,  191 5. 

Very  early  in  May,  191 5,  Gabriele  d'Annunzio  re- 
turned from  his  exile  in  France. 

The  poet  followed  with  Dantesque,  Foscolian,  Mazzlnian 
anxiety  the  unfolding  of  events  in  Italy;  he  ranged  himself 
on  the  side  of  the  people,  and  faced  with  extraordinary  cour- 
age, resoluteness,  and  energy  the  internal  and  external  enemies 
of  his  Patria  (procurers,  barterers,  and  similar  scum).  He 
unmasked  and  lashed  them  till  the  blood  ran. 

Then  from  millions  of  breasts  there  burst  volcanically 
the  cry  for  war. 

Victor  Emanuel  III  trembled. 

He  understood  that  his  great  historic  hour  had  struck. 
His  throne  rocked  under  his  feet.  An  outside  neutralistic 
resistance  would  hopelessly  have  ruined  him. 

On  the  morning  of  May  23,  191 5,  he  declared  war  on 
Francis  Joseph  of  Austria  through  his  ambassador  at  Vienna, 
the  Duke  of  Avarna. 

Thus  Italy  entered  into  the  great  butchery. 

But  the  Italian  people  by  such  an  act  committed  no 
treachery. 

The  people  of  Italy  imposed  the  breaking  of  the  treaty 

strenuous  defender  of  Italy's  militaristic  and  monarchic  policy.  How  could  he 
with  sincerity  suddenly  begin  to  work  for  peace? 

Giolitti  was  always  with  the  parliamentary  and  popular  majorities,  even  when 
they  were  in  the  wrong.  How  could  he  suddenly'  pass  to  the  side  of  the  minorities, 
and  to  the  side  of  the  socialist  minority  against  whom  he  had  always  struggled  and 
by  whom  he  was  always  combated  in  the  bitterest  manner.^  How  could  he, 
master  opportunist  that  he  was,  set  himself  against  the  current? 

Giolitti  as  a  statesman  of  the  most  mediocre  caliber,  had  reached  the  apex  of 
political  greatness  in  Italy  (the  presidency  of  the  ministry).  And  he  was  maintained 
there  longer  than  any  other  statesman.  On  the  eve  of  the  entrance  of  Italy  into 
the  war  he  was  as  yet  the  supreme  arbiter  of  the  Italian  National  Parliament  and  of 
Italian  political  life.  Why  should  he  risk  such  a  position,  when  the  risk,  even  if  it 
should  redound  to  his  benefit,  could  never  give  him  any  higher  position? 

Giolitti,  during  his  permanency  with  the  government,  came  out  with  a  financial 
position  more  than  solid.  He  could,  therefore,  with  the  greatest  ease,  continue  to 
amass  wealth  without  being  observed  very  closely  by  the  people.  Why  should  he 
almost  publicly  sell  himself  like  any  common  beggar  to  the  agents  of  Austria 
and  Germany  when  such  a  sale  would  bring  about — and  he  knew  this — his 
complete  moral  ruin? 

Giolitti  as  the  perfect  servant  could  do  nothing  but  sacrifice  himself  to  his  master 
who  had  so  greatly  benefited  him.  He  preferred  to  filthily  close  his  already  vile 
political  life,  rather  than  in  a  moment  of  greatest  trial  commit  an  act  of  ingratitude 
toward  his  King,  rather  than  compromise  "the  sacred  person  of  his  King." 

This  is  the  truth. 


THE  BETRAYAL  287 

of  the  Triple  Alliance  because  it  was  not  stipulated  nor  ap- 
proved by  them. 

It  may  be  objected  "that  a  people  who  were  governed 
by  a  king  and  a  statute  should  of  necessity  respect  the  acts 
which  the  king  executed  on  the  basis  of  such  a  statute." 

It  is  true.  But  one  must  also  consider  that  when  the 
people  of  the  New  Italy  demanded  the  rupture  of  the  treaty 
of  the  Triple  Alliance  stipulated  by  the  king  and  operating  in 
opposition  to  that  which  the  treaty  itself  established,  they 
demonstrated  clearly  that  they  no  longer  intended  to  follow 
the  old  and  beaten  paths.  (This  is  in  itself  I  believe,  a  symp- 
tom of  political  importance.)  Their  action  showed  that  the 
people  of  the  New  Italy  were  only  disposed  to  respect  the 
King  and  the  statute  when  both  interpreted  the  needs  and 
will  of  the  nation  not  when  they  revealed  themselves, 
especially  at  the  most  solemn  and  decisive  moment  of  the 
Patria,  opposed  to  the  sentiments  and  the  national  interests 
of  the  people  themselves;  contrary  to  their  human  ideals. 

On  the  other  hand,  neither  did  Victor  Emanuel  III  in 
the  final  count  commit  a  real  treason  by  breaking  the  treaty 
of  the  triple  alliance  and  declaring  war  on  Austria,  for  the 
simple  reason  that  when  he  made  the  contract  of  the  treaty 
itself,  he  could  not  absolutely  foresee  that  the  shield  of  the 
Italian  people  would  be  raised. 

Victor  Emanuel  III  when  he  agreed  to  the  treaty  of  the 
Triple  Alliance,  was  sure,  as  were  his  colleagues,  Francis 
Joseph  and  William  II,  especially  William  II,  that  the  people 
of  the  New  Italy  would  blindly  follow  the  will  of  their  King, 
as  they  had  done  in  the  past. 

Instead  the  people  of  the  New  Italy  who  had  always  re- 
spected and  blindly  executed  the  will  of  their  King,  refused 
to  respect  and  execute  it  at  the  onset  of  the  European  war. 

But  Victor  Emanuel  III,  as  we  have  seen,  did  not  fail 
to  do  his  best  to  demand  the  old  obedience  of  his  people. 
As  soon  as  the  great  war  burst  out  in  1914,  he  delayed 
the  obligation  assumed  by  him  toward  Francis  Joseph  and 
WiUiam  II.  He  forced  his  faithful  Giolitti  and  satellites  to 
spread  the  idea  that  if  the  Italian  people  would  avoid  lasting 
shame,  they  must  respect  the  treaties  by  entering  the  field 


288  •      FOURTH   PART 

of  battle  on  the  side  of  the  two  alhed  nations,  Austria  and 
Germany.  The  people  of  the  New  Italy,  including  the 
soldiers  to  whom  the  referendum  was  made,  replied  that 
they  would  never  take  up  arms  in  defense  of  the  two  above- 
named  nations,  especially  Austria.  And  they  then  imposed 
neutrality. 

Victor  Emanuel  III  did  everything  in  his  power  at 
least  to  maintain  neutrality.  Then  the  people  of  the  New 
Italy  realized  that  their  neutrality  would  secure  victory 
equally  to  the  two  aggressive  emperors  who  were  allied  to 
the  Sultan  of  Turkey  (another  enemy  of  Italy  and  of 
civilization)  and  they  clamored  for  armed  intervention  in 
favor  of  the  allied  nations. 

Victor  Emanuel  III  made  desperate  efforts  to  avoid 
the  supreme  misfortune  of  intervention.  The  people  of  the 
New  Italy  showed  their  teeth. 

Victor  Emanuel  III  then  felt  that  his  crown  was  in  danger. 
He  had  to  bend.  He  had  to  obey.  He  had  to  declare 
war  against  Austria. 

How  could  he  do  otherwise? 

For  the  first  time  he  found  himself  before  a  people  sud- 
denly reawakened  from  the  shameful  lethargy  in  which  they 
had  been  thrown  for  so  long  a  time;  that  is,  from  the  time 
that  Italy  had  become  a  united  and  independent  nation. 
He  found  himself  confronted  by  a  people  who  had  suddenly 
discovered  the  consciousness  of  their  own  material  force 
and  their  moral  dignity.  He  found  himself  confronted  by  a 
people  who  were  on  the  point  of  starting  a  revolution  that 
might  turn  the  monarchy  upside  down  and  proclaim  Italy 
a  republic,  if  he,  the  King,  failed  to  obey  orders  at  the  roll 
of  the  drum  —  orders,  I  say,  which  the  people  themselves 
gave  to  him.  He  found  himself  confronted  by  a  people 
transformed  from  bleating  sheep,  ready  to  lick  the  hand 
which  was  armed  for  their  destruction,  into  fierce  and 
roaring  lions  ready  to  advance  and  mete  out  summary  justice 
upon  those  who  had  taken  advantage  of  their  patience  and 
lethargy. 

How  could  Victor  Emanuel  III  have  foreseen  all  of  this 
ire  of  the  gods?     Could  he  have  foreseen,  when  the  alliance 


ENGLISH  AND  FRENCH  GOLD        289 

with  Francis  Joseph  and  Wilham  II  was  formed,  that  the 
people  of  the  New  Italy  — who  had  always  shown  themselves 
docile  and  resigned  to  the  House  of  Savoy — would  one 
day  rise  up  powerfully  against  this  same  dynasty? 

Victor  Emanuel  III  could  not  have  foreseen  so  extraor- 
dinary a  fact,  for  the  simple  reason  that,  with  all  of  the 
superior  intelligence  which  the  court  followers  and  syco- 
phants attributed  to  him,  he  had  not  yet  succeeded  in  fathom- 
ing the  souls  of  his  people.  Had  he  been  able  thus  to  fathom 
them,  he  would  easily  have  understood  that  the  people  of 
the  New  Italy  had  tolerated  the  treaty  of  the  Triple  Alliance 
up  to  a  certain  point,  but  that  they  could  not  longer  tolerate 
it  when  it  menaced  the  nation  and  humanity  with  grave 
harm. 

It  was  one  of  those  cases  of  force  majeure  justified  by 
all  of  the  judicial  laws  of  the  world,  including  those  which 
are  in  force  in  the  very  states  of  their  royal  and  imperial 
majesties  of  Germany  and  Austria. 

Therefore,  there  was  no  treachery,  either  on  the  part  of 
the  Italian  people  or  on  the  part  of  Victor  Emanuel  III, 
King  of  Italy. 

IX 

English  and  French  gold. 

Where  was  the  corrupting  English  gold.? 

Where  was  the  corrupting  French  gold.^' 

There  doubtless  was  gold,  but  from  the  German  and 
not  from  the  English  and  French  people.  Prince  von  Bil- 
low, representing  the  governments  of  Berlin  and  Vienna, 
when  he  was  in  Rome  in  May,  191 5,  scattered  gold  in  Italy 
with  a  lavish  hand.  But  he  could  do  nothing  but  corrupt 
certain  renegade  politicians,  some  hungry  scribblers,  some 
hardened  jailbirds. 

Gabriele  d'Annunzio  cried  this  aloud  in  his  fierce  public 
accusations  at  that  time. 

Speaking  to  the  people  of  Genoa  on  the  evening  of  his 
return  (May  4,  191 5)  the  poet  said,  among  other  things: 


290  FOURTH   PART 

What  will  you,  Genovese?  What  will  you,  Italians?  Will 
you  have  your  nation  diminish  or  grow? 

You  want  a  greater  Italy,  not  by  means  of  bribery,  but  by 
conquest;  not  by  shameful  measures,  but  at  the  price  of  blood  and 
glory. 

Haranguing  the  crowds  in  the  streets  of  Rome  on  the 
evening  of  May  12,  191 5,  the  poet  said: 

Now,  as  fifty  years  ago  on  this  evening,  at  this  same  hour  The 
Thousand  stopped  on  their  march  from  Marsala  toward  Salemi; 
and  at  the  feet  of  their  stacked  bayonets  sleepily  ate  their  bread 
and  in  silence  laid  themselves  down. 

They  had  in  their  hearts  the  stars,  and  the  words  of  their 
chief,  which  even  today  are  a  living  and  impelling  force  to  us  also: 
//  we  will  be  united,  our  undertaking  will  he  easy.     Therefore,  to  arms! 

It  was  the  proclamation  at  Marsala;  and  it  says  again  with  rude 
menace:    Who  does  not  arm  himself  is  a  coward  or  a  traitor. 

Would  not  the  Liberator  stamp  with  the  same  mark,  if  he  could 
descend  from  the  Janiculum  to  the  low  places  of  earth,  and  would 
he  not  thus  stigmatize  all  those  who  today  openly  or  secretly  work 
to  disarm  Italy  and  put  to  shame  the  Patria  and  throw  her  again 
into  a  servile  condition  and  nail  her  again  to  the  cross? 

O  strength  and  scorn  of  Rome,  overturn  the  tables  of  batterers 
and  falsifiers! 

Root  out,  O  Romans,  all  the  foulness,  return  to  the  sewer  all 
such  putridity! 

Exhorting  the  Romans  (May  13,  191 5)  the  poet  among 
other  things  said: 

Companions,  you  must  not  permit  that  a  handful  of  ruffians 
and  defrauders  shall  be  able  to  defame  and  ruin  Italy  for  us. 

The  treachery  is  manifest  today.  We  not  only  breathe  its 
horrible  stench,  but  we  feel  all  of  its  opprobrious  weight.  In  your 
Rome  the  attempt  has  been  made  to  strangle  the  Patria  with  a 
Prussian  halter. 

We  are  on  the  point  of  being  sold  like  a  flock  of  sheep. 

This  meddler  of  Dronero',  this  obscene  intriguer  wants  to  do 
this  for  us.  This,  that  other  licker'^  of  dirty  Prussian  feet  would 
do  to  us.     This  would  their  canaille  of  followers  do  to  us. 

This  they  will  not  do,  O  Romans! 

'Electoral  political  college  of  Giolitti. 
*  Ex-minister  Bertolini? 


ENGLISH  AND  FRENCH  GOLD  291 

Your  history,  perhaps  it  was  made  in  rag  shops  or  pawn  shops? 
Perhaps  the  scales  of  your  justice  balanced  on  the  side  where  was 
placed  a  morsel  of  bread  to  chew,  or  a  bone  to  gnaw?  Your  Cam- 
pidoglio  was  perhaps  a  gambling  table  for  barterers  and  defrauders  ? 
Glory  perhaps  was  occupied  in  selling  and  gossiping  in  such  a 
place,  like  a  small  huckster? 

Not  bones,  not  crumbs,  not  rags,  not  batterings,  not  frauds. 
Enough!     Overthrow  the  tables!     Break  the  false  scales! 

Our  destinies  cannot  be  measured  by  the  yardstick  of  mer- 
chantmen, but  by  the  longsword. 

And  with  sticks  and  slaps  in  the  face,  kicks  and  blows,  we  should 
greet  the  accomplices  and  mediators,  the  lick-platters  and  lick- 
spittles of  the  former  German  ex-chancellor  [von  Biilow]  who  on  a 
Roman  hill  made  of  himself  a  fat  Jove,  transforming  himself  now 
into  a  tender  bull,  now  into  a  rain  of  gold. 

It  must  not  be  permitted  that  the  slaying  of  the  Patria  shall 
be  consummated  in  Rome.  You  Romans  must  give  to  me  this 
security. 

Hurling  public  accusation  at  a  mass  meeting  of  the 
Romans  on  the  evening  of  May  14,  191 5,  the  poet  among 
other  things  said: 

The  Patria  is  in  danger,  the  Patria  is  on  the  point  of  being 
lost.  To  save  it  from  irreparable  ruin  and  ignominy  each  one  of 
us  must  give  all  of  himself  and  arm  himself  with  all  sorts  of 
weapons. 

In  a  message  to  the  students  at  the  Roman  Athenaeum, 
assembled  (May  15,  191 5)  to  deliberate  on  violence  against 
the  traitors,  the  poet  said: 

Today  is  the  anniversary  of  the  most  beautiful  battle  of  the 
Garibaldians;  it  is  the  anniversary  of  Calatafimi.  Of  this  the 
Chief  usually  said:  //  at  the  point  of  death  you  should  see  me  smile, 
friends,  remember  that  it  is  the  memory  of  Calatafimi  which  warms 
my  heart  to  its  last  beat. 

But  in  order  to  make  Garibaldi  smile  again,  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  celebrate  this  anniversary  with  the  expulsion  of  the 
knave  [Giolitti]  who  would  sell  Italy,  and  of  the  procurer  [von 
Biilow]  who  would  buy  it.  It  will  be  necessary  to  purify  the  skies 
of  Rome  from  these  two  infections. 

The  Italian  people  in  their  poverty,  pure  as  the  crystals 


292  FOURTH   PART 

of  the  Alps,  refused  to  enter  into  the  vile  barter  of  von  Biilow 
and  Giolitti. 

And  why  should  they  not  refuse,  if  they  continually  see 
themselves  mirrored  in  the  lives  of  men  whom  gold  never 
could  contaminate — of  men  who  were  representative  of 
their  ideals? 

I  will  here  recall  two  episodes,  one  an  ancient  one  which 
is  taught  in  all  of  the  elementary  schools  in  Italy,  and  the 
other  an  episode  of  modern  times  which  the  national  press 
repeats  every  year.  Both  of  these  give  an  idea  of  the  virtues 
on  which  the  people  of  the  New  Italy  fashion,  with  the 
admirable  law  of  continuity,  their  own  moral  incorrupti- 
bility. 

First  episode:  In  the  summer  of  282  B.  C,  a  Roman 
squadron,  sailing  toward  Sena  Gallica,  cast  anchor  in  the 
port  of  Tarentum.  The  Tarentines,  under  pretext  of  an 
ancient  treaty,  prohibited  the  Romans  from  navigating  out- 
side of  the  Lacinium  Cape,  assaulted  the  anchored  ships,  sent 
some  to  the  bottom  and  drove  the  others  away. 

The  Roman  senate  called  immediately  for  adequate 
reparation  from  the  Tarentines.  But  the  ambassadors 
sent  by  the  senate  on  this  mission,  instead  of  being  given 
reparation,  were  basely  outraged  by  the  Tarentines.  Then 
Rome  declared  war. 

TheTarentines  called  to  their  aid  Pyrrhus,  King  of  Epirus. 
The  latter,  who  was  ambitious  and  very  desirous  of  adven- 
ture, came  without  much  urging.  He  landed  at  Tarentum 
(280  B.  C.)  with  a  great  army,  and  twenty  elephants  carry- 
ing on  their  backs  fortresses  behind  which  the  soldiers 
could  fight  with  safety.  They  encountered  the  Romans, 
commanded  by  the  consul  P.  Valerius  Levinus  at  Heraclea, 
near  the  mouth  of  the  river  Aciris,  and  a  sharp  battle  fol- 
lowed. 

The  Roman  soldiers  —  frightened  by  the  enormous  size 
and  by  the  bellowing  of  the  quadrupeds  —  which  they 
saw  for  the  first  time  —  fled,  leaving  the  victory  to  the  enemy. 
But  this  victory  cost  so  dearly  that  Pyrrhus,  full  of  marvel  and 
scorn,  exclaimed:  **  Another  victory  like  this,  and  I  should 
be  obliged  to  return  alone  to  Epirus." 


ENGLISH  AND  FRENCH  GOLD        293 

During  the  winter,  a  Roman  commission  led  by  Caius 
Fabricius,  a  poor  man  but  of  great  military  talent  and  of 
noble  spirit,  presented  itself  to  Pyrrhus  to  treat  of  an  ex- 
change of  prisoners. 

The  austere  simplicity  of  the  Roman  filled  the  strangers 
with  wonder. 

Pyrrhus  called  Fabricius  apart,  and  offered  him  most 
precious  gifts  on  condition  that  he  would  induce  the  Ro- 
man senate  to  make  peace. 

But  Fabricius  responded  haughtily:  "Offer  your  gifts 
to  slaves,  not  to  a  Roman  citizen.  You  should  know  that 
I  do  not  feel  myself  poor,  but  richer  than  you,  because 
my  little  farm  and  my  humble  home  give  me  enough  with 
which  to  live  happily." 

Not  being  able  to  conquer  with  gold,  Pyrrhus  attempted 
to  conquer  Fabricius  with  fear.  At  a  given  signal  he  incited 
one  of  his  largest  elephants  against  him,  which  extended  his 
proboscis  to  the  head  of  Fabricius  and  bellowed  ferociously. 

The  strong  and  honest  Roman  did  not  tremble,  did  not 
move.  He  smiled  proudly  and  scornfully.  And  when  the 
elephant  had  ceased  his  roaring,  Fabricius  departed  from 
the  field  without  concluding  anything  regarding  the  exchange 
of  prisoners. 

Pyrrhus,  stupified,  exclaimed:  **I  see  that  it  would  be 
easier  to  make  the  sun  deviate  from  its  course  than  to 
turn  Fabricius  from  the  path  of  virtue!" 

Fabricius  returned  to  Rome  and  advised  the  senate  not 
to  make  peace. 

"Rome  must  not  descend  to  pacts,  until  foreign  soldiers 
shall  have  crushed  the  very  soil  of  Italy." 

The  war  continued.  Pyrrhus  was  defeated  by  the  Romans, 
commanded  by  the  consul  M.  Curius  Dentatus,  in  a  bitter 
battle  near  Beneventum,  and  was  forced  to  return  to 
Epirus. 

Second  episode:  In  the  year  1888  it  was  necessary  for 
the  Italian  government  to  contract  a  debt  of  6o,ooo,cxdo 
lire.  Some  French  bankers,  desiring  to  conclude  the  busi- 
ness,—  which  was  a  large  sum  for  that  time, —  attempted 
to  corrupt  one  of  the  most  austere  and  noble  figures  of  the 


294  FOURTH  PART 

Italian  parliament,  Giovanni  Bovio,^  offering  him  1,200,000 
lire.  By  means  of  the  authority  of  that  proud  republican 
deputy,  they  hoped  —  indeed,  felt  certain  —  that  they 
would  be  able  to  influence  the  Italian  minister  of  Finance, 
Agostino  Magliani.  But  this  is  how  Bovio  responded  to 
the  banker  who  had  been  entrusted  by  his  colleagues  of 
France  to  make  the  audacious  proposal: 

Naples,  Dec.  5,  1888. 

Sir:  By  registered  letter  from  Paris  dated  December  i,  1888, 
on  paper  upon  which  your  name  is  printed,  you  write  to  me:  / 
have  had  the  hoiior  of  knowing  and  listening  to  you.  Can  you  ask 
of  Minister  Magliani  if  it  is  true  that  the  Italian  government  is  in 
absolute  need  of  a  loan  of  50  or  60,000,000  lire,  and  at  what  rate  of 
interest  it  could  be  negotiated  in  France?  If  this  is  true  you  can  assure 
the  minister  that  if  the  rate  of  interest  is  satisfactory,  in  eight  days 
from  the  day  of  the  answer,  the  50  or  60,000,000  lire  of  which  he 
has  need  will  be  brought  to  Rome. 

As  you  see,  this  affair  is  most  serious  and  requires  the  utmost 
discretion.  For  your  inconvenience  and  trouble,  if  the  affair  shall  be 
accomplished,  there  will  be  placed  at  your  disposal  the  sum  of 
1,200,000  lire  (un  million  deux  cents  mille  francs) . 

The  proposition  which  you  have  made  me,  clearly  Indicates 
that  you  have  seen  and  heard  me,  but  that  you  did  not  know  me. 

To  make  such  a  proposition  to  me  you  should  have  shown  my 
name  to  the  banker  who  will  come  to  Rome. 

Therefore  permit  me  to  defend  my  name,  because  I  have  noth- 
ing else  to  protect  and  to  transmit. 

I  will  defend  it,  explaining  to  you  in  a  few  words  the  fact  and 
myself. 

The  fact,  however  colored  and  veiled,  is  that  that  which  one 
calls  business  cannot  be  linked  with  deputies,  ministers,  nor  with 
offices  and  companies  dependent  on  the  government.  There  is 
no  law  which  would  prevent  this,  but  the  worst  evils  are  not  those 
which  are  always  punished  by  law. 

^  Giovanni  Bovio  of  Trani,  southern  Italy,  for  many  years  republican  deputy 
in  the  Italian  National  Parliament,  orator,  philosopher,  epigraphist,  dramatist, 
educator,  was  as  conspicuous  a  figure  as  one  of  the  ancient  sages.  He  was  born 
of  poor  parents  and  self-educated.  He  was  in  intimate  correspondence  with 
Mazzini,  Saffi,  Garibaldi, and  others.  As  professor  at  the  University  of  Naples  he 
taught  successively  philosophy  and  the  history  of  human  rights,  comparative 
public  rights.  He  was  an  idealist,  and  followed  Mazzinism  in  religion  and  politics. 
His  philosophy  was  a  mathematic  naturalism,  a  great  dream  exalted  by  ideality. 
He  died  poor  but  uncorrupted.    He  was  the  author  of  profound  works  (1841-1903). 


ENGLISH  AND  FRENCH  GOLD        295 

As  for  myself,  neither  you  who  came  to  Naples,  nor  others,  can 
be  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  I  support  myself  and  family  from  day 
to  day  by  teaching  and  writing  philosophy,  added  to  which  is  a 
little  mathematics,  but  with  arithmetic  which  has  never  arrived 
at  a  million. 

Since  my  work  gives  me  independence,  the  million  would  be 
superfluous. 

You  write  that  everything  would  be  done  quietly  in  Rome, 
without  the  knowledge  of  anyone. 

But  shouldn't  I  know  it?     Have  I  not  a  code  in  my  conscience.? 

The  bankers  might  leave  their  conscience  at  the  footof  the  Alps, 
and  take  it  up  on  their  return;  but  I  carry  mine  everywhere,  be- 
cause inside  of  it  there  are  the  last  ideals  which  I  have  been  able 
to  protect  from  delusions. 

You  write  that  this  mediation  is  a  work  of  a  good  citizen; 
but  I  say  to  you  that  it  should  be  the  work  of  an  honest  man 
never  to  do  anything  about  which  it  is  necessary  to  conceal  or  to 
keep  quiet. 

Now  believe  me  because  I  have  nothing  to  ask  and  nothing  to 
accept:  you  will  not  meet  an  Italian  who  does  not  wish  good 
relations  between  Italy  and  France,  not  for  good  business  but  for 
good  reasons. 

The  Italian  democracy  is  not  rich;  it  loves  the  dignity  and 
liberty  of  France;  but  it  is  not  dazzled  by  French  gold. 

I  and  my  friends  will  not  mention  your  name,  which  is  well 
known  and  esteemed  here;  but  you  must  say  to  your  companions 
that  in  Italy  the  sentiment  of  dignity  is  alive,  and  if  a  young 
Italian;,  educated  by  us,  should  have  to  choose  between  the 
Austrian  hangman's  rope  and  French  gold,  he  without  a  second's 
hesitation  would  choose  the  rope. 

Giovanni  Bovio. 

The  Italian  people,  by  not  entering  into  the  intrigues 
of  von  Billow  and  Giolitti,  followed  faithfully  the  examples 
of  Fabricius  and  of  Bovio.  They  did  even  more.  They 
met  the  Honorable  Bertolini,  ex-minister  of  the  monarchy 
of  Victor  Emanuel  III,  on  the  streets  of  Rome  during  the 
stormy  days  of  May,  191 5,  and  because  he  w^as  suspected, 
simply  suspected,  of  having  sold  himself  to  the  Teutons, 
they  assaulted  him,  throwing  in  his  face  handsful  of  money 
accompanied  by  burning  vituperations. 

They  would  have  lynched  Giolitti  himself,   if  the  old 


296  FOURTH   PART 

"thick-lipped  hangman"  (thus  d'Annunzio  stigmatized 
him)  had  not  taken  to  his  heels  and  sought  protection 
from  the  police. 

The  point  is  that  the  people  of  the  New  Italy  are  an 
intelligent,  not  a  stupid  people;  are  an  idealistic  people, 
not  utilitarian;  a  tenacious  people,  not  voluble.  They 
know  easily  how  to  distinguish  the  true  from  the  false, 
good  from  evil,  beauty  from  ugliness.  They  quickly  em- 
brace all  just  causes  by  a  natural  impulse  of  their  sensitive 
souls.  And  once  they  have  embraced  them,  they  defend 
them  with   enthusiasm,   disinterestedness,   and   firmness. 

When,  in  1914,  the  great  war  broke  out,  the  people 
of  the  New  Italy  knew  immediately  what  it  meant,  and 
without  hesitation  spontaneously  took  the  position  which 
reason  and  sentiment,  each  inspired  by  the  rights  of  the 
weaker,  had  imposed  upon  them.  And  in  such  a  position 
they  have  always  maintained  themselves  with  love  and 
unshaken  constancy. 

The  gold  of  the  English  and  the  French  was  nothing 
other  than  a  calumnious  story  cast  abroad  by  Teutonic 
treachery. 

One  must  consider  a  most  essential  circumstance,  which 
is  this:  While,  from  July,  1914,  to  May,  191 5,  the  struggle 
waged  between  those  who  were  in  favor  of  Austria  and 
Germany  (who  later  through  force  of  circumstances  be- 
came neutralists)  on  the  one  hand,  and  those  who  favored 
intervention  against  Austria  on  the  other  hand,  several  of 
the  cheap  and  starving  scribblers  before  mentioned  were 
accused  by  Italian  papers  of  having  been  bought  by  the 
Teutons.  The  accused  brought  complaint  against  their 
accusers  for  defamation.  The  trials  were  called  before  the 
tribunals.  But  in  the  public  debate  the  accusing  newspapers 
proved  fully  their  accusations,  which  were  that  the  penny-a- 
liners  had  been  really  bought  by  the  Teutons.  And  the 
judges  were  obliged  to  absolve  the  accusing  newspapers, 
while  the  scribblers  accused  of  having  sold  themselves  to  the 
Teutons  were  buried  under  an  avalanche  of  national  in- 
dignation and  scorn. 

Was  not  this  perhaps  the  most  opportune  psychological 


ENGLISH  AND  FRENCH  GOLD       297 

moment  to  oppose  the  accusation  and  the  proofs  of  Teutonic 
gold  with  accusations  and  proofs  of  English  and  French 
gold?     It  certainly  was. 

But  the  Teutons  and  their  supporters  did  not  profit  by 
this.     They  were  silent.     And  why? 

Because  English  and  French  gold  was  not  flowing  into 
Italy.  If  it  had  flowed,  the  Teutons  and  their  supporters 
would  not  have  ceased  to  scream  to  the  four  winds  about  it. 

On  the  other  hand,  English  and  French  gold,  if  it  had 
flowed,  would  only  have  corrupted,  as  had  the  Teuton  gold, 
some  of  the  renegade  politicians,  some  starving  scribblers, 
some  hardened  jail-birds.  The  Italian  people  in  their  pov- 
erty, pure  as  the  crystal  of  the  Alps,  would  have  remained 
apart  from  the  infamous  traflSc.  They  would  once  more 
be  retempered  in  the  solid  virtues  of  their  ancient  Fabricius 
and  their  modern  Bovio. 

And  not  only  with  gold,  but  by  other  means  the  Teutons 
tried  to  force  Italy  to  remain  neutral  as  soon  as  they  foun-d 
themselves  unable  to  drag  her  into  the  war  at  their  side. 

From  July,  1914,  to  May,  1915,  they  inundated  the 
peninsula  with  publications  (journals,  bulletins,  magazines, 
handbills,  books,  pamphlets,  et  similia)  in  the  Italian 
language,  and  by  means  of  these  precious  documents, 
they  tried  to  prove  that  the  English  and  French  had  always 
hated  and  scorned  the  Italians  and  would  always  continue 
to  do  so,  while  they  —  the  Teutons  —  had  always  been  the 
most  enthusiastic  admirers  and  the  sincerest  friends  of  the 
Italians,   and  would  always  remain  such  in  the  future. 

Numerous  packages  of  such  publications  were  sent  to 
me  directly  to  Chicago  by  a  German  friend,  who  in  1914 
and  191 5  was  living  in  Italy.  Thus  I  was  able  to  read  among 
others,  the  pamphlet  entitled  The  Truth  About  the  Friend- 
ship of  England  for  Italy,  by  Dr.  J.  Lulves,  printed  in 
Rome,  191 5;  the  pamphlet  entitled,  Italy  and  France,  by 
Alfredo  Tusti,  printed  also  in  Rome  in  191 5;  The  Bulletin 
of  the  War  (No.  30-31  of  April  17-30,  191 5)  published  by 
Dr.  Fred  B.  Hardt,  at  Munich,  Bavaria. 

In   the   first    I    found   chronologically   enumerated   the 


298  FOURTH   PART 

wrongs  which  the  EngHsh  had  inflicted  upon  the  ItaHans 
from  1327  to  191 2. 

In  the  second  I  found  chronologically  enumerated  the 
wrongs  which  the  French  had  inflicted  on  the  Italians  from 
March  30,  1282  (date  of  the  SiciHan  Vespers),  down  to 
1912. 

In  the  third  I  found  an  article  entitled,  Italian  Culture 
and  the  German  Spirit^  which  I  quote  verbatim: 

In  Europe  there  is  a  spiritual  solidarity  which  is  opposed  to  the 
expression  of  Russian  art  and  literature.  We  Germans  admire  the 
works  of  Dostoievsky,  but  the  spirit  of  the  Russian  remains  foreign 
to  us;  whereas  Balzac  makes  us  think  and  feel  with  him.  A  novel 
of  Boccaccio  makes  us  laugh  heartily,  and  Dante's  verses  fill  our 
souls  with  the  same  enthusiasm  that  the  Italians  themselves  feel. 
Between  the  Romans  and  Germans  there  is  an  ancient  bond  of 
knowledge  and  memories  by  which  Italian  art  and  culture  are 
thoroughly  appreciated  by  us.  For  their  inflow  into  our  intel- 
lectual life  we  feel  a  deep  sense  of  gratitude.  The  keen  desire 
which  pushed  Goethe  and  the  novelists  to  Italy  still  vibrates  in 
every  German  heart.  We  will  not  repeat  the  history  of  the  Ro- 
man colonization  of  Germany,  but  we  will  call  to  mind  that  from 
that  period  until  today  its  influence  has  remained  present  all 
through  history  in  the  Roman  Law. 

The  Renaissance  has  transmitted  to  us  treasures  of  Greek  and 
Latin  thought.  From  the  Italian  Benedictine  monasteries  in  the 
middle  ages  there  was  a  strong  religious  and  intellectual  current 
toward  Germany,  and  the  earnest  worship  of  the  history  of  Italian 
arts,  comparing  it  with  the  worship  we  attribute  to  other  forms  of 
culture,  has  always  urged  our  best  students  of  art  and  literature  to 
their  greatest  activity  in  Italy.  It  would  require  too  much  space 
to  quote  the  names  of  even  the  most  important  students  whom 
Germany  enumerates  in  these  fields,  but  we  will  mention  a  few 
among  the  most  celebrated.  Who  is  not  familiar  with  the  name 
of  Winckelmann,  the  founder  of  modern  archaeology?  And  who 
does  not  know  the  famous  Theodore  Mommsen  and  his  history  of 
Rome.?  Or  the  works  of  Friedlander  and  his  history  of  Roman 
customs  ?  The  splendid  History  of  the  City  of  Rome  in  the  middle 
ages  by  Ferdinand  Gregorovius  the  Roman  citizen^.  Ranke's  master- 
piece on  the  History  of  the  Papacy?  The  work  of  Jacob  Burkhardt, 
//  Ciceroney  which  gives  a  complete  and  comprehensive  history  of 
Italian  art?     The  works  of  Hermann  Grimm  on  the  Renaissance, 


ENGLISH  AND  FRENCH  GOLD       299 

and  the  great  works  of  Wolfflin  who  now  occupies  a  chair  in  the 
Riehl  University  of  the  Cathedral  Riehl  at  Munich? 

The  Germans  not  only  worked  indefatigably  and  passionately 
to  acquire  the  knowledge  of  Italian  history,  but  they  were  also 
exceedingly  interested  in  her  poets  and  in  the  reproduction  of  their 
works.  In  the  home  of  every  good  German  is  to  be  found  "The 
Life  of  Benvenuto  Cellini,"  which  was  translated  for  the  first  time 
by  Goethe.  Among  the  numerous  translations  of  the  Divina 
Comviedia  one  which  bears  the  pseudonym  of  Philalethes  was 
written  by  King  John  of  Saxony.  The  firm  of  E.  Diederichs  of 
Jena  is  publishing  a  rich  collection  of  ancient  Italian  documents  of 
the  Renaissance  which  are  splendidly  translated;  these  are  superb 
editions  of  which,  up  to  the  present  time,  two  series  of  twelve 
volumes  each  have  been  issued.  It  is  a  pleasure  for  every  cultured 
German  to  pick  up  one  of  these  volumes  such  as  Matarazzo,  La 
Cronaca  di  Perugia,  Napoli  e  gli  Aragonesi,  il  Diario  Fiorentino  di 
Landucci,  il  Diario  di  Roma  di  Infessura,  the  Letters  of  Aretino 
and  of  Bracciolini,  the  Mysteries  of  Florence,  History  of  Florence, 
by  Machiavelli,  and  many  other  similar  choice  works. 

The  bibliographical  editions,  by  G.  Miiller  and  von  Weber  of 
Munich,  of  the  Italian  poets  and  thinkers,  published  by  the  house 
of  Insel  in  Leipzig,  have  a  very  large  circulation  in  Germany. 
The  incomparable  translation  of  these  works  is  followed  by  a  very 
accurate  criticism. 

On  the  other  hand,  modern  German  painting  was  greatly 
influenced  by  Italian  art,  which  is  really  the  only  great  paint- 
ing. It  is  sufficient  in  this  connection  to  remember  Albert 
Diirer's  permanent  residence  in  Venice.  Even  today  the  treasures 
gathered  in  the  Art  Museums  of  Italy  are  the  dreams  of  young 
German  artists  who  visit  them,  seeking  and  finding  inspiration. 
And  in  how  many  of  our  courts  of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth 
centuries  do  we  find  the  stamp  and  style  of  the  genius  of  Italian 
artists  and  architects! 

Modern  Germany  is  not  only  interested  in  classical  Italy  and 
in  the  Italian  Renaissance,  but  also  in  the  reconstruction  of  its 
political  unity,  its  economical  development,  which  is  watched  with 
keen  interest,  and  which  is  understood  and  highly  appreciated  by 
us,  perhaps  because  we  ourselves,  like  the  Italians,  recall  the  great 
struggles  which  they  had  to  endure  to  reach  their  national  unity. 
Victor  Hehn,  in  his  work,  Italian  cities  and  People,  and  P.  D. 
Fischer,  in  his  studies  of  the  political,  economical,  and  social  con- 
ditions of  Italy,  as  well  as  Hofmeister,  in  his  work  The  Economic 


300  FOURTH   PART 

Development  of  the  Romans,  have  through  most  delicate  an- 
alyses succeeded  in  penetrating  the  psychology  of  the  Italian  soul; 
and  with  what  marvelous  clearness  they  knew  how  to  value  and 
appreciate  the  high  standard  which  Italy  has  knownhow  to  reach! 
And  with  what  keenness  did  our  great  historian,  Treitschke  suc- 
ceed in  penetrating  the  work  and  genius  of  the  great  Italian  states- 
man, Camillo  Cavour! 

Every  year  thousands  and  thousands  of  Germans  visit  the 
peninsula.  They  are  fascinated  by  the  magic  beauties  of  nature 
and  by  the  masterpieces  which  Italy  possesses,  and  all  go  home  af- 
ter their  too  brief  sojourn  with  their  souls  intoxicated  by  their  im- 
pression of  the  extraordinary  beauty  of  the  country,  and  with 
hearts  and  souls  overflowing  with  admiration  for  the  wonderful 
beauties  of  classical  Italy,  and  ears  still  vibrating  with  the  har- 
monious echoes  of  conversations  which  may  have  incidentally 
occurred  among  agreeable  traveling  companions.  Only  the 
Germans,  we  dare  to  affirm  it,  carry  out  from  Italy  so  many 
fruitful  impressions  of  the  land  which  fascinates  them  as  the  cradle 
of  European  civilization.  The  Frenchman  does  not  travel  much. 
The  Englishman,  however,  does;  but  he  returns  with  what  en- 
tirely different  observations  and  criticisms!  The  Russian  who 
betakes  himself  to  Italy  is  usually  of  the  intelligent  and  more 
aristocratic  type,  but  neither  Italian  art  nor  Italian  civilization 
will  ever  be  the  common  patrimony  of  the  Russian  people,  whose 
psychology  is  foreign  to  European  culture. 

But  the  Italian  people  thought  that  English  wrongs 
could  not  be  so  grave  w^hen  confronted  by  German  wrongs, 
if  Giuseppe  Mazzini  (the  foremost  Italian  of  the  Ncav  Italy) 
had  finally  grown  fond  of  England. 

The  Italian  people  thought  that  the  French  wrongs  were 
not  unpardonable  when  confronted  by  Teuton  wrongs,  if 
Giuseppe  Garibaldi  (the  glorious  hero  of  the  New  Italy), 
Amilcare  Cipriani  (the  most  rebellious  of  the  persecuted 
patriots  of  the  New  Italy),  Giovanni  Bovio,  Felice  Caval- 
lotti,  and  Matteo  Renato  Imbriani  (three  of  the  most  fear- 
less patriots  of  the  New  Italy),  and  Giosue  Carducci  and 
Gabriele  d'Annunzio  (the  two  greatest  poets  of  the  New 
Italy)  had  finally  ended  by  defending  and  exalting 
France. 

The  Italian  people,  moreover,  not  having  allowed  them- 


TERRITORIAL  CUPIDITY  301 

selves  to  be  contaminated  by  German  gold,  were  not  be- 
guiled by  these  tardy  and  flattering  articles. 

The  Teutons  finally  resorted  to  threats,  but  in  vain,  for 
the  simple  reason  that  the  Italian  people,  once  roused  for  a 
reason  which  they  believe  to  be  just,  fear  nothing, —  death 
least  of  all,  as  is  clearly  proved  by  the  history  of  their 
martyrology. 


X 

Territorial  cupidity. 

Where  was  the  territorial  cupidity  which  incited  the 
Italian  people  to  enter  the  great  war,  attacking  Austria? 

Without  doubt  Italy,  who  took  her  place  as  a  great 
power  fifty  years  ago,  found  the  most  important  positions  of 
the  world  solidly  occupied  by  other  nations  who  had  been 
powerful  for  centuries.  She  found  an  international  hier- 
archy long  established  and  ironclad  in  which  there  remained 
nothing  for  her  but  the  last  place.  She  found  a  rigid  and 
suflFocating  equilibrium  which  she,  smaller,  poorer,  and 
weaker  than  all  the  others  could  not  shake,  and  from  which 
she  could  not  carve  for  herself  the  slightest  portion  of  riches 
and  dominion,  nor  could  she  reconstruct  her  full  national, 
geographical,  and  ethnic  unity. 

Territorial  expansion,  however,  was  a  vital  incoercible 
necessity. 

For  notwithstanding  that  the  people  of  the  New  Italy 
greatly  respected  the  national  independence  of  other  peoples  — 
they  even  respected  those  whom  so-called  civilizations  openly 
call  inferiors  and  barbarians  — they  were  always  opposed  to 
the  policy  and  enterprises  which  had  for  their  aim  territorial 
expansion.  The  people  of  the  New  Italy  strongly  opposed 
the  war  against  Abyssinia  for  the  conquest  of  Eritrea,  which 
had  for  its  epilogue  the  defeat  of  Adua,  May  i,  1896;  and, 
in  1911-1912,  the  war  against  Turkey  for  the  conquest  of 
Tripoli  and  Cyrenaica,  (the  only  two  wars  of  the  New  Italy) 
imposed  by  the  monarchical  Government  of  Savoy  for  the 


302  FOURTH  PART 

banking,  industrial,  commercial,  and  religious  interests  of 
the  Italian  plutocracy.  They  opposed  them,  or  rather  did 
not  impose  them  as  they  did  the  present  great  war,  because 
those  two  African  wars  could  only,  up  to  a  certain  point, 
harm  the  compages  and  the  destiny  of  the  nation,  while  the 
great  war  is  certain  to  harm  the  compages  and  destiny  of  all 
Europe  and  of  the  whole  world. 

The  people  of  the  New  Italy,  entering  into  the  great  war 
during  the  spring  of  1915,  did  not  have  for  their  object 
territorial  advantages. 

If  they  had  had  only  this  object  in  view  they  would 
have  drawn  up  in  line  of  battle  from  the  beginning  of  the 
war,  on  the  side  of  Austria  and  Germany,  or  at  least  they 
would  have  remained  neutral. 

In  the  first  case,  France  would  have  been  crushed  as 
quickly  as  a  lightning  flash.  The  French  disaster  would 
have  unavoidably  reacted  upon  England  and  Russia.  And 
Austria  and  Germany,  remaining  victorious  and  absolute 
arbiters  of  the  situation,  would  willingly  have  compensated 
Italy  with  territorial  concessions,  comprising  not  only  the 
unredeemed  regions  at  the  east  of  the  peninsula  (from  Tren- 
tino  to  the  southern  coast  of  Albania)  but  also  the  unre- 
deemed regions  at  the  west  of  the  peninsula  (as  Savoy, 
Nice,  and  Corsica),  the  islands  of  Malta,  Tunis,  Gibraltar 
and,  dulcis  in  f undo y  some  "great  colony"  outside  of  the 
Mediterranean. 

In  the  second  case,  Austria  and  Germany,  not  less  will- 
ingly whatever  may  be  said  to  the  contrary,  would  have 
compensated  Italy  with  territorial  concessions  proportionate 
to  these  which  would  have  come  to  them  in  the  event  of  vic- 
tory to  Francis  Joseph  and  William  II. 

But  rather  than  easy  acquirement  of  territory,  the 
people  of  the  New  Italy  preferred  the  cause  of  humanity, 
-even  at  infinite  sacrifice,  above  and  beyond  the  value 
synthesized  in  the  binomial  Trent-Trieste.  They  preferred 
to  destroy  the  dreams  of  Teutonic  control  and  plutocratic 
supremacy.  They  preferred  to  shake  the  foundations  of 
military  Teutonic  power.  They  preferred  to  save  the  in- 
dependence of  nations   from  Teutonic  imperialism,  which 


THE  OMNIPOTENTS  303 

latterly  had  become  too  arrogant,  too  disturbing,  and  too 
dangerous. 

If  through  the  great  war  the  mortal  blow  is  struck  at 
Kultur  and  results  in  harm  for  real  human  progress,  the 
censure  must  be  given  to  the  people  of  the  New  Italy,  and 
with  this  censure  must  come  remorse  and  shame  forever. 

If,  instead,  the  mortal  blow  given  to  Kultur  by  the  great 
war  results  in  good  for  real  human  progress,  the  credit  for 
this  should  in  justice  be  given  to  the  people  of  the  New 
Italy;  and  with  the  credit  should  also  be  given  universal 
recognition,  and  glory  forever. 

The  future  Tacitus  will  be  the  judge. 


XI 

The  Omnipotents. 

The  present  great  war  is  the  logical  and  natural  epilogue 
of  the  evils  committed  by  the  privileged  class  during  its 
long  dominion  over  the  world.  It  is  the  culmination  of  that 
which  this  class  could  practically  always  commit  to  the  harm 
of  the  entire  world. 

It  is  true  that  the  defenders  of  human  rights  have 
counterposed  across  the  centuries  the  fruits  of  their  minds, 
vigorous,  noble,  and  immortal;  the  impulse  of  their  con- 
science, kind,  pitiful,  and  affectionate;  the  martyrdoms  of 
their  flesh,  heroic,  magnanimous,  and  sublime.  But  all 
this  effusion  of  beauty  has  not  been  able  to  prevent  the 
opening  of  that  Pandora's  box  and  the  escaping  of  the 
miasm  of  its  putrid  contents  to  the  infection  of  the  entire 
social  organism. 

This  indicates  that  the  intellectual,  moral,  and  material 
elements  used  by  the  defenders  of  human  rights,  however 
much  they  may  spring  from  the  purest  fountains  of  thought 
and  sentiments,  and  however  ardently  they  may  have  reached 
toward  the  holiest  ideals  of  life,  were  not  adaptable  to  human 
nature  (whether  to  the  oppressors  nor  to  the  oppressed).  If 
they  had  been  adaptable,  humanity  would  have  assimilated 


304  FOURTH   PART 

them.  And  at  the  present  time  there  would  be  neither  op- 
pressed nor  oppressors.  All  would  have  already  entered  vol- 
untarily or  involuntarily  into  that  longed-for  phase  of  civil 
life.  Into  that  phase  in  which  the  people,  all  peoples  with- 
out distinction,  can  find  only  justice,  liberty,  prosperity, 
brotherhood,  peace,  and  happiness. 

From  the  ruins  of  the  great  war,  saturated  by  the  blood 
and  anguish  of  all  the  human  family,  will  arise  a  breath  of 
new  and  vitalizing  energy.  This  breath  will  create  a  new 
order  of  men,  who  will  be  omnipotent,  and  will  be  called  the 
Omnipote7its. 

I  predict  this  with  the  emotion  born  of  inmost  certainty. 

The  Omnipotents  will  take  the  place  of  those  (both  lay 
and  ecclesiastic)  who  have  never  done  other  than  defend  in 
vain  the  rights  of  humanity. 

The  Omnipotents  will  overthrow  those  (lay  and  eccle- 
siastic) who  do  not  do  other  than  obstinately  further  evil. 

But  their  work— the  work  of  the  Omnipotents — will  not 
have  the  sudden  destructive  violence  of  seismic  movements. 
Their  work  will  be  like  the  gradual,  fruitful  virtue  of  the  sun 
which  appears  every  morning  on  the  horizon.  Their  work 
will  have  the  active  principle  of  love,  and,  as  such,  will  pene- 
trate into  the  debilitated  social  organism  (and  no  deleteri- 
ous influence  will  be  able  to  stop  it);  it  will  purify;  it  will 
heal;  it  will  be  raised  to  the  highest  summits  of  physical, 
psychological,  and  spiritual  perfection,  to  the  point  where 
the  poetical  dream  of  my  Campanella  will  finally  become  a 
reality  —  always  progressive  and  triumphant  in  the  daily 
and  perennial  life  of  the  human  race: 

O  pietas,  o  prisca  fides,  o  Candida  corda^ 

Lugenium  ignorantumque  atri  ahiere  colores; 

Exulet  impietas,  fraudes,  mendacia,  lites. 

Nee  timeant  agnive  lupum,  aut  armenta  leonem; 

Inque  bonum  populi  discent  regnare  tyranni; 

Ocia  cessarunt  et  cessavere  labores, 

Nam  labor  est  iocus,  in  multos  partitus  amice. 

O  pity,  O  faith,  O  pure  heart, 

Of  lying  and  ignorance  the  black  colors  have  faded. 


THE  OMNIPOTENTS  305 

Wickedness,  deceit,  lying,  and  wrangling,  will  have  burned  out. 

No  longer  will  the  lambs  fear  the  wolves,  nor  the  herds  the  lion, 

And  let  the  people  teach  the  tyrants  to  rule  well, 

Laziness  will  cease  and  labors  will  become 

A  pleasure,  when  divided  equally  among  many  friends. 


[the  end] 


INDEX 


Abba,  Giuseppe  Caesar,  140,  and 

note. 
Abruzzi,  Duke  of,  235,  and  note. 
Adalbert,  Prince  of  Bavaria,  283. 
Adam,  39. 

Adami,  Giovan  B.,  132. 
Adrian  IV,  Pope  105,  106,  108. 
Aehrenthal,  Count,  235. 
Ajani,  Giulio,  88,  160. 
Alaric,  256. 
Albani,  Felice,  169. 
Albert,  Archduke,  226. 
Alboin,  King,  100. 
Aleardi,  Aleardo,  147. 
Alexander,  Crown  Prince,  210. 
Alexander,  Prince,  Regent  of  Serbia 

206,  214. 
Alexander  III,  Pope,  108,  iii. 
Allemandi,  General,  128. 
Almerigotti,  Alessandro,  133. 
Almerigotti,  Giovanni  and  Lodovi- 

co,  133. 
Amedeo  VI,  Duke  of  Savoy,  114. 
Antonaz,  Antonio,  147. 
Apollinaris,  Pinarius,  95. 
Ardigo,  Prof.  Roberto,  264,  270. 
Aretino,  299. 

Ariberto  da  Intimiano,  no. 
Armani,  Antonio,  139. 
Armellini,  Carlo,  55,  61. 
Arnold  of  Brescia,  105. 
Arquati-Tavani,  Signora  Giuditta, 

88,  89,  90,  160. 
Ascoli,  Graziadio,  121. 
Astolfo,  King,  90  note. 
Attila,  99. 

Augustus,   Emperor,  91,  92,  94. 
Aurelius,  Marcus,  92,  98. 
Avarna,  Duke  of,  221,  225,226,  231, 

233,  286. 
Avezzana,  164. 


Baiamonti,  Antonio,  127,  198. 

Balbo,  Cesare,  38 

Balilla,  24,  51. 

Balzac,  298. 

Bandiera,  Attilio  and  Emilio,  121. 

Baratieri,  Oreste,  139. 

Barbarossa,     Frederick,     Emperor 

of  Germany   51    note,   78   note, 

105,    106,    107,    108,    109,    III, 

112. 
Barge,  Count  de,  56. 
Barzilai,  Salvatore,  165  and  note. 
Bassi,  Ugo,  62,  64. 
Battera,  Raimondo,  168. 
Battorchi,  Cernio,  154. 
Bazzoni,  Clementina,  172. 
Bazzoni,  Dr.,  172. 
Beatrice,  176. 
Beccaria,  Cesare,  172  note. 
Belgiojoso,  Princess  of,  54. 
Bell,  66. 

Belloni,  Giuseppe,  45. 
Berardi,  G.,  121. 
Berchet,  Giovanni,  35. 
Berchtold,  Count,  208,     232,     233, 

234note,  235. 
Berini,  Giovanni,  170. 
Bertelli,  Pietro,  131. 
Bertolini,  290  note,  295. 
Bethmann-Hollweg,  von,  227,  240. 
Bevilacqua,  Achille,  131. 
Bevilacqua,  Giovanni,  133. 
Bezzi,  Enoch,  139. 
Bezzi,  Ergisto,  139,  140,  148,  149, 

152,  154,  160. 
Bidischini,  Francesco,  139. 
Bismarck,  217,  230,  233. 
Bissolati,    Minister    of    Italy,    20 

note. 
Bixio,  Nino,  84. 
Blasig,  Carlo,  162. 


307 


308 


INDEX 


Boccaccio,  298. 

Boggio,  Carlo,  158. 

Bolcego,  Tomaso,  139. 

Bolza,  46,  49. 

Bonetti,  Domenico,  132, 

Bonomo,  Antonio,  116. 

Borelli,  Vincenzo,  36. 

Borisi,  Marcantonio,  133. 

Borromeo,  Count  Vitaliano,  54. 

Boscowich,  Carlo,  134. 

Bovio,  Giovanni,  175,  294  and  note, 

295,  300. 
Bracciolini,  299. 
Brambilla,  Pietro,  158. 
Brescian,  family  The,  153. 
Brisa,  Bishop-Baron,  113. 
Bronzetti,  Narciso,  131,  136,  137. 
Bronzetti,  Oreste,  154. 
Bronzetti,  Pilade,  131,  141. 
Bruck,  122. 

Bruffel,  Giovanni,  132. 
Brul,  139. 
Brunetti,  Angelo,  {Ciceruacchio) 

62,  64. 
Bruno,  Giordano,  244,  255,  264. 
Buchanan,  207. 
Buchler,  Gustavo,  152. 
Billow,  Prince  von,  229,  240,  285, 

289,  291,  295. 
Bunsen,  Maurice,  213. 
Buono,  Michele,  142. 
Burkhardt,  Jacob,  298. 

Cadorna,  General  RafFaele,90, 152, 

162. 
Caesar,    Julius,    92,    93    note,    95 

note,  249. 
Cairoli,  Dr.  Carlos,  161  note. 
Cairoli,  Adelaide,  161  note. 
Cairoli,  Benedetto,  161,  164. 
Cairoli,  The  Brothers,  88,  159. 
Cairoli,  Enrico,  88. 
Cairoli,  Giovanni,  160. 
Caligula,  Caius,  95. 
Calvi,   Colonel    Pietro    Fortunato, 

74- 
Camerinus,  Quintus  Sulpicius,  95. 


Campanella,   Tommaso,   244,   262, 

304- 
Campbell,  Robert,  48. 
Canal,  Giulio,  122. 
Cancellieri,  Giulio,  115. 
Canella,  Isidoro,  154. 
Cantij,  Cesare,  38. 
Canzio,  Stefano,  163. 
Cappellini,  Alfredo,  86. 
Capponi,  Gino,  38. 
Capponi,  Piero,  187  note. 
Capna,  152. 
Caprin,  163. 

Caravati,  the  widow,  45. 
Carbone,  Giovanni,  25. 
Carbonis,  R.,  121. 
Carducci,  Giosue,  90,  165,  172,  174 

and  note,  175,  188,  300. 
Carli,  Gian  Rinaldo,  119. 
Carlo  Alberto  of  Savoy-Carignano, 

32,  39,  40,  50,  S3,  56,  85,  122.  128, 

129,  278,  282. 
Carlo,  Felice,  32,  33,  40. 
Carpaccio,  157. 
Carrara,  Francesco,  172. 
Casanova,  Don  Pietro,  131. 
Catherine  II  of  Russia,  172  note. 
Cato,  249. 
Cattaneo,  Carlo,  38,    42,    46   note, 

47- 
Cattarozzi,  Vincenzo,  160. 
Caucich,  Pietro,  179. 
Cavali,  Pietro,  131. 
Cavallotti,  Felice,  300. 
Cavour,  Camillo  Benso  di,  38,  75, 

76,  77^  79.  81,  134'  145.  I47»  150. 

156,  300. 
Cellini,  Benvenuto,  299. 
Cernuschi,  Enrico,  47. 
Charlemagne,  Emperor,  100. 
Charles,  Archduke,  118. 
Charles  II  of  Parma,  74. 
Charles  III  of  Parma,  74. 
Charles  IV,  113. 
Charles  V,  Emperor,  51   note,   115 

note,  1 17. 
Charles  VI  of  Austria,  23,  24,  118. 


INDEX 


309 


Charles  Albert  of  Bavaria,  (Char- 
les VII),  23. 
Charles  VIII  of  France,  187  note. 
Charles   Emmanuel   III  of  Savoy, 

23- 

Charles  Ludwlg,  Archduke,  167. 

Chimelli,  Carlo,  154. 

Chiozza,  Pietro,  152. 

Christ,  260. 

Ciani,  Giuseppina,  170. 

Ciganovitch,  Milan,  203,  211. 

Cignoli,  79,  80. 

Ciotti,  Marziano,  139,  152,  160. 

Cipriani,  Amilcare,  300. 

Clarendon,  Lord,  63. 

Claudius,  Emperor,  95. 

Clement  VII,  Pope,  51  note. 

Clerici,  Giorgio,  47. 

Coen,  Filippo,  133. 

Coiz,  Antonio,  135  note. 

Colombus,  Christopher,  249. 

Colombo,  Giacobbe,  72. 

Combi,  Carlo,  158. 

Comelli,  Federico,  134. 

Conforti,  Raffaele,  74. 

Conrad,  General,  233,  234  note. 

Constantine,  Emperor,  92. 

Conti,  Maria,  72. 

Correnti,  Caesar,  60  note. 

Cortella,  Paolo,  154. 

Covi,  Virgilio,  154. 

Crispi,  Francesco,  217. 

Cristiano,  Archbishop  of  Magonza, 

108. 
Cuder,  Federico,  160. 
Cumano,  Costantino,  125,  133. 

Dalia  Costa,  Giovanni,  139. 

Dall  'Ongaro,   Francesco,  72,   121 

note,  131  note. 
Dandolo,  198. 
Dandolo,  Enrico,  62. 
D'Andri,     Lieutenant     Leonardo, 

151,152. 
Danielli,  Giovanni,  128. 
D'Annunzio,    Gabriele,     177,     198 

note,  286,  289,  296,  3CX3. 


Dante,  90,  176,  182,  183,  246,  262 

note,  272,  298. 
D'Aspre,  General,  61. 
Davanzati,  157. 
D'Azeglio,  Massimo,  38. 
De  Bassetti,  Tito,  143. 
De  Canal,  Bernardo,  74. 
De  Carina,  Pietro,  159. 
De  Haag,  Riccardo,  179. 
Delfino,  Menotti,  166. 
Delia  Casa,  Giovanni,  247. 
Delia  Croce,  Ireneo,  118. 
Delia  Torre,  Enrico,  113. 
Dentatus,  Curius,  293. 
De  Mulitsch,  166. 
De  Pregel,  Melchiorre,  162. 
De  Pretis,  Carlo,  154. 
De  Pretis,  Giovanni,  143. 
Depaugher,  Carlo,  152. 
Depretis,  Minister,  217. 
De  Pretis  family.  The,  153. 
De  Rin,  149. 
Di  Rin,  Nicolo,  125. 
Dicio,  Domenico,  131. 
Diederichs,  E.,  299. 
Diocletian,  Emperor,  92,  97. 
Donaggio,  R.,  152,  154,  160. 
Donati,  Giuseppe,  152. 
D'Oria,  Luciano,  197,  198. 
Doria,  Lamba,  197,  198. 
Dostoievsky,  298. 
Dragicchio,  Giuseppe,  133. 
DrufFel,  Giovanni,  152. 
Ducati,  Angelo,  128. 
Ducati,  family.  The,  153. 
Duchie,  Luigi,  179. 
Dudovich,  163. 

Durando,  General  Giovanni,  52. 
Durando,  Giacomo,  38. 

Eccheli,  family  of  Ala,  The,  153. 
Eccheli,  family  of  Brentonico,  The, 

154. 
Eccher,  Alberto,  152. 
Elizabeth  of  AustriaMaria,  83. 
Elizabeth  of  Savoy-Carignano,  282. 
Elizabeth,  Princess  of  Saxony,  282. 


310 


INDEX 


Erberti,  Francesco,  133. 
Eugenius  III,  Pope,  105. 

Fabius,  141. 

Fabricius,  Caius,  293,  295. 

Fabricci,  Gustavo,  166. 

Fabrizi,  164. 

Facchinetti,  Michele,  135. 

Faienz,  Fillipo,  152. 

Fani,  Prof.  Gino,  237  note. 

Fattori,  Antonio,  139. 

Fausta,  92. 

Favetti,  Carlo,  134. 

Favetti,  Nepomuceno,  148. 

Fenali,  Giuseppe,  152. 

Ferdinand  I  of  Austria,  53. 

Ferdinand  I  of  Bourbon,  25,  28,  29, 

31- 
Ferdinand  I,  King  of  the  Romans, 

115  and  note,  117. 
Ferdinand  II,  of  the  Two  Sicilies, 

40,  52,  62, 122. 
Ferdinand  III,  of  Lorraine,  25. 
Ferolli,  Enrico,  152,  154,  160. 
Ferrandi,  Luciano,  72. 
Ferrari,  Carlo,  145. 
Ferrari,  Giuseppe,  38. 
Ferrari,  Major,  137. 
Ferruccio,  Francesco,  51. 
Festi,  Lorenzo,  128. 
Figulo,  Marcio,  97. 
Fischer,  P.  D.,  299. 
Flaccio,  157. 

Flotow,  Baron  von,  220,  231. 
Foa,  di  Bruno,  88. 
Fonda,  Eugenio,  179. 
Fontana,  Giuseppe,  139,   140,   148, 

152,159. 
Ford,  Henry,  273. 
Fortis,  Leone,  122,  132,  135. 
Foscolo,  Ugo,  255. 
Francis  I  of  Austria,  29,  47. 
Francis  I  of  Bourbons,  31. 
Francis  II  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  83, 

85,  102. 
Francis  11  of  Austria,  I02. 
Francis  IV  of  Modena,  35,  36. 


Francis  Ferdinand,  Archduke,  210, 

206  note,  247. 
Francis  Joseph,  19,  53,  70,  72,  74, 

76,  80,  82,  83,  133,  149,  150,  158, 

162,  168,  171,  172,  174,  201  note, 
204,  215,  217,  226,  227,  236,  246, 
246,  247,  261,  283,  284,  286,  287, 
289. 

Francis,  Vicar,  Regent  of  the  Two 

Sicilies,  30,  31. 
Fratti,  Antonio,  254  note. 
Frattini,  Pietro  Domenico,  74. 
Frederick,  The  Great,  230. 
Frederick  III  of  Austria,  116,  117. 
Friedlander,  298. 
Fusinato,  Arnaldo,  56,  68,  135. 

Galilei,  264. 

Galletti,  Colonel,  61. 

Galli,  Ernesta,  72. 

Gallo,  Michele,  152. 

Gambaroni,  Giuseppe,  45. 

Garibaldi,  Anita,  62,  64,  65. 

Garibaldi,  Bruno  and  Sante,  254. 

Garibaldi,  Giuseppe,  38,  61,  62,  6^, 
65,  66,  77,  80,  81,  83,84,85,86 
87,88,90,  123, 131,132  note,  135, 
136,  137,  138,  139,  141,  142,  144, 
145,  146,  147,  148,  149,  151,  152 
and  note,  153,  154,  157,  159,  160, 

163,  164  and  note,  165,  166,  174, 
197  note,  198  note,  244,  253  and 
note,  255,  291,  294,  3CX). 

Garibaldi,  Menotti,  163,  177. 
Garibaldi,  Peppino,  254. 
Garibaldi,  Ricciotti,  163,  177,  253, 

254-. 
Gattesi,  Giuseppe,  133. 
Gazzoletti,  Antonio,  121  note,  128, 

134- 
Gervasio,  Ricciotti,  167. 
Giesl,    Baron   von   Gieslman,    202, 

204,  208,  212. 
Gioberti,  Vincenzo,  38,  39. 
Giolitti,   Giovanni,   281,   284,    285 

and    note,   287,  290   note,  291, 

292,  295. 


INDEX 


311 


Giussano,  Alberto  da,  no. 

Giusti,  Giuseppe,  38,  39,  248  note. 

Gizzi,  Cardinal,  40. 

Gladstone,  74. 

Godina,  Alessandro,  133. 

Goethe,  298,  299. 

Gogol,  255. 

Gorki,  Maxim,  256  and  note. 

Gracchi,  161. 

Gravisif  Girolamo,  152. 

Grazioli,  Bartolomeo,  74. 

Grego,  Ado,  179. 

Gregorich,  Luigi,  166. 

Gregorovius,  Ferdinand,  298 

Gregory  XVI,  Pope,  37. 

Grey,  Sir  Edward,  207,  213. 

Grimm,  Hermann,  298. 

Grio,  Domenico,  152. 

Grioli,  Giovanni,  74. 

Grioli,  Giuseppe,  134. 

Grion,  Giovanni,  179. 

Grozet,  G.,  121. 

Guerrazzi,  Francesco  Domenco,  36, 

55,  80,  131. 
Guilay,  Marshall,  79,  81,  82. 

Hagender,  124. 

Hannibal,  50  note. 

Hardt,  Dr.  Fred,  B.,  297. 

Hart,  SchafFner  &  Marx,  273. 

Hayman,  General,  60. 

Hehn,  Victor,  299. 

Helena,  Queen,  178. 

Herbert,  Francesco,  133. 

Hermet,  Francesco,  126,  151. 

Herod,  King  of  Judea,  92. 

Hess,  General,  82. 

Hofmeister,  299. 

Hohenwarth,  Count,  143. 

Hortis,  151. 

Hugo,  Victor,  172,  174,  253. 

Humbert,  of  Savoy,    Prince,    148, 

161. 
Humbert  I,  176,  177,  217,  246,  282. 

Imbriani,  Matteo  Renato,  175,  300. 
Inama,  Virgilio,  154. 


Insel,  299. 

lolanda.  Princess,  178. 
Isnenghi,  Enrico,  139,  140. 
Ivancich,  Giovanni,  153,  200. 

Jagher,  family.  The,  154. 

Jagher,  Giovanni,  154. 

Jamsy,  Carlo,  165. 

John,  King  of  Saxony,  299. 

Joshua,  260. 

Jugurtha,  King,  174  note, 

Julia,  93. 

Jurettig,  Enrico,  173 

Kalteneisen,  Ferruccio,  179. 
Kandler,  Giovanni,  121  note. 
Kandler,  Pietro,  120. 
Kattenbrunner,  Arturo,  167. 
Krammer,  Giulietta,  167. 
Kudachew,  206. 
Krupp,  283. 

La  Marmora,  General  Alfonso,  73, 

150. 
Landucci,  299. 
Lamartine,  228, 
Lamoriciere,  General,  81. 
Lavisato,  Domenico,  160. 
Lazarus,  of  Bethany,  260. 
Leggero,  Captain,  64,  65. 
Leo  III  Pope,  81. 

Leonardi,  Giuseppe,  139,  140,  152. 
Leonidas,  141. 
Leopardi,  Giacomo,  38. 
Leopold,  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany, 

40,  52»  55- 
Leopold  I,  Emperor,  118. 
Leopold  III,  Duke  of  Austria,  114, 

115. 
Levi,  Sansone,  132. 
Levinus,  Valerius,  292. 
Litta,  Duke,  54. 
Livaditi,  Demetrio,  135. 
Livy,  91. 
Lorenzetti,  187. 
Louis  I,  King  of  Portugal,  147. 
Lovisoni,  Gioacchino,  151. 


312 


INDEX 


Luccardi,  Vincenzo,  i66. 
Lucius  II,  Pope,  105. 
Lulves,  Dr.  J.,  297. 
Lusgar,  116. 

Macchio,  Baron,  207. 
Machiavelli,  227,  299. 
Maddali,  Emilio,  160. 
Madonizza,  Dr.  A.,  121,  151. 
Madonizza,  Pietro,  152. 
MafFezzoli,  Basilio,  137. 
Magllani,  Agostino,  294. 
Magrini,  Luciano,  178,  179. 
Magrini,  Pietro,  179. 
Malatesta,  E.,  255  and  note. 
Malfatti,  Bartolomeo,  132. 
Mameli,  GofFredo,   50,   52,   56,  62, 

140. 
Mamiani,  Terenzio,  38. 
Manara,  Luciano,  62 
Manci,  Filippo,  139,  140,  148,  152, 

153- 

Manci,  Gaetano,  128,  143. 

Manci,  Sigismondo,  128. 

Mancini,  Minister,  217. 

Mandich,  172. 

Manin,  Daniele,  38,  49,  53,  67,  70, 
132,  147,  158. 

Manzoni,  Alessandro,  38,  164. 

Marcabruni,  Luigi,  139. 

Marchetti,  Dr.  Levio,  131  note. 

Marconi,  Guglielmo,  270. 

Margherita,  Princess,  161. 

Margherita,  Queen,  217,  246,  282, 
283. 

Maria  Adelaide,  Queen,  282. 

Maria  Isabella,  Princess  of  Bava- 
ria, 283. 

Maria  Louisa,  Daughter  of  the 
Emperor  of  Austria,  25. 

Maria  Louisa  of  Bourbon,  25. 

Maria  Pia,  147. 

Maria  Sophia  of  Bavaria,  81. 

Maria  Theresa,  23,  25. 

Marius,  Caius,  174  and  note. 

Marsili,  Antonio,  143. 

Martini,  Federico,  132. 


Martini,  Francesco,  139,  154. 

Martini,  Leopoldo,  136. 

Martini,  family  of  Riva,  The,  154. 

Martori,  Pietro,  139. 

Marzari,  Carlo,  131. 

Masi,  Dr.,  63. 

Mattedi,  Francesco,  131. 

Mauro,  Francesco,  160. 

Mauro,  Gino,  187. 

Maxentius,  92. 

Maximian,  92. 

Mazza,  Salvatore,  43. 

Mazzini,  Angelo,  152. 

Mazzini,  Giuseppe,  38,  39,  55,  61, 

62.  70,  73,  90,  122,  148,  149.  163, 

244,  255,  294  note. 
Mazzoni,  Giuseppe,  55. 
MacMahon,  General,  81. 
Medici,  General,  152. 
Menelaus,  265. 
Menotti,  Giro,  35,  36. 
Mercantini,  Luigi,  77,  78  note. 
Merey,  Austrian  Ambassador,  232. 
Metternich,  29,30,40, 121, 122, 124. 
Meucci,  Antonio,  66. 
Milius,  54. 
Milla,  Davide,  152. 
Minos,  176. 
Moiola,  Quirino,  139. 
Molinari,  family,  The,  153. 
Mommsen,  Theodore,  94,  298. 
Mondolfo,  54. 
Moneta,  Theodore,  270. 
Monferrato,  Marquis  of,  108. 
Montanari,  Count  Carlo,  74. 
Montanari,  Pietro,  154. 
Montanelli,  Giuseppe,  38,  55. 
Morosini,  Emilio,  62. 
Mortera,  Attilio  and  Emilio,  166. 
Mosettig,  Pietro,  160. 
Muller,  G.,  299. 

Muratori,  Lodovico  Antonio,  110. 
Muratti,  Giusto,  160. 
Muzio,  157. 

Naldini,  Dr.,  64. 
Napoleon  I,  25,  102. 


INDEX 


313 


Napoleon  III,  76,    81,    82,    87,   90 

note,  158,  201,  note. 
Negri,  Bishop  Antonio,  113. 
Negri,  Edoardo,  131. 
Nepos,  Julius,  97. 
Nero,  Emperor,  67. 
Niccolini,  Giovan  Battista,  38,  80. 
Nicholas  I  of  Russia,  75. 
Nicholas  II,  Czar  of  Russia,   206, 

213,  216. 
Nisco,  Nicola,  74. 
Nugent,  S3,  58. 

Oberdan,  Giuseppina,  174. 
Oberdan,  Guglielmo,  168,  169,  170, 

171  and  note,  162,  173,  174.  175, 

183,  186,  188,  254  note. 
Olacutti,  Caroline,  167. 
Olivieri,  Alessio,  77. 
Orefice,  Giulio,  115. 
Orestes,  97. 
Orioli,  F.,  121. 

Orlandini,  Giovanni,  121,  132. 
Orseolo,  Peter,  loi. 
Orseolo,  Peter  II,  loi,  103. 
Otto,  son  of  Barbarossa,  III. 
Oudinot,  General,  61,  62. 

Pallfly,  Governor,  123. 

Palmerston,  Lord,  48. 

Parisi,  Rodolfo,  162. 

Pasic,  204,  208,  212,  214. 

Pasquale  III,  Pope,  108. 

Patchou,  204 

Pattini,  Giovanni,  180. 

Pecci,  Cardinal,  81. 

Pecenco,  Luigi,  160. 

Pellico,  Silvio,  33,  35, 

Pepe,  General  Guglielmo,    27,    28, 

52.  53*67,  70. 
Percoto,  Caterina,  121  note. 
Persano,  Admiral,  86,  145. 
Peter,  90. 

Peter  I  Karageorgevic,  201  note. 
Petitti,  Ignazio,  38. 
Piatti,  Antonio,  45. 
Piatti,  family,  The,  119. 


Piazza,  Giovanna,  45. 

Pieri,  Piero,  132  note. 

Pipin,  The  Short,  90  note. 

Pironti,  74. 

Pisanelli,  Giuseppe,  74. 

Pitteri,  Riccardo,  181. 

Pius  IX  (Giovanni  Mastai  Ferretti) 

40,  52,  55,  63,  81,  90  note,  122. 
Planta,  Julius,  95. 
Pliny,  93  note. 
Poerio,  Alessandro,  38. 
Poerio,  Carlo,  74. 
Pogatschnig,  Emilio,  166. 
Poincare,  249. 
Pollini,  Giuseppe,  160. 
Poma,  Carlo,  74. 
Pompey,  93. 
Pomponazzi,  264. 
Ponti,  54. 

Popovich,  Eugenio,  152. 
Poropat,  Francesco,  133. 
Prato,  130. 
Princip,  Gabrilo,  201. 
Pyrrhus,  King,  292,  293. 

Radetzky,  Josef  Wenceslaus,  Gov. 

General    of   Lombardy,    41,  53, 

54>  57.  67,  70,  72,  125  note,  132, 

226. 
Ranfo,  Bishop  Marco,  113. 
Ranieri,  Archduke,  282. 
Ranke,  298. 

Rascovich,  Edgardo,  164,  165. 
Ravaglia,  64. 
Ravaglia,  Stefano,  65. 
Raymmi,  54. 

Regazzini,  Alessandro,  166. 
Rendic,  167. 

Ressmann,  Costantino,  127. 
Revere,  Giuseppe,    123,    131,     132 

note. 
Riaviz,  Clemente,  148. 
Riaviz,  Stefano,  166. 
Ricchetti,  Giuseppe,  165. 
Ricci,  Vittore,  129. 
Rinaldi,  Ferdinando,  154, 
Rismondo,  151. 


314 


INDEX 


Ritozzo,  Luigi,  133. 
Rizzi,  Giovanni,  129. 
Romagnosi,  Gian  D.,  42. 
Romanin,  Samuele,  133. 
Romano,  Pietro,  133. 
Romulus,  Augustulus,  97. 
Rosmini,  Antonio,  38. 
Rossetti,  Domenico,  120. 
Rossetti,  Dante  Gabriel,  26  note. 
Rossetti,  Gabriel,    28,   29,   30   and 

note. 
Rossi,  Francesco,  170. 
Rossi,  Giovanni,  170. 
Rossi,  Pellegrino,  55. 
Rubinisch,  Giuseppe,  133. 
Ruffini,  Minister  of  Italy,  20  note. 

Saffi,  Aurelio,  55,  61,  73,  131,  165, 

175,  294  note. 
Saglioso,  Dr.,  131  note. 
Salandra,  Antonio,  165  note,  223, 

229,  240. 
Saliceti,  74. 

Sallier  della  Torre,  General,  32. 
San  Giuliano,  Marquis  of,  220,  231, 

232. 
Santorre  of  Santarosa,  Count,  32. 
Sar,  Tommaso,  132. 
Sartori,  Adolfo,  152. 
Sartorio,  157. 
Savo,  Pietro,  127. 
SazonofF,  204,  206. 
Scarboncich,  Pietro,  133. 
Scartellini,  Angelo,  74. 
Schirone,  Luigi,  167. 
Schmid,  General,  81. 
Scialoia,  Antonio,  74. 
Sciesa,  Antonio,  73. 
Scipio,  50  and  note. 
Sclopis,  Federico,  38. 
Scocchi,  Angelo,  179,  196. 
Scorpion,  Donato,  115. 
Scussa,  118. 
Seismit-Doda,    Federico,    122   and 

note,  123,  133. 
Settembrini,  Luigi,  74. 
Settimo,  Ruggiero,  38,  40. 


Seufferheld,  53. 

Sgarzolo,  Captain  Giuseppe,  121. 

Silanus,  Marcus  Junius,  95. 

Sizzo  de  Noris,  Count,  154. 

Sizzo,  Pietro,  128. 

Socci,  Ettore,  175. 

Solitro,  Giulio,  126. 

Sonnino,  Baron  Sydney,  221,  223, 

231, 
Sophie,  Duchess  of  Hohenberg,  201. 
Sordello,  176. 

Spadoni,  Ernesto,  178,  187. 
Spaventa,  Silvio,  74. 
Spazzapan,  Francesco,  179. 
Speri,  Tito,  74. 
Spinola,  Gasparo,  197. 
Spongia,  Filippo,  168. 
Stamura,  109. 
Statutus,  Camurius,  95. 
Stefania,  Princess,  167 
Stella,  Sigismondo,  166. 
Stephen  II,  Pope,  90  note. 
Sterchele,  Anselmo,  139. 
Sterle,  Mario,  179. 
Strabo,  93. 

Strandtman,  204,  214. 
Summa,  Antonio,  121  note. 
Sussa,  Francesco,  162. 

Tabai,  Antonio,  165. 
Tacitus,  303. 

Tamaro,  Attilio,  132,  186. 
Tankosic,  Commandant  Voina, 

203,  211. 
Tarugi,  129. 

Tavernini,  family.  The,  154. 
Tazzoli,  Enrico,  74. 
Tchernichewsky,  255. 
Tedeschi,  Prof.  Paolo,  147. 
TegetthofF,  Admiral,  226. 
Telesio,  264. 
Terzaghi,  Giulio,  47. 
Testi,  Giuseppe,  128. 
Thomas,  Prince  of  Savoy,  283  and 

note. 
Thum,  Matteo,  128. 
Tiberius,  Roman  Emperor,  92. 


INDEX 


315 


Tivaroni,  Carlo,  154,  160. 
Toller,  Domenico,  139. 
Tolstoy,  255. 
Tommaseo,    Niccolo,    38,    49  and 

note,  70,  124,  128,  132,  133,  13s, 

150,  198. 
Tonini,  Leopoldo,  141. 
Trajan,  Emperor,  93  note. 
Tranquillini,  Filippo,  139,  140,  148, 

152,154- 
Treitschke,  300. 
Trezzi,  Giacomo,  72. 
Turghenieff,  255. 
Tusti,  Alfredo,  297. 

Ughelli,  118. 

Urban,  Lieutenant-Marshal,  80. 

Urigio,  Nicolo,  115. 

Valussi,  Pacifico,  121  note,  127,  145 

Vascon,  Giovanni,  152. 

Venezian,  Felice,  187. 

Venezian,  Giacomo,  132  and  note. 

Venier,  Cristoforo,  162. 

Venosta,  Visconti,  155,  158. 

Venturi,  Captain,  141. 

Verdi,  177,  121,122,133,  187. 

Vergerio,  157. 

Vergottini,  Nicolo,  133. 

Verzegnasse,  Francesco,  135  note. 

Victor  Emanuel  I  of  Savoy,  25,  32. 

Victor  Emanuel  II,  56,  57,  76,  77, 
79,  81,  82,  83,  85,  86,  87,  13s,  136, 
139,  142,  144,  147,  150,  151,  152, 
153,  I57»  158,  159»  161,  164, 166. 

Victor  Emanuel  III,  19,  177,  221, 
225,  230  note,  249,  251,  255  note, 
278,  279,  281,  282,  283  and  note 
284,  285  and  note,  286,  287,  288, 
289,  295. 

Vidacovich,  Antonio,  164. 

Vidacowich,  Domenico,  152. 

Vidali,  Gian  Luigi,  160. 

Vidali,  Giuseppe,  179. 


Vidali,  Marcello,  196. 

Villari,  Pasquale,  270. 

Vinci,  Giuseppe,  165. 

Vinci,  Leonardo,  264. 

Virgil,  272  note. 

Visconti  di  Mondrone,  Duke  of,  54. 

Vittore  IV,  Pope,  108. 

Voltaire,  172  note. 

Vusio,  Tommaso  and  Rovis,  160. 

Walfer,  152. 

Weber,  von,  299. 

Weiss,  family,  The,  154, 

Welden,  General,  53. 

William  II,  Emperor  of  Germany, 

201  note,  216,  283,  285,  287,  288, 

289. 
William  of  Weid,  236  note. 
Wilson,  President,  20  note 
Winckelmann,  298. 
Wolfflin,  299. 
WuUenbacher,  172,  173. 

Zambelli,  Claudio,  152. 

Zambelli,  Giovanni,  74. 

Zamboni, Filippo,  131, 132  and  note 

Zampieri,  Riccardo,  184. 

Zanardi,  Ugo,  166. 

Zancani,    Camillo,    139,    140,    148, 

152. 
Zanetti,  Arturo,  133. 
ZanoUa,  152. 
Zanotti,  139,  140. 
Zecchia,  Niccolo,  162. 
Zenelli,  Giambattista,  128. 
Zeno,  Donato,  198. 
Ziani,  Doge  Sebestian,  iii. 
Zima,  Carlo,  60. 
Zinis,  Alessandro,  154. 
Zobel,  Col.,  129. 
Zocchi,  176. 
Zucchi,  Martino,  151. 


Press  and 
Individual  Opinions 
on  the  hook 

Journalism  of  the 

Italian  Emigrants  in 

America 

hy  Luigi  Carnovale 

Published  in 

Chicago^  Illinois 

United  States   of  America 


PRESS  AND  INDIVIDUAL  OPINIONS 

The  Chicago  Record  Herald  (Edwin  L.  Shuman),  Chicago  Illinois: 

In  a  volume  in  the  Italian  language  entitled,  //  Giornalismo  degli 
Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America,  Luigi  Carnovale  offers  his  compatriots 
a  score  of  lively  and  interesting  essays  on  various  timely  topics  touching 
the  Italians  in  the  United  States.  The  chief  essay,  as  the  foregoing  title 
indicates,  is  one  on  the  tribulations  of  the  men  who  are  trying  to  publish 
Italian  newspapers  in  this  country.  The  author  tells  many  of  his  own 
amusing  and  discouraging  experiences.  He  has  a  poor  opinion  of  the 
average  Italian  immigrant  and  says  so  with  refreshing  frankness.  But  he 
blames  his  fellow  countrymen  most  of  all  for  casting  off  their  Italian 
patriostim  and  adopting  a  shoddy  Americanism  in  its  stead.  He  thinks 
Italians  should  not  vote  here,  much  less  talk  about  putting  up  Italian 
candidates,  when  an  Irish  boss  boasts  that  he  can  buy  all  the  Italian  votes 
he  wants  with  a  barrel  of  beer.  The  cure  for  the  whole  evil,  in  the  opinion 
of  Signor  Carnovale,  is  more  education  and  more  Italian  patriotism. 

In  a  later  essay  he  pays  his  respects  in  language  which  he  modestly 
calls  "piuttosto  vivace,"  to  the  Chicago  priest  who  maligned  Mazzini 
and  Garibaldi  in  a  sermon.  He  also  has  his  opinion  of  American  law 
for  allowing  DeForest  and  others  to  usurp  Marconi's  wireless  invention. 
But  perhaps  the  hottest  shot  for  Americans  will  be  found  in  the  chapter 
defending  Caruso  from  the  scandal  of  the  monkey-house  incident.  One 
wonders  if  the  Chicago  daily  that  originally  printed  this  essay  knew  the 
meaning  of  all  the  hot  Italian  metaphors  in  it. 

Signor  Carnovale  writes  with  fluency,  force  and  vivacity.  His  fancy 
seems  as  inexhaustible  as  his  vocabulary,  and  he  has  both  humor  and 
intellectual  poise.  One  needs  to  read  only  a  few  pages  of  his  book  to  see 
that  he  is  a  lively  example  of  the  alert  young  manhood  which  is  regenerat- 
ing Italy  at  the  present  moment. 

Italy,  Chicago,  Illinois: 

Luigi  Carnovale  has  brought  out  a  volume  entitled,  //  Giornalismo 
degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America. 

It  is  comforting  to  see  that  the  restless  American  life  based  on  mate- 
rialism and  the  incessant  running  after  the  yellow  demon  (gold),  as  Maxim 
Gorky  would  say,  has  not  altered  the  pure  idealism  of  the  author,  which 
is  one  of  the  innate  characteristics  of  the  sons  of  the  land  where  the  Si  is 
sounded. 

In  fact,  between  the  covers  of  the  book  which  is  (we  do  not  know  if 
by  chance  or  by  premeditation)  of  a  conspicuous  green  color,  herald  of 

319 


320  PRESS   AND   INDIVIDUAL   OPINIONS 

hopes  and  illusions,  one  feels  the  heart-beats  which  the  years  passed  in 
America  have  not  confused,  have  not  deviated  from  the  order  of  their 
basic  aspirations. 

But  because  of  that  pessimism  which  exists  in  the  human  soul,  it 
would  seem  from  the  title  of  the  book  that  the  volume  might  easily 
break  a  lance  for  and  against  that  much  criticised  colonial  press.  In- 
stead, Luigi  Carnovale  breaks  not  one  but  a  thousand  lances  to  show,  in 
the  best  light,  that  force  which  is  the  result  of  Italianity  in  America  extend- 
ing wherever  a  group  of  Italians  are  gathered  together  and  that  finds 
—  its  eternal  adversaries  —  indolence  of  the  undeveloped  mass,  and  a 
cynical  smile,  one  might  almost  say  of  compassion,  on  the  lips  of  those  who 
through  force  of  circumstances  today  hold  tenaciousl}?^  to  a  handful  of 
gold. 

Without  reticence,  without  compromise,  the  author,  with  a  style  which 
goes  straight  to  the  soul,  praises  where  praise  is  necessary  to  encourage 
initiative  among  emigrants;  but  his  words  descend  like  a  whip  when  he 
denounces  some  of  those  erroneous  criterions  which  creep  into  our  colonies. 

But  this  book  has  not  been  written  only  to  praise  virtue  or  to  censure 
vices.  A  highly  patriotic  ideal  floats  through  the  whole  volume:  the 
moral  regeneration  of  our  emigrants.  These  latter  coming  in  great  part 
from  little  villages  in  Italy  which  are  scattered  among  the  wooded  moun- 
tains or  are  in  the  depths  of  the  valleys,  have  had,  up  to  this  time  the  habit 
of  assuming  a  certain  inferiority  when  they  find  themselves  in  contact 
with  the  American  people  in  the  populous  cities  of  sky-scrapers  and 
elevated  railroads. 

If  our  emigrants,  who  remember  only  as  a  dream  Naples  or  Genoa, 
knew  their  own  country  better  which,  to  a  past  that  is  unique  in  the 
world,  unites  a  present  equally  glorious,  they  would  have  a  greater  self- 
respect  and  would  not  look  with  exaggerated  admiration  at  everything 
which  is  not  Italian. 

This  conception  which  we  have  presented  in  a  few  words  is  the  spirit 
of  the  book,  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America. 

Luigi  Carnovale,  Italian  in  his  inmost  fibre,  deep  student  of  the 
thought  of  Dante  and  Mazzini,  which  he  cites  with  great  liberality,  feels  a 
sacred  cult  which  might  almost  be  called  a  fanaticism — for  his  Patria. 

With  scrutinizing  eye  he  does  not  stop  at  the  superficialities  which  ap- 
pear to  make  America  seem  great;  but  he  goes  to  the  bottom  with  his 
surgeon's  knife  and  with  impartial  examination  puts  in  a  true  light  the 
facts  which  remind  one  of  the  famous  clay-footed  statue  dreamed  of  by 
Nebuchadnezzar. 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  is  not  a  book 
written  by  an  amiable  author  to  caress  small  ambitions  and  flatter  self  love. 
With  youthful  enthusiasm  the  writer  has  transfused  into  his  pages  a  little 
of  his  own  spirit,  which  is  full  of  idealism  and  poetry.  His  book  is  the 
cry  of  an  exile  who  has  tempered  his  spirit  in  the  sacred  cult  of  the  "  proud 
Ghibelline"  (Dante).     He  sees,  above  all  other  conceptions,  the  Patria, 


PRESS   AND   INDIVIDUAL   OPINIONS  321 

as  the  land  Avhich  has  given  birth  to  martyrs  of  thought  such  as  Campa- 
nella  and  Giordano  IJruno,  to  discoverers  of  natural  forces  and  of  physical 
laws  such  as  Galileo  and  Marconi,  to  great  patriots,  to  illustrious  writers: 
he  sees  Italy  in  the  most  vigorous  productions  of  her  genius.  And  this 
Italy  he  exalts;  and  it  is  this  Italy  he  wishes  recognized  in  America,  the 
land  discovered  by  an  Italian.^ 

The  Transtlantic  Italian  Tribune,  Chicago,  Illinois: 

As  soon  as  we  received  the  book,  II  Giornalismo degli  Emigratiltaliani 
nel  Nord  America,  by  Luigi  Carnovale  we  read  it  from  cover  to  cover  with- 
out stopping,  so  great  was  the  interest  that  it  inspired  in  us. 

As  soon  as  we  had  read  the  verses, 

A  conscience   overcast,  or  with  its   own,  or  with   another's  shame, 
will  taste  forsooth  the  tartness  of  thy  word, 

with  which  Dante  prophesied  the  mission  of  the  press,  and  which  Carno- 
vale placed  so  appropriately  at  the  beginning  of  his  work,  we,  in  our  quality 
of  journalists,  began  to  feel  a  divine  sense  of  gratitude  to  the  author 
for  his  work.  And,  as  we  continued  in  the  reading  of  the  preface,  in 
which  the  Colonial  press  was  bravely  defended,  such  a  sense  assumed 
great  proportions,  until  at  a  certain  point  of  our  enthusiasm  we  mentally 
dedicated  a  monument  of  gratitude  to  our  Carnovale. 

We  are  sure  that  our  Italian-American  colleagues  will  not  less  than  v/e, 
but  even  more,  join  in  declaring  themselves  grateful  to  the  author  of  this 
book  for  the  rehabilitation  which  he  makes  for  our  mission,  and  of  which 
he  merits  the  title  of  Cavalier. 

The  lances  which  Carnovale  breaks  for  us  deserve  to  be  blessed. 
From  the  preface  follows  a  series  of  fine  articles  which  the  author  had  pub- 
lished in  various  journals  in  the  United  States  and  which  one  re-reads  with 
pleasure  and  interest  for  the  brilliancy  of  form  as  well  as  for  the  value  of 
his  ideas. 

The  Patria  (Silvio  Picchianti  Editor),  Chicago,  Illinois: 

What  truths  Luigi  Carnovale  presents  in  his  book  //  Giornalismo  degli 
Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America!     And  how  he  presents  them ! 

The  vivacity,  the  purity  of  style,  the  sincerity  of  the  presentation  of 
facts,  the  pictures  of  the  surroundings,  the  colonial  types,  from  the  old 
virago  spitting  gall  against  the  director  of  the  paper  which  had  the  audac- 
ity to  continue  to  send  itself  to  her,  to  that  president  of  a  society  who  read 
his  paper  upside  down,  all,  all  makes  the  book  sympathetic  and  interesting. 

And  none  better  than  we  Journalists,  who  live  in  similar  surround- 
ings—  the  deficiencies,  defects  and  shameful  apathy  of  which  Carnovale 
places  in  relief — can  judge  the  truth  and  honesty  of  the  work  of  this 

^  This  article  was  published  also  by  The  Transatlantic  Italian  Tribune  of  Chicago, 
Illinois  and  in  The  Montagna  of  Newark,  New  Jersey. 


322  PRESS   AND   INDIVIDUAL   OPINIONS 

intelligent  young  man,  who  well  knows  the  fate  reserved  for  journalists, 
who  with  the  pen  depict  the  lives  of  their  own  emigrant  countrymen, 
fraternally  hiding  their  defects,  exalting  their  virtues  and  defending 
them  from  the  base  and  malignant  attacks  of  certain  American  Jour- 
nalists, who  know  nothing  about  us  except  through  the  crimes  of  the 
Black  Hand,  and  always  falsify,  if  they  know,  the  history  of  our  country, 
the  mistress  of  cilization  and  culture  in  the  world  including  this  coun- 
try, which  was  discovered  by  one  of  the  most  glorious  sons  of  Italy. 

Carnovale  in  his  book  has  gathered  various  articles  from  the  columns 
of  the  journals  that  he  has  directed  in  the  United  States  —  with  which  he 
launched  the  cry  of  defense  for  his  brother  emigrants;  and  these  articles, 
besides  revealing  the  strength  of  his  mind,  show  the  greatness  of  his  true 
Italian  soul  to  whom  the  interests  of  his  poor  compatriots  are  of  the  first 
importance,  to  whom  are  allotted  not  only  spoliation  but  also  the  basest 
insults  and  infamous  calumnies. 

The  article  entitled  The  Smearers  of  the  Yellow  Fever  for  instance,  is  a 
masterpiece.  The  fiery  words  which  with  consummate  eloquence  Carno- 
vale throws  in  the  faces  of  the  malignant  accusers  of  the  honest  and  sober 
Italian  laborers,  are  arrows  of  well  merited  rebuke. 

But  we  repeat,  the  whole  book  is  fine  and  interesting;  and  if  there  is 
anything  which  gives  us  regret  it  is  the  word  "Finis"  which  deprives  us 
of  the  further  delightful  reading  of  the  best  book  which  the  valiant  pen  of 
the  author  has  written. 

To  Luigi  Carnovale  our  sincere  congratulations  for  the  work  of  pa- 
triotism accomplished  by  the  publication  of  the  book  which  every  Italian 
of  heart  and  intelligence  should  read  as  have  we,  from  the  first  to  the  last 
page.i 

The  Century,  Chicago,  Illinois: 

The  fine  book,  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nelNordJmerica, 
by  Luigi  Carnovale  should  be  read  by  everybody,  because  all  can  learn 
something  from  it,  especially  we,  voluntary  exiles,  who  live  far  from  the 
production  of  our  own  books  and  in  a  land  where  one  finds  no  satisfac- 
tion other  than  that  of  the  conquest  of  the  Yellozv  God. 

The  book  is  divided  into  a  preface  and  twenty-two  chapters. 

In  the  preface  the  author,  young  and  full  of  faith,  is  animated  by  the 
highest  ideals.  He  explains  the  reasons  which  have  induced  him  to 
publish,  in  a  single  volume,  the  articles  which  he  has  written  in  various 
journals  of  the  United  States. 

With  verve  indeed,  with  much  verve,  he  shows  up  in  a  clear  light  and 
without  compliments  the  intellectual  inferiority  of  our  emigrants  and  their 
apathy  toward  everything  that  pertains  to  Italianity,  and  he  affirms  that 
if  our  colonies  are  not  given  consideration,  if  they  are  scorned  and  vilhfied, 
the  fault  is  because  of  illiteracy.  Therefore,  there  should  be  more  educa- 
tion in  Italy  and  more  Italianity  in  America. 

^This  article  was  also  published  by  The  Banner  of  Baltimore,  Maryland. 


PRESS   AND   INDIVIDUAL  OPINIONS  323 

When  our  peasant  has  learned  to  know  the  land  of  his  birth,  when 
he  learns  that  Italy  has  led  the  whole  world  in  civilization,  he,  we  are  cer- 
tain, will  no  longer  be  ashamed  to  call  himself  an  Italian. 

In  the  chapters  which  follow  the  preface,  the  author,  with  no  ordinary 
acumen,  has  plunged  his  bistoury  into  the  various  colonial  questions,  and 
with  a  sure  hand  incises  and  exposes  to  the  public  the  moral  misery  in 
which  we  emigrants  live. 

But  at  the  same  time  the  author  with  a  soul  exuberant  with  sentiment, 
which  is  almost  mystical,  makes  us  re-live  in  our  minds  the  most  beautiful 
pages  of  our  history,  and  as  in  a  cinematographic  projection,  he  makes  us 
behold  scenes  which  seize  our  souls  and  transport  them  high,  high  above, 
where  all  is  light,  life  and  strength. 

And  we,  exhausted  by  the  daily  struggle,  plunge  our  souls  into  the 
pages  in  order  to  re-inforce  ourselves  for  new  battles  in  the  field  of  art 
and  letters;  art  which  exalts  with  the  charm  of  its  beauty  because  beauty 
is  its  natural  foundation.  And  he  who  is  conquered  by  beauty,  as  is 
Luigi  Carnovale,  cannot  remain  indifferent  to  it  but  is  attracted  to  it  as 
by  a  magnetic  force. 

In  the  book  of  Carnovale  the  echo  of  the  human  conscience  and  the 
most  important  facts  of  the  Italian  colony  are  described  in  a  fascinating 
and  suggestive  manner.  The  reading  of  them,  the  facile  form,  the  occult 
beauty,  transported  us  far  from  the  base  passions  of  men  and  for  a  time 
we  forgot  the  surroundings  in  which  we  are  constrained  to  live. 

It  has  not  been  our  intention  to  give  a  critical  review  in  this  brief 
notice  but  a  slight  hint  of  what  the  book  contains  and  to  express  the  hope 
that  Luigi  Carnovale  will  give  other  things  to  literature  to  maintain  high 
and  unsullied  the  Italian  name  in  this  land.^ 

The  Bulletin  of  the  Italian  Societies,  Chicago,  Illinois: 

"//  Giornalismo  degli  Eniigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America"  by  Luigi 
Carnovale  contains  a  series  of  strong  articles  following  a  long  preface  which 
epitomizes,  with  sagacious  and  truthful  criticism,  a  full  program  of 
Italianity. 

The  book  contains  fine  ideas  and  is  well  written,  and  although  on  some 
points  we  do  not  entirely  agree  with  the  author,  we  cannot  do  less  than 
congratulate  him  heartily  and  recommend  the  reading  of  his  book. 

The  Sentinel,  Hoboken,  New  Jersey: 

Luigi  Carnovale  with  his  fine  book  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani 
nel  Nord  America  has  filled  a  gap  in  the  Italo-American  literary  world, 
defending  in  brilliant  prose  the  not  always  gracious  figure  of  our  colonial 
journalism,  and  discussing  the   mass   of  emigrants  with   a   vivacity  of 

^This  article  was  reproduced  in  the  Transatlantic  Italian  Tribune  of  Chicago, 
Illinois: 


324  PRESS   AND   INDIVIDUAL  OPINIONS 

style  which  charms  the  reader  and  makes  him  devour  it  without  stopping, 
so  splendid  is  the  form,  and  the  excellence  of  ideas,  be  it  when  he  speaks 
of  the  sorrows  of  our  people,  or  when  he  describes  their  misunderstood  or 
unappreciated  virtues. 

Lulgi  Carnovale,  well  known  by  other  valuable  works,  merits  our  ad- 
miration and  gratitude. 

This  article  was  published  also  in  The  Transatlantic  Tribune  of  Chicago. 

The  Patria,  Spokane,  Washington: 

In  the  book,  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America, 
are  gathered  various  articles  by  that  valiant  writer  Lulgi  Carnovale. 

We  are  pleased  to  see  the  practical  utility  of  the  above  articles,  written 
by  a  master  who,  to  the  enthusiasm  of  youth,  unites  the  judgment  of  an 
erudite  man. 

//  GtornaIis7no  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  in  our  opinion 
is  of  interest  to  all  of  our  emigrants,  who  would  do  well  to  acquire  it  and 
treasure  that  which  is  so  splendidly  written  in  it. 

The  Gazette  of  Massachusetts,  Boston,  Mass: 

The  sympathetic  writer,  Lulgi  Carnovale,  has  published  a  fine  book  of 
more  than  200  pages  called,  II  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord 
America. 

The  book  contains  a  score  of  articles  which  redound  to  the  honor  of  the 
young  author  both  for  the  literary  form  and  the  wise,  just  and  educative 
ideas  expressed  therein. 

The  Courier  of  Cincinnati,  Cincinnati,  Ohio: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  has  been  brought 
out  in  Chicago  by  Lulgi  Carnovale. 

The  author  reveals  himself  from  the  first  to  the  last  page  of  the  book 
above  all  as  an  Italian  of  mind  and  heart.  With  profound  knowledge  of 
men  and  things  he  treats,  in  a  masterly  manner,  important  colonial  ques- 
tions in  Italian  life. 

It  is  a  most  interesting  book  which  should  be  read  by  everyone. 

The  Aurora,  Houston,  Texas: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  by  Lulgi 
Carnovale  is  a  fine  volume,  an  interesting  work,  especially  in  these 
days  in  which  nonentities  can  easily  gain  fame  for  grotesque  impudences, 
and  audacious  insolence;  in  these  days  when  a  crowd  of  lazy  Ignoramuses 
play  with  a  sure  hand  on  the  tolerance  and  the  immorality  of  the  public; 
in  these  days  in  which  commercial  speculation  has  even  insinuated  itself 
into  the  sacred  halls  of  thought. 


PRESS  AND   INDIVIDUAL   OPINIONS  325 

Carnovale's  book  is  a  necessity  for  everyone. 

We  hope  that  the  effort  of  this  writer  will  carry  a  salutary  reawaken- 
ing to  all  of  the  Italian  colonies  of  the  United  States. 


The  Light,  Utica,  New  York: 

The  talented  writer  Luigi  Carnovale  has  published  in  Chicago  a 
splendid  volume  entitled  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord 
America. 

It  is  written  with  simplicity  and  true  literary  style.  And  while  it 
exposes  the  pus  which  is  contained  in  our  colonies,  it  expresses  with 
thought  based  upon  the  most  scrupulous  truths,  the  erroneous  and  stupid 
opinion  which  the  emigrants  have  in  regard  to  the  Italo-American  press. 
Besides  this  the  author  tries  to  implant  in  the  emigrants  highly  patriotic 
ideas  in  order  to  further  the  moral  redemption  of  our  colonies. 

Carnovale,  who  was  the  valiant  director  of  //  Pensiero  and  of  other 
journals,  will  please  accept  our  congratulations  for  the  book  which  he  has 
brought  to  light.     Every  Italian  family  should  be  provided  with  it. 

The  Free  Thought,  Ensley  and  Birmingham,  Alabama: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  is  the  title  of  a 
splendid  book  published  by  the  strong  and  sympathetic  writer  Luigi 
Carnovale. 

In  this  book  are  gathered  valuable  articles  which  this  clear  writer  had 
previously  published  in  various  journals  of  the  United  States. 

They  are  preceded  by  a  preface  in  which  the  author  describes  very 
wisely  the  colonial  surrounding  and  lays  bare  certain  hard  facts. 

This  is  a  book  which  every  Italian  should  read  in  order  to  reap  benefit 
to  himself. 

The  Colonial  Star,  Pen  Argyl,  Pennsylvania: 

A  good  book  certainly  is  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord 
America  by  Luigi  Carnovale  in  which  a  little  of  everything  regarding  the 
Italian  emigrant  is  compended. 

The  book  is  extremely  well  written,  and  the  author  merits  the  encom- 
iums not  only  of  the  Italian  press  but  of  all  intelligent  Italians. 

The  Colonial  Awakening,  Syracuse,  New  York 

An  interesting  book  has  been  published  in  Chicago:  //  Giornalismo 
degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America. 

The  author,  signor  Luigi  Carnovale,  shows  himself  to  be  a  writer  of 
ability. 

He  develops  his  arguments  with  great  facility  and  frankness,  giving 


326  PRESS   AND   INDIVIDUAL  OPINIONS 

blame  where  it  is  necessary,  while  on  the  other  hand  he  honestly  prais- 
ing those  who  merit  it. 

He  develops  his  thought  with  patriotic  love,  and  lucidity.  With 
scrutizining  eye  he  does  not  stop  at  the  superficialities  of  things,  but  goes 
directly  to  the  bottom,  bringing  to  light  all  of  the  defects  and  at  the 
same  time  all  of  the  merits  of  our  emigrants. 

Notwithstanding  that  on  some  points  we  may  be  a  little  at  variance 
with  Carnovale,  we  must  affirm  that  this  is  a  most  valuable  book. 

The  Italian  Messenger,  San  Antonio,  Texas: 

The  fine  book  entitled,//  Giomalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiant  nel  Nord 
America,  is  a  superior  production  by  our  intelligent  compatriot,  signor 
Luigi  Carnovale. 

The  author  has  known  how  to  treat  with  delicate  tact  colonial  questions 
which  are  interesting  to  us  all.  The  beauty  of  his  volume  consists  in  the 
various  truths  which  are  well  lighted  up  in  it,  and  which  our  emigrants 
should  treasure. 

To  the  brilliant  writer  we  send  our  sincere  congratulations. 

Our  Times,  Pittsburg,  Pennsylvania: 

//  Giomalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  by  Luigi 
Carnovale  is  written  with  vivacity  and  elegance. 

The  author  touches  vitally  all  the  colonial  ulcers,  all  the  moral  miseries, 
all  the  little  hates,  and  the  eternal  deplorable  diatribes,  in  this  country  of 
the  "Yellow  God." 

Luigi  Carnovale  reveals  himself  in  places  limpid,  harmonious  and  al- 
most sculpturesque,  a  cultured  and  fearless  journalist,  free  thinker  with  a 
gentle  soul,  and,  above  all,  an  Italian  of  mind  and  heart. 

There  vibrates  strongly  from  the  first  to  the  last  page  of  this  volume 
the  chord  of  Italianity  as  a  spontaneous  and  noble,  not  as  a  simulating  nor 
calculating,  sentiment. 

These  are  the  values  of  a  book  which  deserve  to  be  read  by  all  who  are 
interested  in  the  vast  and  complex  colonial  problems. 

The  Italian-American  Progress,  New  York  City: 

//  Giomalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  is  the  title  of  a 
book  which  has  come  to  light  in  Chicago, 

The  author,  Luigi  Carnovale,  an  exceptional  young  man,  of  active 
mind,  with  a  loyal,  sympathetic  and  forceful  character,  writing  in  various 
journals  of  the  United  States,  has  always  given  fine  proof  of  his  varied 
abilities  and  of  his  facile  touch. 

In  his  II  Giomalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  /Imerica  which  has 
been  accepted  with  favor  by  thepublic,  strongly  vibrates  the  patriotic  note. 

We  extend  our  praise  to  the  young  author. 


PRESS   AND   INDIVIDUAL   OPINIONS  327 

Why?    Schenectady,  New  York: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italianinel  Nord  America  is  the  title  of  a 
fine  volume  of  more  than  two  hundred  pages  published  by  Luigi  Carnovale, 
of  Chicago. 

With  it  the  author  has  made  us  enjoy  hours  of  sound  reading  from 
which  we  have  gathered  valuable  opinions  about  Italo-American  journ- 
alism and  original  ideas  about  the  hard  road  which  one  must  travel  who 
honestly  publishes  a  journal  in  the  interest  and  dignity  of  our  country 
and  our  language. 

Carnovale  with  facile  pen  has  written  words  of  truth  because  he  has 
felt  them;  instructive  and  moral  pages,  because  they  tend  to  the  better- 
ment of  the  emigrants. 

//  Gionalismo  is  a  book  attractive  in  appearance  as  well  as  useful  in 
substance. 

The  Twentieth  Century,  Pittsburg,  Pennsylvania: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  is  full  of  wise 
considerations  on  most  important  subjects.  The  preface  alone  is  a 
treasure. 

The  author  reveals  himself  in  it  as  a  deep  student  of  the  elements  which 
conspicuously  abound  in  our  American  colonies. 

In  fact  the  book  of  Luigi  Carnovale  is  most  useful  in  all  respects,  is 
well  written,  and  one  does  not  lay  it  down  until  he  has  finished  it. 

Sunday,  Rochester,  New  York: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  by  Luigi 
Carnovale  reveals  a  good  knowledge  the  Italian  language;  reveals  also  in 
the  author  an  ardent  soul  full  of  good  will,  despising  all  that  is,  or  that 
he  believes  to  be,  wrong. 

It  is  a  book  one  can  read  with  pleasure  because  it  is  sincere,  courageous, 
and  well  written. 

The  Union,  Pueblo,  Colorado: 

Our  valorous  colleague  Luigi  Carnovale  has  published  in  Chicago  a 
splendid  book  entitled  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord 
America. 

It  is  a  most  elegant  volume  written  in  a  brilliant  and  vivacious  style 
and  it  should  be  read  and  studied  by  all  intelligent  and  cultivated  persons; 
a  volume  which  is  a  treasure  because  it  contains  profound  observations 
and  a  most  accurate  study  of  Italian  life  in  this  country  of  material  affairs. 

To  the  brilliant  author  who  has  published  this  eminently  patriotic 
work  we  send  our  praise  and  congratulations. 


328  PRESS   AND   INDIVIDUAL  OPINIONS 

The  New  Life,  Rocksprlngs,  Wyoming: 

//  Gtornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  by  the  illus- 
trious writer  Luigi  Carnovale  contains  fine  and  healthy  ideas. 

Courier  of  Trinidad,  Trinidad,  Colorado: 

//  Gtornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  is  a  book  which 
is  worthy  of  a  place  in  every  Italian  home  in  the  United  States. 

From  the  simplicity  and  purity  of  style  there  emanates  from  the  book 
of  Carnovale  that  sense  of  Italianity  which  should  be  of  benefit  to  every 
compatriot  emigrant  and  should  also  be  their  great  pride. 

Luigi  Carnovale  shows  himself  master  of  his  subject.  He  develops, 
in  a  forceful  manner,  certain  hard  truths  concerning  the  Italian  emigrants 
in  America. 

In  fact  it  is  a  fine  book,  this  of  Carnovale's,  and  the  Courier  advises  its 
reading  by  all  those  who  still  feel  themselves  to  be  Italians  in  this  land  of 
voluntary  exile. 

Master  Paul,  Philadelphia,  Pennsylania: 

We  have  greatly  admired  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel 
Nord  America,  which  Luigi  Carnovale  has  published  in  Chicago. 

It  is  impossible  to  put  in  relief  all  of  the  merits  which  the  book  con- 
tains; merits  which  one  can  better  find  by  reading  the  book  itself  than 
by  our  few  words  of  review. 

Carnovale's  book  is  a  collection  of  historical  and  doctrinal  articles 
which  treat  of  colonial  questions. 

The  author  exposes  with  clearness,  truth  and  practical  conviction  that 
which  one  feels,  thinks  and  wishes  for  the  Italians  who  live  in  the  American 
colonies.  He  brilliantly  proves  the  apathy  of  the  emigrants  in  regard  to 
admiration  of  ideals,  patriotic  sentiments,  and  civic  education. 

We  shall  keep  this  wise  publication  among  our  archives. 

The  Review,  Newark,  New  Jersey: 

Luigi  Carnovale  has  gathered  together  a  collection  of  serious,  masterful 
articles  in  his  book  II  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America, 
touching  at  first  hand  all  of  the  problems  of  the  Italian  emigrants  in  North 
America. 

The  articles  are  written  in  a  brilliant  style.  They  are  of  the  greatest 
interest  to  students  of  the  true  and  elegant  language  of  Dante.  And  for 
this  reason  we  recommend  everyone  to  acquire  the  book  immediately. 

The  Echo,  of  Rhode  Island,  Providence,  Rhode  Island: 

A  most  useful  book  is  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord 


PRESS   AND   INDIVIDUAL  OPINIONS  329 

America  from  the  excellent  and  well-known  writer,  Signor  Luigi  Carnovale. 

It  is  a  work  of  patience  and  accuracy;  a  valuable  book  which  one 
reads  with  pleasure  and  enthusiasm.  In  it  the  author  has  had  the  noble 
purpose  of  defending  the  native  Patria  and  at  the  same  time  the  rights  of 
the  Italian  laborers  scattered  in  every  part  of  the  United  States. 

This  important  book  is  necessary  for  the  emigrants;  everyone  of  whom 
should  acquire  it. 

We  heartily  wish  for  the  author  a  long  life,  in  order  that  he  may  con- 
tinue to  write  other  useful  books  in  the  interest  of  the  far  away  Patria, 
and  also  for  the  interests  of  his  compatriots  in  the  United  States. 

The  Italian,  Cleveland,  Ohio: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  by  Luigi 
Carnovale  is  a  book  written  in  an  especially  graceful  style  and  with 
heartfelt  sentiments  of  Italianity.  Errors,  prejudices  and  questions  of 
colonial  life  are  treated  in  a  masterful  manner. 

The  Italians,  instead  of  buying  and  reading  /  Reali  di  Francia^  and 
so  many  other  useless  books,  would  do  well  to  buy  and  read  this  book  of 
Carnovale. 

Rome,  Denver,  Colorado: 

The  fine  book,  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America, 
by  Luigi  Carnovale  is,  we  can  well  say,  a  treasure  of  acute  observations  and 
of  serious  discussions;  it  is  a  book  which  should  be  entered  in  the  catalogue 
of  the  best  books  which  up  to  the  present  time  have  been  written  con- 
cerning the  welfare  of  our  emigrants. 

A  hearty  bravo  to  our  colleague'  Carnovale  and  the  hope  that  the 
public  will  give  a  warm  welcome  to  his  book  which  truly  merits  the 
praise  of  all  readers  of  good  sense. 

The  Opinion,  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania: 

Our  esteemed  colleague,  Luigi  Carnovale,  has  published  in  Chicago  a 
book  entitled  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  in 
which  are  gathered  many  valuable  articles,  introduced  by  a  preface  in 
which,  in  a  vivid  and  sometimes  biting  prose,  the  author  draws  a  picture  of 
colonial  surroundings,  bringing  to  light  some  hard  facts.  Although  not 
agreeing  with  Carnovale  in  many  of  his  ideas  and  deductions,  we  agree 
with  him  that  the  Italian  colonial  journalism  in  the  United  States,  with 
all  of  the  evident  defects  of  a  new  organization,  is  still  worthy  of  support 
and  respect  for  the  services  it  has  and  does  render  to  the  colonies  and 
the  mother  country. 

^  A  book  in  which  are  fantastically  described  the  heroisms  of  Charlemagne. 


330  PRESS   AND   INDIVIDUAL   OPINIONS 

The  Sun,  Bridgeport,  Connecticut: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nelNord America  byLuigiCarno- 
vale  is  a  good  book.  With  it  the  author  has  accompHshed  a  saUitary  work 
for  our  emigrant  compatriots.  While  bringing  to  light  the  pus  contained 
in  the  Italian  colonies  in  America,  he  expresses  clearly  his  thought,  but 
at  the  same  time  holds  himself  scrupulously  impartial. 

Carnovale  in  his  articles,  which  we  can  qualify  as  critical  and  literary, 
treats  the  question  from  a  general  standpoint.  He  shows  that  in  the 
Italian  colonies  of  America  there  exists  an  ignorant,  superstitious  and  bad 
element.  But  his  articles  tend  to  the  moral  redemption  of  such  elements. 
Will  he  succeed  in  his  effort?  We  wish  to  be  optimistic  and  hope  that 
he  may. 

Whoever  can  absorb  what  Carnovale's  book  contains  will  never  re- 
gret having  read  it. 

Sincere  congratulations  to  the  author  for  his  interesting  publication. 

The  Echo  of  Tampa,  Tampa,  Florida: 

II  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nelNord  America  by  Luigi  Carno- 
vale is  one  of  those  books  which  one  can  without  reservation  call  fine,  and 
the  author  is  preceded  by  a  good  reputation  as  a  journalist  and  novelist. 

Luigi  Carnovale  has  had,  in  common  with  the  rest  of  us,  his  sad  ex- 
periences as  a  colonial  journalist,  and  in  his  volume  he  condenses  in  bril- 
liant and  sincere  style,  his  memories  and  personal  impressions,  from  which 
we  make  no  dissent  for  the  great  truths  which  they  contain  and  reflect. 

He  who  has  lived  in  our  colonies  and  has  lived  as  a  journalist  conscious 
of  his  mission,  cannot  but  unconditionally  approve  the  severe  but  just 
criticism  which  Carnovale  hurls  against  individuals  and  cliques  who  are 
the  real  and  mortal  enemies  of  the  moral  elevation  of  our  emigrants. 

Perhaps  we  might  find  ourselves  differing  from  the  political  opinions 
of  our  author,  opinions  which  are  tranluscent,  calm  and  well  defined  in  the 
pages  of  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  Ainerica.  But 
we  cannot  deny  to  the  interesting  volume  two  most  valuable  qualities: 
clearness  and  elegance  of  style,  and  the  co-ordination  of  his  talented 
thought. 

Those  who  have  not  yet  read  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel 
Nord  Americas\\o\x\6.  read  it,  and  they  will  certainly  form  the  same  opinion 
which  we  have  of  the  author  and  his  writings. 

The  Capital,  Albany,  New  York: 

II  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  is  the  title  of  a 
book  which  has  been  published  in  Chicago  by  Luigi  Carnovale  who,  be- 
sides being  a  distinguished  writer  and  a  passionate  student  of  the  tongue  of 
Dante,  is  also  an  acute  observer  of  the  economic  and  social  condition  of  the 
Italian  emigrants  in  America. 


PRESS   AND   INDIVIDUAL  OPINIONS  331 

The  Italian-American,  New  Orleans,  Louisiana: 

A  book  which  should  be  in  the  hands  of  all  Italians,  whether  in  Italy 
or  in  the  United  States,  who  are  interested  in  the  burning  question  of  our 
emigration,  is  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrali  Italiani  nel  Nord  America 
by  Luigi  Carnovale. 

Pitiful  truths  there  are  which  sadden  one  and  which  often  destroy 
our  spontaneous  enthusiasms,  echoing  the  love  for  the  Patria;  pictures, 
pervaded  with  bitter  pessimism,  in  which  one  sees  from  time  to  time  in 
their  proper  light,  the  prominent  colonial  personage,  and  our  illiterate 
laborer  (often  the  above  personage  is  illiterate  let  us  whisper  in  your  ears, 
readers);  the  regionalism  which  divides  and  embitters;  the  anti-Italianity 
which  dishonors.  All  of  the  lesser  and  greater  colonial  miseries  in  fact, 
are  the  object  of  this  brilliant  volume. 

To  the  author  who,  with  sincerity  of  purpose  and  frank  words  exposes 
many  little  souls  inflated  with  their  ridiculous  megalomania,  and  who  at 
the  same  time  comforts  our  spirits  when,  almost  by  happy  contrast,  he 
recalls  the  refulgent  history  and  glories  of  our  Italy  —  we  wish  success 
equal  to  his  frank  audacity. 

The  Awakening,  Denver,  Colorado: 

Luigi  Carnovale,  who  possesses  a  rare  talent  has  published  in  Chicago 
//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America — a  collection  of 
brilliant  articles  written  with  verve  and  erudition. 

Vesuvius,  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  AmericahyL,uigi  Carno- 
vale, one  is  compelled  to  read  for  beauty  of  style,  for  its  interest  in  a  variety 
of  subjects,  and  for  acuteness  of  observation. 

Some  might  disagree  with  the  author  in  the  manner  in  which  he 
regards  some  things;  but  we  can  be  sure  that  all  can  find  in  the  volume  of 
Carnovale,  the  satisfaction  which  one  feels  before  an  expression  of  life, 
before  sincerity  of  conviction. 

We  recommend  it  to  our  readers. 

The  Observer,  Kansas  City,  Missouri: 

We  have  carefully  read  the  volume,  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati 
Italiani  tiel  Nord  America.  Our  congratulations  to  Luigi  Carnovale  with 
the  wish  that  his  work  may  illuminate  the  clouded  minds  of  our  laborers. 

The  Southern  Courier,  New  Orleans,  Louisiana: 

A  splendid  book  entitled,  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel 
Nord  America,  has  been  brought  out  by  Luigi  Carnovale. 


332  PRESS   AND   INDIVIDUAL   OPINIONS 

In  this  book  are  gathered  valuable  articles  that  this  clever  writer 
had  already  published  in  various  journals  of  the  United  States.  It  is 
prefaced  by  an  article  in  which  the  author  describes  the  colonial  sur^ 
roundings,  laying  bare  hard  truths. 

The  Italian  Workman,  Windber,  Pennsylvania: 

The  new  work  of  Luigi  Carnovale  entitled,//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati 
Italiani  nel  Nord  Ainerica,  is  a  fine  and  elegant  volume  of  more  than  two 
hundred  pages.  It  is  most  interesting  for  anyone  who  cares  for  serious 
reading.  In  it  the  author  describes  with  high  and  noble  sentiments, 
free  from  any  partiality,  that  which  is  done,  that  which  is  being  done, 
and  that  which  must  be  done  to  hold  high  the  prestige  of  the  Italian  name 
in  the  United  States  of  America. 

The  noble  mission  of  the  Italian  press,  which  the  author  defends  with 
a  spirit  worthy  of  all  respect,  is  given  in  sincere  and  enthusiastic  words; 
and  for  the  noble  defense  which  Carnovale  makes  for  the  Italians  and  for 
Italy,  his  volume  deserves  to  be  read,  well  considered  and  appreciated 
by  every  student. 

We  recommend  this  interesting  book  to  everyone. 

The  Hour,  Newark,  New  Jersey: 

The  young  writer,  Luigi  Carnovale,  has  brought  to  light  a  book  of  more 
than  two  hundred  pages  entitled  II  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel 
Nord  America,  which  we  have  read  without  stopping  and  with  keen  interest. 

The  fine  volume  fills  the  gap  which  for  years  has  existed  among  the 
Italians.  It  is  a  red  hot  and  caustic  iron  which  Carnovale  has  applied  to 
the  great  and  gangrenous  ulcer  of  our  journalism,  which  is  often  badly 
managed,  often  misunderstood,  and  always  and  everywhere  despised. 

Carnovale,  intelligent  and  courageous  soldier  of  the  true  mission  of  the 
press,  has  published  articles  in  the  various  journals  of  the  United  States 
which  are  now  gathered  together  in  the  above  volume  and  which  are  the 
work  of  a  valiant  and  daring  pioneer  who  blazes  the  way  through  a  dense 
wood,  and  after  having  cleared  it  shouts  courageously  at  the  end  of  the 
road. 

Had  we  the  authority,  we  should  propose  that  the  volume  //  Gior- 
■nalism  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  del  Nord  America  should  be  published  as  an 
appendix  to  all  of  the  Italian  journals  of  America  as  an  austere  admonition 
to  the  respective  colonies  to  appreciate  the  mission  of  the  press;  and  to 
show  the  journalists  the  duty  of  knowing  how  they  might  produce  a  work 
replete  with  knowledge  and  progress. 

In  any  case  we  are  confident  that  this  honest  and  truthful  book  of 
Carnovale,  written  in  a  fine  Italian  style  and  with  virile  character  may 
be  diflFused,  read,  and  understood  everywhere. 


PRESS   AND   INDIVIDUAL  OPINIONS  333 

The  Uprising,  Chicago,  Illinois: 

We  have  read  without  stopping  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani 
nel  Nord  America  by  Luigi  Carnovale  and  in  it  we  have  found  honest 
truths.  We  hope  that  all  of  our  compatriots  will  read  this  fine  book  as  we 
have  done. 

The  Socialist's  Word,  Chicago,  Illinois: 

Our  colleague,  Luigi  Carnovale,  a  cultured  and  sympathetic  young 
man,  has  published  a  well  written  study  of  impressions  on  the  subject  of 
//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America. 

The  book  has  been  praised  by  writers  and  by  journals  in  the  United 
States  and  in  Italy,  and  the  unanimous  shower  of  eulogies  have  been  well 
merited. 

The  book,  which  one  gladly  reads  because  it  is  written  in  an  Italian 
form  too  little  in  use  among  the  anglo-Saxonized  (we  hope  to  be  pardoned 
the  horrible  vocabulary)  of  our  colonies,  has  one  principal  and  indisput- 
able merit:  it  is  true. 

In  these  columns  we  rarely  interest  ourselves  with  reviews.  It  is 
because  our  readers  in  the  daily  struggle  of  life  which  cannot  be  de- 
layed, would  have  little  time  to  follow  our  critical  dissertations.  But  we 
willingly  make  an  exception. 

We  say  to  our  companions:  read  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani 
nel  Nord  America  and  there  you  will  learn  something. 

We  militants,  internationalists  by  conviction,  congratulate  Carnovale 
who,  instructing  and  inviting  to  instruction,  has  known  how  to  combat 
that  patriotism  which  is  the  most  idiotic  and  stupid:  patriotism  for  the 
Patria  of  others. 

And  with  this  eulogy,  truly  felt  we  send  the  author  a  wish:  that  our 
emigrants  if  they  do  not  know  how  to  become  internationalists  after  they 
have  been  stamped  upon  and  kicked  out  of  their  own  country,  may  not 
become  ardent  patriots  for  another  country  which  receives  them  only  as 
beasts  of  burden  and  of  reproduction. 

The  Christian  Register,  of  Boston,  Mass.: 

An  interesting  book  has  come  into  our  hands  which  serves  as  an  ex- 
position of  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America. 
It  is  a  collection  of  articles  written  by  Luigi  Carnovale.  The  Italian 
press  of  our  country  has  attained  a  significant  position  when  it  is  able  to 
call  to  its  service  writers  possessed  of  such  glowing  imagination,  generous 
purpose,  and  literary  ability  as  young  Carnovale  possesses,  qaalities  also 
made  evident  by  his  charming  idyl  The  Dream  oj  Francesco. 


334  PRESS   AND   INDIVIDUAL   OPINIONS 

The  Canadian  Tribune,  Toronto,  Canada: 

Our  brilliant  colleague,  Luigi  Carnovale  of  Chicago,  has  published  a 
book  entitled  //  Giornalisyno  degli  Eniigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America. 

It  is  an  important  work  in  which  the  writer  has  gathered  a  number  of 
wise  articles  previously  published  in  various  journals  in  the  United  States 
and  which  one  re-reads  with  pleasure  because,  besides  being  written  in 
good  Italian,  they  are  eminently  patriotic. 

We  believe  that  this  important  book  of  Carnovale's  should  be  in  every- 
one's hands. 

The  Popular  Review  of  Literature  and  Social  Science,  edited  by 
Professor  Napoleon  Colaianni  deputy  to  the  National  Parliament, 
Rome-Naples,  Italy: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  by  Luigi 
Carnovale  is  good  in  that  it  expresses  sentiments  full  of  Italianlty. 

Arts  and  Labor,  the  magazine  of  the  Ricordi  Publishing  House,  Milan, 
Italy: 

The  fine  volume  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord 
America  by  Luigi  Carnovale  contains  articles  which  are  of  interest  not 
only  to  Italians  scattered  in  America  but  to  all  Italians,  because  these 
articles  treat  in  a  brilliant  manner  of  questions  which  refer  especially  to 
the  prestige  and  well  being  of  Italians. 

The  Goad,  Naples,  Italy: 

A  truly  fine  book  of  high  patriotic  and  social  sentiments  is  //  Gior- 
nalismo degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  which  has  been 
brought  out  in  Chicago  by  the  esteemed  writer,  Luigi  Carnovale. 

Luigi  Carnovale  of  Stilo,  one  of  the  strongest  and  most  brilliant  in- 
tellects of  young  Calabria,  has  for  a  number  of  years  pursued  the  pro- 
fession of  journalist  with  dignity  and  high  ideals  in  America;  and  he  has 
gathered  in  this  valuable  volume  many  of  his  articles,  the  results  of  his 
acute  observation  and  wise  study. 

Various  and  vibrating  questions  are  treated  by  Carnovale  in  this  book, 
which  is  the  brightest  gem  of  his  works. 

Journalism  in  America  is  doubtless  deficient  but  is  always  high,  noble, 
patriotic,  humanitarian,  and  is  not  appreciated  nor  encouraged  by  Amer- 
icanized compatriots,  nor  by  the  representatives  of  the  mother  country. 
All  this  is  described  in  vivid  colors  and  with  sad  reflections. 

Carnovale  describes  the  miserable  condition  in  which  the  emigrants 
live,  who,  because  of  their  lack  of  education,  of  patriotism  and  cohesion, 
remain  in  a  state  of  continual  inferiority  before  the  ignorance  of  strangers 
who  are  inflated  with  pride  of  gold. 


PRESS  AND   INDIVIDUAL  OPINIONS  335 

Carnovale  searches  the  most  fundamental  causes  for  all  of  this;  points 
out  the  remedies;  spurs  the  society  of  the  Dante  Alighieri;  proposes  and 
insists  on  teaching  patriotism  and  upon  compulsory  teaching  in  the 
schools  in  Italy,  not  abstractly  as  now,  but  in  the  practical  things  of  life. 

Carnovale  treats  profoundly  of  many  other  things,  even  literary,  in 
his  excellent  book.  But  the  space  which  we  lack  coupled  with  our  desire 
that  every  Italian  shall  acquire  and  read  the  book  with  attention  and  love, 
makes  it  seem  best  that  we  shall  not  prolong  our  review  as  we  should  wish 
and  as  the  book  itself  merits. 

The  volume  //  Giornalismo  represents  the  highest  manifestations  of 
Italianity  and  patriotism,  impersonated  in  Luigi  Carnovale,  high-minded, 
noble  soul  of  Calabrian  fibre. 

It  is  enough  to  know  that  the  most  eminent  men  of  Italy  have  congrat- 
ulated the  distinguished  author  for  his  work  of  inestimable  merit,  which 
should  be  in  the  hands  of  everyone. 

We,  from  these  columns,  cannot  do  other  than  send  to  Luigi  Carno- 
vale our  most  fervid  good  wishes  for  a  long  and  brilliant  career. 

AccATTATis,  Prof.  Luigi: 

Calabrian  scholar,  sent  one  of  his  pamphlets  to  Carnovale  with  these 
autograph  words: 

"To  Luigi  Carnovale  who  honors  Calabria,  with  admiring    and 
grateful  sentiments  the  author  sends  this  book. 

Ardigo,  Professor  Roberto,  Philosopher  and  Educator: 

Esteemed  Signor  Carnovale:  I  received  your  book  "//  Giornalismo 
degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  and  I  have  read  with  the  greatest 
interest  the  forty-three  pages  of  the  preface.  I  will  also  read  the  re- 
mainder. In  the  meantime  I  thank  you  for  having  had  the  goodness  to 
send  me  such  a  fine  gift. 

To  my  far  off  distant  worthy  Italian  brother,  I  am  happy  to  send  my 
affectionate  salutations. 

Yours  very  sincerely, 

Prof.  Roberto  Ardigo. 

Padua,  Italy 

Baccelli,  Alfredo,  Novelist,  Poet,  Deputy  in  the  National  Parliament, 
ex-minister  of  Italy: 

Esteemed  Signor  Carnovale:  I  have  received  your  book  and  I  thank 
you.  You  have  a  fine  talent  and  a  brilliant  culture.  In  cordial  exchange 
I  send  you  my  last  romance.     With  a  hand  grasp. 

Yours, 

A.  Baccelli. 
Rome,  Italy. 


336  PRESS  AND   INDIVIDUAL   OPINIONS 

BosELLi  Paolo,  present  Prime  minister  of  Italy,  and  honorary  president 
of  the  National  Society  of  the  Dante  Alighieri: 

Esteemed  Signer  Camovale:  I  am  most  grateful  for  your  courtesy 
in  sending  me  your  interesting  book. 

The  thought  of  the  Italians  is  always  held  in  a  single  ideal  wherever 
they  may  live;  not  even  the  seas  separate  our  spirits. 

It  is  to  our  advantage  to  demonstrate  the  intellectual  activity  of  Ita- 
lians who  live  in  far  countries. 

And  it  is  fine  to  see  that  in  that  land  of  free  and  marvelous  energies, 
the  Italian  talents  shine. 

With  particular  regards,  I  am. 

Yours  sincerely, 

P.  BOSELLI. 

Turin,  Italy. 

Mantegazza,  Professor  Paolo,  Anthropologist,  Hygienist,  Scientific 
Writer,  Educator,  Senator  of  the  Kingdom  .of  Italy: 

Dear  Signor  Camovale:  A  thousand  thanks  for  your  gracious  gift. 
Your  book  vibrates  with  a  warm  patriotism  which  does  great  honor  to 
you  and  baptises  you  as  an  eloquent  apostle  of  Italianity  in  America. , 

Farewell,  from  my  heart. 

Mantegazza. 

San  Terenzio,  Spezia. 

Martini  Ferdinando,  Scholar,  Deputy  in  the  Italian  National  Parlia- 
ment, ex-governor  of  Eritrea,  ex-minister  of  public  instruction  and 
ex-minister  of  colonial  affairs. 

Most  Esteemed  Signor  Camovale:  I  have  received  your  excellent 
book  and  I  thank  you  for  it. 

The  sad  pages  of  the  preface  show  how  important  is  the  work  which 
you  are  doing  with  such  untiring  energy. 

The  problem  of  the  Italians  in  foreign  lands  is  one  of  the  gravest 
that  the  mother  country  must  solve;  it  is  the  problem  which  must  be 
solved  with  calm  study  and  with  an  intellect  of  love  above  everything 
else.  The  Colonial  Institute  in  the  Council  of  which  I  have  the  honor  to 
take  part,  is  now  considering  it,  and  of  its  work  we  shall  have,  I  hope, 
practical  and  prompt  results. 

It  is  well  that  help  should  come  from  the  Italians  themselves  who 
live  in  the  colonies;  and  you  send  us  most  valuable  aid,  maintaining  at 
the  same  time  the  cult  of  the  Patria,  of  her  language  and  of  her  glorious 
traditions. 

Again  thanking  you,  believe  me, 

Yours  sincerely, 

Rome,  Italy.  Martini. 


PRESS  AND   INDIVIDUAL  OPINIONS  337 

Among  those  who  sent  their  congratulations  to  Luigi  Carnovale  for  his 
hook  were  the  following: 

Caruso,  Enrico  tenor. 

Casolini,  Antonio  deputy  to  the  National  Parliament. 

Ciccom,  Professor  Ettore  socialist  deputy  to  the  Italian  National 
Parliament. 

CiLEA,  Francesco  composer  of  music,  director  of  the  conservatory  at 
Palermo. 

Costa,  Andrea  leader  of  the  Italian  socialist  party  and  vice-president 
of  the  chamber  of  deputies. 

Cundari,  Professor  Antonio  lawyer,  mayor  of  Cosenza,  Calabria. 

D'Ancona,  Professor  Alessander  scholar,  critic,  educator,  senator  of 
the  Kingdom. 

Emanuele,  Filiberto,  duke  of  Aosta  cousin  of  Emanuel  III,  King  of 
Italy. 

FoRTUNATO,  GiusTiNO  deputy  to  the  Italian  National  Parliament. 

City  Council  of  Milan. 

Nathan,  Ernesto  Mayor  of  Rome. 

PoMPiLj,  GuiDO  undersecretary  of  State  of  Foreign  affairs. 

Rapisardi,  Mario  poet. 

Rava,  Luigi  minister  of  public  instruction. 

Rossi,  Professor  Luigi  deputy  to  Italian  National  Parliament  and  gen- 
eral commissioner  of  emigration. 

Sonnino,  Sidney  ex-minister,  ex-prime  minister  and  present  minister 
of  foreign  affairs. 

Victor  Emanuel  III,  King  of  Italy. 

ZuMBiNi,  Professor  Bonaventura,  scholar,  critic,  senator  of  the  King- 
dom. 

And  many  others. 


In  Preparation: 

The  Omnipotents 
ToMMAso  Campanella 


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H      U      I 


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^''s   (The  unredeemed  Italian  Regions 

U,Le  REGION!  ITALIANE  IRREDENTE 


'    MON  FALCONE     <^^*'>^TCv 


NATURAL  BOUNDARIES 
CONFINI    NATURALI 


CONA 


Perche  I'ltalia  t  Entrata 
Nella  Grande  Guerra 


Perche  I'ltalia  e  Entrata 
Nella  Grande  Guerra 


di 

Luigi  Carnovale 

Autore  di  "Una  Visita  al  Pittore  Andrea  Cefaly",  "Mia  Madre", 

"II  Sogno  di  Francesco",  "V  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati 

Italiani  nel  Nord  America". 


lo  parlo  per  ■ver  dire, 
Non  per  odio  d  'altrui  ne  per  disprezzo. 
— Petrarca. 


Compagnia  Editrice  Italo-Americana 

Chicago,  Illinois 

Stati  Uniti  d'America 

1917 


Copyright,  1917.  by  Luigi  Carnovale. 
Riservdti  tutti  i  diritti. 


Alia  memoria  dei  caduti 

e 

al  dolore  dei  sopravviventi 

io  dedico 

questo  lavoro  d'amore 

scritto  neWesilio 

col  pensiero  proteso  ai  supremi  ideali  umani 

per  rivendicare 

al  cospetto  degli  stranieri  che  ignorano  la  veritd 

Ponore  del  popolo  italiano. 

LuiGi  Carnovale. 

Chicago,  Illinois 

Stati  Uniti  d'America 

Anno  1917. 


INDICE  DELLE  MATERIE 

PAGINA 

Dedica 343 

Introduzione — Una  domanda.  Un'insinuazione.  Una  . 
premessa 357 

PARTE   PRIAIA 

I.  L'inizio  delle   militaresche  violenze   austriache  in   Italia. 

La  sassata  del  giovinetto  Balilla  (1746) 361 

II.  Smembramento  e  ripartizione  dellTtalia  nel  1815.  La 
parte  del  leone  all'Austria.     La  Carhoneria 363 

III.  La  rivoluzione  del  1820  nel  Regno  delle  Due  Sicilie. 
L'Austria,  con  la  forza  bruta  dei  suoi  soldati,  impone  la 
tirannide  borbonica  ai  patrioti  italiani  lottanti  per  la 
liberta.     Persecuzioni  e  condanne  (1821) 365 

IV.  La  rivoluzione  del  1821  nel  Piemonte.  L'Austria,  con 
la  forza  bruta  dei  suoi  soldati,  impone  la  tirannide  dei 
Savoia  ai  patrioti  italiani  lottanti  per  la  liberta.  Perse- 
cuzioni e  condanne 369 

V.  L'Austria,  con  la  forza  bruta  dei  suoi  soldati,  impone  lapro- 
pria  tirannide  ai  patrioti  italiani  del  Lombardo-Veneto  lot- 
tanti per  la  liberta.     Persecuzioni  econdanne(i820-i82i).  371 

VI.  Le  rivoluzioni  del  1831  nel  Ducato  di  Modena  e  Reggio 
e  nello  Stato  Romano.  L'Austria,  con  la  forza  bruta  dei 
suoi  soldati,  impone  la  tirannide  d'un  suo  principe  e  la 
tirannide  papale  ai  patrioti  italiani  lottani  per  la  liberta. 
Persecuzioni  e  condanne 373 

VII.  Mazzini,  Gioberti  e  altri  grandi  Italiani,  con  il  loro 
apostolato  di  pensiero  e  azione,  formano  la  nuova  co- 
scienza  nazionale  e  obbligano  i  tiranni  e  i  tirannelli  d'ltalia 
a  concedere  i  benefizi  della  liberta  ai  popoli  oppressi. 
Solo  I'Austria,  sprezzante  e  sfidante,  s'ostina  a  opprimere, 
con  sempre  maggiore  crudelta,  gl'Italiani  del  Lombardo- 
Veneto 375 

345 


346  INDICE  DELLE  MATERIE 

PAGINA 

VIII.  Le  rivoluzioni  del  1848  in  Italia.  Milano  insorge 
contro  la  tirannide  austriaca  e  lotta  epicamente  per 
cinque  giorni.  La  soldataglia  del  feld-maresciallo 
Radetzky  (20,000  uomini  di  fanteria  e  di  cavalleria  con 
60  cannoni  da  campo)  fa  strage  d'innocenti:  sotterra  e 
arde  adulti  e  fanciulli  vivi;  inchioda  alle  pareti  bambini 
lattanti,  ne  infilza  alle  baionette  e  li  porta  in  giro  come 
trofei;  oltraggia  donne,  le  uccide,  poi  mozza  e  intasca  le 
mani  inanellate  dei  cadaveri;  ruba,  insozza,  massacra, 
incendia,  commette  infiniti  orrendissimi  delitti.  E  il 
popolo  milanese  —  eroico  e  vittorioso  —  risponde  con 
civile  generosita  al  male  ricevuto.  Venezia  insorge 
anch'essa,  scaccia  gli  Austriaci  oppressori  e  ricostituisce 
I'antica  Repubblica  di  San  Marco 379 

IX.  L'inno  di  Mameli.  La  prima  guerra  di  liberazione. 
Gl'Italiani  sono  sconfitti  per  colpa  di  Pio  IX  e  del  Bor- 
bone  delle  Due  Sicilie.  Gli  Austriaci  nuovamente 
dominatori  della  Lombardia  (1848) 387 

X.  I  soldati  austriaci,  rientrati  in  Milano,  s'abbandonano 
a  ogni  sorta  di  rapine  e  vandalismi.  II  feld-maresciallo 
Radetzky  estorce  "una  taglia  straordinaria  di  venti 
milioni  di  lire  a  185  nobili  e  cospicui  cittadini"  (1848).    .   391 

XI.  L'insurrezione  di  Roma.  E  ucciso  il  primo  ministro 
pontificio  Pellegrino  Rossi.  Pio  IX  fugge  di  notte  a 
Gaeta.  Proclamazione  della  Repubblica  Romana  con  a 
capo  Mazzini,  Saffi  e  Armellini.  La  seconda  guerra  di 
liberazione  contro  I'Austria.  Gl'Italiani  sono  sconfitti 
per  colpa  dei  loro  comandanti.  Carlo  Alberto  e  costretto 
ad  abdicare  in  favore  di  suo  figlio  Vittorio  Emanuele. 
Gli  Austriaci,  rimbaldanziti,  estendono  la  loro  tirannide 

sul  Piemonte  (1849) 392 

XII.  La  "leonessa  d'ltalia".  I  soldatacci  austriaci  a  Brescia 
"scagliano  giii  dalle  finestre,  contro  le  barricate  erette  dai 
cittadini,  teste  di  teneri  fanciulli  divelte  dai  busti,  braccia 
di  donne  e  carni  umane  abbrustolite",  e  commettono 
altre  incredibili  scelleratezze.  La  tragica  vendetta  d'un 
giovane  bresciano  arso  vivo  (1849) 394 

XIII.  I  soldati  austriaci  in  Toscana,  a  Bologna,  ad  Ancona. 
I   tiranni   stranieri   schiacciano   la    Repubblica   Romana 


INDICE  DELLE  MATERIE  347 

PAGINA 

glorlosamente  retta  da  Mazzini  e  difesa  da  Garibaldi,  e 
ristabiliscono  il  potere  temporale  del  papi  (1849).  .  .    398 

XIV.  I  soldati  austriaci  inseguono  Garibaldi  e  Anita  (la 
diletta  consorte  dell'Eroe)  incinta.  La  fine  dolorosa 
dell'Eroina.  Sotterrata  nudal  "La  derelitta  cagna, 
ramingando  .  .  /*  (1849) 400 

XV.  Gli  Austriaci  assediano  e  bombardano  per  tre  mesi  di 
continue  Venezia.  II  feld-maresciallo  Radetzky  scim- 
miotta  Nerone.  La  regina  dell'Adriatico  e  costretta 
dalla  fame  e  dal  colera,  piii  che  dall'armi  nemiche,  ad 
arrendersi.     L'elegia    del    poeta    (1849) 403 

XVI.  II  feld-maresciallo  Radetzky  e  i  suoi  sguaiati  ufficiali 
festeggiano  a  Milano  il  genetliaco  del  loro  imperatore 
Francesco  Giuseppe,  provocando  disonestamente  e  cari- 
cando  brutalmente  con  la  cavalleria  e  la  fanteria  il  popolo 
inerme;    bastonando    patrioti;    vergheggiando    giovanetti 

e  signorine  sulle  nude  reni  (1849) 407 

XVII.  "L'imperatore  degl'impiccati"  (i 851-1853).  .      .      .   409 

XVIII.  I  bersaglieri  alia  guerra  di  Crimea  (1855).  Cavour 
al  Congresso  di  Parigi  (1856).  L'alleanza  con  Napoleone 
III  (1858).  Le  memorabili  parole  di  Vittorio  Emanuele 
II  all'inaugurazione  del  Parlamento  subalpino.  Uulti- 
matum  dell'Austria  al  piccolo  Piemonte.  L'inno  di 
Garibaldi.  La  famiglia  Cignoli  fucilata  dai  soldati 
austriaci.  I  soldati  papalini  trucidano  i  patrioti  di  Peru- 
gia. Pio  IX  e  il  cardinale  Pecci  (piij  tardi  Leone  XIII) 
esaltano  gli  assassini.  La  terza  guerra  di  liberazione 
vinta  dagl'Italiani  con  Taiuto  dei  Francesi  (1859).   .      .      .411 

XIX.  Garibaldi  e  i  Mille  conquistano  gloriosamente  le  Due 
Sicilie  (i860).  Proclamazione  del  Regno  d'ltalia  (1861), 
Si  perde  la  quarta  guerra  di  liberzione  contro  I'Austria 
per  colpa  dei  comandanti.  L'annessione  del  Veneto 
(1866).  Villa  Glori.  I  soldati  mercenari  del  papa  truci- 
dano I'eroina  romana  Giuditta  Arquati-Tavani  e  il  marito 
e  il  figlio  di  lei,  Mentana  (1867).  La  presa  di  Roma  e  la 
caduta  definitiva  del  potere  temporale  dei  papi  (1870). 

La  nazione  una  e  indipendente 419 


348  INDICE  DELLE  MATERIE 


PARTE  SECONDA 

PAGINA 

I.  Come  Roma  antica,  sia  durante'  la  Repubblica  che  du- 
rante rimpero,  conquisto  e  latinizzo  il  Friuli,  I'lstria, 
Trieste,  Trento,  il  Trentino  e  la  Dalmazia,  e  come  fece 
del  mare  Adriatico  un  gran  lago  romano.  La  "Tavola 
Clesiana" 429 

II.  Le  invasion!  barbariche  in  Italia.  Attila,  flagellum  Dei, 
distrugge  (anno  452)  la  bella  citta  d'Aquileia  fondata  dai 
Romani  fin  dal  181-182  avanti  Cristo.  In  un  comizio 
presieduto  dall'imperatore  Carlo  Magno,  glTtaliani  del- 
ITstria  protestano  contro  I'immigrazione  slava  (anno  804). 
La  Repubblica  dei  dogi  libera  TAdriatico  dai  corsari 
stranieri.  Lo  sposalizio  di  Venezia  col  mare.  La  sponta- 
nea sudditanza  della  Dalmazia  (anno  999).  Fedele  per 
otto  secoli.     "L'onoratissima  sepoltura"  dello  stendardo 

di  San  Marco 436 

III.  I  Comuni.  Federico  Barbarossa  imperatore  di  Ger- 
mania  scende  in  Italia  I'anno  1154  e  massacra,  saccheg- 
gia,  incendia;  cattura  il  celebre  riformatore  Arnaldo  da 
Brescia  e  lo  consegna  al  papa  Adriano  IV,  il  quale  I'arde 
vivo.  La  compiacente  Dieta  di  Roncaglia.  Milano, 
Crema  e  Piacenza  si  ribellano.  II  Barbarossa  si  vendica 
mostruosamente:  assedia  Crema,  e  non  potendo  vincerla 
con  I'armi,  lega  ad  alcune  torri  mobili  i  fanciuUi  cremaschi 
e  milanesi  ch'egli  tiene  in  ostaggio,  e  li  espone  ai  colpi 
degli  assediati.  L'amor  di  patria  puo  piu  dell'amore 
paterno  suglTtaliani.  La  distruzione  di  Crema  e  di 
Milano.  La  Lega  Veronese.  Un  papa  energico.  La 
Lega  Lomharda.  L'arcivescovo  Cristiano  di  Magonza, 
plenipotenziario  del  Barbarossa  in  Italia,  assedia  Ancona 
e  riduce  i  difensori  a  cibarsi  d'ortiche  e  cuoio.  L'eroismo 
delle  donne  anconitane.  L*unione  dei  Comuni  italiani 
genera  I'epopea.  II  Carroccio.  La  Compagnia  della 
Morte.  II  Barbarossa  e  terribilmente  sconfitto  dagl'I- 
taliani  a  Legnano  (1176);  e  sconfitto  anche  per  mare 
dalla  flotta  unita  di  Venezia  e  di  Trieste;  deve  baciare  il 
piede  al  suo  piu  fiero  nemico  (papa  Alessandro  III);  deve 
implorare  la  pace  e  abbandonare  per  sempre  I'ltalia  senza 
averla    potuta    soggiogare 441 


INDICE  DELLE  MATERIE  349 

PAGINA 

IV.  I  Triestini  per  I'indipendenza  municipale  della  loro 
citta  e  per  il  mantenimento  della  loro  italianita  (dalla 
pace  di  Costanza  del  1183  in  poi).  Contro  i  vescovi- 
baroni  (1295-1349).  Contro  Venezia  (1368-1381).  La 
"dedizione"  aH'Austria  (1382).  II  partito  anti-austriaco, 
le  sue  ribellioni,  il  suo  martirolof^io.  "L'orgoglio  della 
discendenza  romana"   (dal  Quattrocento  al  Settecento).  449 

V.  Le  lotte  dell'italianita  sostenute  con  intensa  perse- 
veranza  dai  Triestini,  dagl'Istriani,  dai  Dalmati  e  dai 
Trentini  contro  I'Austria,  dal  trattato  di  Vienna  del  18 15 
fino  alle  rivoluzioni  italiane  del  1848 456 

VI.  I  Trentini,  i  Triestini,  gl'Istriani  e  i  Dalmati  per  la 
Repubblica  Romana  retta  dai  triunviri  Mazzini,  Saffi  e 
Armellini  e  difesa  da  Garibaldi  contro  il  papa,  e  per  la 
Repubblica  di  Venezia  retta  da  Manin  e  dal  Tommaseo 

e  difesa  da  Guglielmo  Pepe  contro  I'Austria  (1849).    .      .   467 

VII.  I  Trentini,  i  Triestini,  gl'Istriani  e  i  Dalmati  per  la  loro 
italianita  dal  1850  al  1858,  II  lor  filiale  contribute  di 
sangue  alia  seconda  guerra  di  liberazione  dell'Italia  con- 
tro I'Austria  (1859) 470 

VIIL  I  Trentini,  i  Triestini  e  gl'Istriani  nella  spedizione  dei 
Mille.  II  lor  filiale  contributo  di  sangue  all'intera  guerra 
del  i860  per  la  liberazione  dell'Italia  Meridionale  e  del- 
l'Italia Centrale.  La  feroce  reazione  degli  Austriaci.  Le 
somme  di  denaro  raccolte  dagl'Istriani  per  la  causa 
nazionale.  La  bandiera  italiana  delle  donne  triestine  a 
Garibaldi  (i860) 475 

IX.  Le  lotte  dell'italianita  sostenute  con  indomabile  fierezza 
dai  Trentini,  dai  Triestini,  dagl'Istriani  e  dai  Dalmati 
contro  I'Austria  dal  1861  al  1865 482 

X.  II  filiale  contributo  di  sangue  dei  Trentini,  dei  Triestini, 
degl'Istriani  e  dei  Dalmati  alia  guerra  del  1866  contro 
I'Austria  per  I'indipendenza  e  I'unita  d'ltalia.  Trieste  e 
ristria  per  la  loro  annessione  alia  madre  patria  (1866).   .   486 

XI.  II  filiale  contributo  di  sangue  dei  Triestini,  degl'Istriani, 
dei  Trentini  e  dei  Dalmati  all'Italia  per  la  presa  di  Roma 
(1867-1870) 495 

XII.  I  Triestini  tra  i  volontari  italiani  di  Garibaldi  in  difesa 
della   Francia  nella  guerra  del   1870  contro  la   Prussia. 


350  INDICE  DELLE  MATERIE 

PAGINA 

Continue  dimostrazioni  d'italianita  nelle  regloni  irredente 
dal  1872  al  1882.  II  giovane  triestino  Guglielmo  Ober- 
dan,  studente  universitario  a  Roma,  ardente  apostolo 
d'italianita,  e  impiccato  a  Trieste  per  avere  attentato  alia 
vita  dell'imperatore  Francesco  Giuseppe.  Tremende 
dimostrazioni  italiane  contro  I'Austria  (dicembre  1882).  499 

XIII.  II  monumento  a  Dante  nella  citta  di  Trento  (1896). 
Manifestazioni  d'italianita  a  Trieste  e  nell'Istria  dal  1897 
al  1903.  Le  scuole  italiane  elementari  e  medie  a  Gorizia, 
a  Gradisca,  a  Trieste,  nell'Istria  e  nella  Dalmazia.  La 
lampada  eterna  degl'Italiani  irredenti  sulla  tomba  di 
Dante  a  Ravenna  (1908).  Gli  studenti  italiani  irredenti 
deirUniversita  di  Vienna  aggrediti  dagli  studenti  austriaci 
della  stessa  universita  spalleggiati  dalla  polizia.  Tre- 
mende dimostrazioni  italiane  di  protesta  contro  I'Austria 
(1908).  L'incessante  cospirazione  di  Trieste  italiana 
contro  il  governo  austriaco  sino  al  1915 512 

XIV.  Proclama  incitante  I'ltaliaalla  guerra  contro  I'Austria, 
indirizzato  dai  Triestini  a  ciascun  deputato  del  Parla- 
mento  nazionale  italiano,  fuorche  ai  socialisti,  il  giorno 
in  cui  s'apri  a  Roma,  nel  febbraio  del  1914,  la  nuova 
legislatura 525 

XV.  Proclama  incitante  I'ltalia  alia  guerra  contro  I'Austria, 
indirizzato  dai  Triestini  a  ciascun  deputato  socialista 
del  Parlamento  nazionale  italiano  il  giorno  in  cui  s'apri 

a  Roma,  nel  febbraio  del  1914,  la  nuova  legislatura.     .      .   526 

XVI.  Proclama  incitante  I'ltalia  alia  guerra  contro  I'Austria, 
lanciato  dagl'Italiani  delle  province  irredente  di  Gradisca, 
Gorizia,  Trieste  e  Istria  (Venezia  Giulia)  e  del  Trentino 
durante  il  mese  d'aprile  del  1914  "per  I'unita  della 
Patria" 528 

XVII.  La  bandiera  italiana  issata  a  Trieste  sul  campanile 
di  San  Giusto  e  suU'antenna  del  porto  di  Muggia  nel  mese 
di  dicembre  del  1914.  Migliaia  di  Italiani  irredenti  cor- 
rono  ad  ofFrire  il  loro  sangue  alia  madre  patria  nella 
grande  guerra  contro  I'Austria  (1914-1915) 532 

XVIII.  Gabriele  d'Annunzio  riafFerma  ed  esalta  I'italianita 
di  Trieste  nei  giardini  del  Palagio  di  Andrea  Doria  in 
Genova  (6  maggio  191 5),  ricevendo  in  dono  il  gesso  del 
Leone  Tergestino  che  e  murato  in  una  casa  dei  Giustiniani.  533 


INDICE  DELLE  MATERIE  351 

PAGIKA 

XIX.  Parole  dette  da  Gabriele  d'Annunzio  in  Geneva  il  7 
maggio  1915  agli  Esuli  Dalmati,  ricevendo  in  dono  il 
Libro  che  afFerma,  dimostra  e  propugna  I'italianita  della 
Dalmazia,  stampato  in  Geneva 534 


PARTE  TERZA 

I.  Perche  lo  studente  serbo  Gabrilo  Princip  uccise  a  Serajevo 
—  il  28  giugno  1914  —  I'arciduca  Francesco  Ferdinando 
erede  del  trono   d'Austria-Ungheria 539 

II.  La  fatale  not a-uitimatum  del  governo  austriaco  al  governo 
serbo  (23  luglio  1914) 540 

III.  L'attitudine  partigiana  della  Germania.  L'attitudine 
conciliativa  della  Russia.  Un  supplichevole  telegramma 
del  principe  Alessandro  reggente  di  Serbia  alio  zar 
Nicola  II.  Un  eloquente  telegramma  dell'ambasciatore 
inglese  Buchanan.     L'ostinatezza  del  governo  austriaco.  543 

IV.  La  risposta  del  governo  serbo  (25  luglio  1914)  alia 
nota-ultimatum  del  governo  austriaco 546 

V.  Un  eloquente  telegramma  dell'ambasciatore  inglese  a 
Vienna,  Maurizio  de  Bunsen,  a  Sir  Edward  Grey  (27 
luglio  1914).  Un  comunicato  ufficioso  del  governo  russo 
pubblicato  dal  Corriere  della  Borsa  di  Pietroburgo  (27 
luglio  1914).  La  risposta  dello  zar  Nicola  II  al  principe 
Alessandro  reggente  di  Serbia  (27  luglio  1914).  I 
ringraziamenti  del  principe  Alessandro  alio  zar  Nicola  IL  550 

VI.  La  dichiarazione  di  guerra  del  governo  austriaco  alia 
Serbia  (27  luglio  1914).  II  proclama  dell'imperatore 
Francesco  Giuseppe  ai  suoi  popoli  (28  luglio  1914).  Lo 
zar  Nicola  II  telegrafa  urgentemente  (29  luglio  1914)  a 
Guglielmo  II  imperatore  di  Germania,  pregandolo  di 
scongiurare  la  guerra.  La  risposta  e  le  pubbliche  dichia- 
razioni  di  Guglielmo  II  (31  luglio  1914) 552 

VII.  II  trattato  della  Triplice  Alleanza  stipulate  tra  i  governi 
d'ltalia,   Austria   e  Germania   (1882-1912).     Gli   articoli 

3,  4  e  7  del  trattato  stesso 554 

VIII.  Come  il  governo  d'Austria,  con  la  sua  nota-ulthnatum 
del  23  luglio  1914  e  la  conseguente  dichiarazione  di  guerra 


352  INDICE  DELLE  MATERIE 

PA  GIN  A 

del  27  luglJo  1914  alia  Serbia,  violo  il  trattato  della  Triplice 
Alleanza  ai  danni  dell'Italia 556 

IX.  La  dichiarazione  di  neutralita  dell'Italia  (4  agosto  1914).  557 

X.  II  governo  d'ltalia,  in  data  3  maggio  1915,  denunzia  il 
trattato  della  Triplice  Alleanza 559 

XI.  Antonio  Salandra  presidente  del  Consiglio  dei  ministri 
dTtalia,  nella  storica  seduta  del  Parlamento  nazionale  a 
Roma  (20  maggio  1915),  espone  le  ragioni  per  le  quali  il 
governo  italiano  e  costretto  a  dichiarare  guerra  all' Austria.  561 

XII.  La  dichiarazione  di  guerra  del  governo  d'ltalia  all'Im- 
pero  austro-ungarico  (23  maggio  191 5) 563 

XIII.  L'imperatore  Francesco  Giuseppe,  in  un  proclama 
diretto  ai  suoi  popoli  il  24  maggio  191 5,  accusa  di  tradi- 
mento  Vittorio  Emanuele  III  re  d'ltalia 564 

XIV.  II  "violento  e  menzognero'*  discorso  pronunziato  dal 
cancelliere  germanico  Bethmann-Hollweg  contro  I'ltalia 

al  Reichstag  di  Berlin©  il  28  maggio  1915 565 

XV.  Antonio  Salandra,  presidente  dei  ministri  d'ltalia,  in 
un  solenne  discorso  documentato,  pronunziato  nel 
Campidoglio  a  Roma  il  2  giugno  1915,  difende  I'ltalia  dalle 
accuse  dell'imperatore  austro-ungarico  e  del  cancelliere 
germanico 567 

PARTE  QUARTA 

I.    Prima  ragione:     Patriottismo 579 

II.   Seconda  ragione:     Irredentismo 581 

III.   Terza  ragione:    Una  visita  non  restituita 582 

IV.   Quarta    ragione:     Coesione    nazionale    ed    efficienza 

militate 583 

V.   Quinta  ragione:     II  timore  dell'isolamento 586 

VI.    Sesta  ragione:     II  diritto  di  viaggiare 587 

VII.    Settima  ragione:     Solidarieta  umana 589 

VIII.    II  tradimento 615 


INDICE  DELLE  MATERIE  353 

PACINA 

IX.  L'oro  inglese  e  I'oro  francese 626 

X.  Cupidige  territorial! 627 

XL   Gli  Onnipotenti 640 

Indice  alfabetico  dei  nomi  propri  di  persona 643 

ILLUSTRAZIONI 

La  "Tavola  Clesiana" 434 

Carta  geografica  delle  regioni  irredente 338-339 


Giudizi  di  giornali  e  di  persone  sul  libro  //  Giornalismo  degli 
EmigratiltalianinelNord  America  d'\h\ng\QvLvnovd\t.      .  655 


Perche  1'  Italia  e  Entrata 
Nella  Grande  Guerra 


INTRODUZIONE 

Una  domanda.     Un'insinuazione.      Una  premessa 

Non  appena  Vittorio  Emanuele  III,  il  23  maggio  191 5, 
dichiaro  guerra  a  Francesco  Giuseppe,  i  miei  numerosi  amici 
americani  —  persone  d'ambo  i  sessi  intellettualmente  e 
moralmente  superiori  —  mi  domandarono: 

"Quali  ragioni  indussero  I'ltalia  ad  entrare  nella  con- 
flagrazione  europea,  attaccando  TAustria?" 

Tale  domanda,  suggerita  senza  dubbio  da  trepido  afFetto 
per 

il  bel  Paese 
che  Appennin  parte,  e  il  mar  circonda  e  I'Alpe, 

mi  convinse  che  quanto  fino  allora  —  fino  alia  suddetta 
data  ^  —  s'era  scritto  e  pubblicato  intorno  alio  straordinario 
avvenimento,  non  era  stato  sufficiente,  almeno  per  una 
buona  parte  del  pubblico  americano,  a  dare  un'idea  precisa, 
e  neppure  approssimativa,  delle  cause  che  determinarono 
I'intervento  dell'Italia  nel  macello  che  da  tre  anni  sta 
terrorizzando  e  rovinando  il  mondo. 

Credetti  percio  necessario,  anzl  doveroso,  esporre  in  un 
libro  (come  avrei  potuto  farlo  a  voce,  o  in  un  semplice 
articolo  di  giornale,  o  anche  in  un  opuscolo?)  le  cause  del 
tanto  discusso  intervento  italiano:  non  per  giudicare  o  con- 
dannare  il  governo  monarchic©  dei  Savoia  (non  e  questo  il 
momento  del  redde  rationem),  ma  per  rispondere  esauriente- 
mente  alia  domanda  rivoltami;  sopratutto,  per  rivendicare  in 
modoefficacela  verita  e  la  giustiziaoltraggiate  da  un'insinua- 
zione che  parecchi  dei  miei  amici  americani  ebbero  il  torto 
(mi  si  perdoni  la  franchezza)  di  raccogliere  sia  pure  in  buona 
fede.  L'insinuazione,  cioe,  che  il  popolo  italiano  —  quel 
popolo  tanto  onesto  decoroso  magnanimo  —  abbia  commesso 

^Oggi  potrei  ben  dire:  fino  a  ieri,  cioe  fino  alia  vigilia  della  pubblicazione  di 
questo  libro. 

357 


358  INTRODUZIONE 

un  infame  tradimento  dichiarando  nullo  il  trattato  della 
Triplice  Alleanza  e  defezionando,  conseguentemente,  la 
causa  deU'Austria  e  della  Germania:  ed  abbia  pazzamente 
corso  I'alea  della  guerra  contro  le  due  nazioni  alleate,  perche 
comprato  (il  popolo  italiano!)  dall'oro  inglese  a  dall'oro 
francese,  e  perche  smanioso  (il  popolo  italiano!)  di  con- 
quistare  terre  altrui:  terre,  come  per  esempio  Trento  e 
Trieste,  appartenenti  per  diritto  divino  ereditario  aU'im- 
periale  e  reale  corona  degli  Asburgo/ 

Premetto,  a  scanso  d'equivoci,  che  ranimo  mio  rifugge 
a  priori  da  cio  che,  militarmente  parlando,  si  chiama  nazio- 
nalismo,  campanilismo,  chauvinisme.  Adoro  I'ltalia  — 
ov'ebbi  i  natali  —  per  il  glorioso  contribute  di  pensiero  e  di 
sangue  ch'ella  sempre  diede  e  da  tuttavia  alle  incessanti  lotte 
della  civilta,  della  vera  civilta,  contro  la  barbaric.  Ma,  nel 
medesimo  tempo,  ammiro  gli  altri  paesi;  amo  sinceramente, 

'  The  World  (il  noto  quotldiano  di  New  York),  in  data  12  gennaio  191 7,  vale 
a  dire  dopo  venti  mesi  di  guerra  italiana,  commentando  le  condizioni  di  pace 
contenute  nella  risposta  data  dai  governi  alleati  al  presidente  Wilson,  si  esprimeva, 
rigiiardo  alle  aspirazioni  irredentiste  dell'Italia  sulla  costa  orientale  deirAdriatico, 
nei  seguenti  termini: 

Per  lo  meno  due  condizioni  di  secondaria  importanza  sono  quanta  mai  immorali: 
quelle,  cioe,  che  includono  la  pretesa  di  territori  i  quali  non  appartennero  mai  all' Italia 
e  alia  Rumenia,  e  che  dovrehbero  servire  a  pagare  la  camorra  imposta  da  quesii  due 
governi  eminentemente  sordidi,  come  prezzo  della  loro  entrata  nella  guerra  a  fianco 
degli  Alleati. 

Contro  questi  gentili  complimenti  protestarono  i  giornali  italiani  degli  Stati 
Uniti  e  d'ltalia,  nonche  lo  stesso  governo  di  Roma  per  mezzo  dei  suoi  ministri 
Ruffini  e  Bissolati. 

Ma  il  World,  in  data  30  gennaio  1917,  ritornava  impassibilmente  alia  carica, 
pubblicando  nelle  sue  colonne  "editoriali"  il  seguente  articolo: 

Le  pretese  deW Italia. — Malgrado  le  proteste  del  ministro  Bissolati,  Commissario 
Civile  Italiano  della  Guerra,  contro  un  recente  articolo  editoriale  del  "World",  noi 
continueremo  ad  essere  del  parere  che  i  motivi  addotti  daW Italia  per  il  suo  intervento 
in  questa  guerra  sono  tanto  poco  difendibili,  quanta  lo  sono  quelli  della  Rumenia  e 
della  Bulgaria. 

II  ministro  Bissolati  ?  rimasto  sbalordito  dalla  colossale  ignoranza  del  "World" 
il  quale  contesta  all' Italia  il  diritto  di  rivendicare  il  carattere  italiano  di  Trieste  e  che 
non  prende  in  considcrazione  a  favor e  dell'Italia  i  £0  anni  di  eroica  resistenza  contro 
la  brutale  dominazione  austriaca. 

La  dominazione  austriaca  non  e  ne  piu  ne  meno  brutale  di  quel  che  e  stata  durante 
i  jj  anni  nei  quali  I'ltalia  era  alleata  dell' Austria  nella  Triplice  Alleanza. 

Trieste  ora  none  italiana  piu  di  quanto  lo  fosse  quando  I'ltalia  lietamente  godeva 
dei  vantaggi  della  sua  alleanza  con  la  Germania  e  I' Austria. 

Ne  e  prohabile  che  I'Europa  voglia  iniprgnarsi  in  un'altra  guerra  per  private 
I' Austria  del  mare,  e  dare  all' Italia  territori  sui  quali  essa  etnicamente  non  ha  maggiori 
diritti  di  quelli  che  ha  su  un  terzo  della  Svizzera,  e  su  Nizza  e  la  Corsica  ora  occupate 
dalla  Francia. 

Molti  altri  giornali  e  riviste  nord-americani  hanno  battuto  e  continuano  a 
battere  la  stessa  solfa. 


INTRODUZIONE  359 

poiche  ramore  e  un  sentimento  naturale,  gli  uomini  evoluti 
e  non  evoluti  di  tutte  le  razze;  desidero  vivamente,  e  pro- 
pugno  con  le  mie  forze  piu  pure  e  perseveranti,  la  pace  uni- 
versale avente  per  base  —  granitica  perenne  —  la  liberta,  la 
prosperita,  la  felicita  di  tutti  i  popoli  della  Terra. 

Nello  svolgimento  del  mio  assunto  usero  solo  —  se  non 
con  parsimonia,  certo  con  la  piii  scrupolosa  oggettivita  — 
elementi  positivi,  costituiti  da  fatti  che  la  Storia  ormai 
registro  definitivamente  nelle  sue  pagine  eterne:  da  fatti 
che  la  Stampa,  precorritrice  e  nutrice  della  Storia,  riconobbe 
autentici:  da  fatti  accaduti,  accertati,  della  cui  assoluta 
realta  non  si  puo  piii  dubitare. 

Naturalmente,  per  logica  necessita  di  cose,  dovro 
interpolare,  in  tali  fatti,  note  illustrative  piii  o  meno  brevi; 
dovro  spingermi  a  osservazioni,  a  considerazioni,  a  riflessioni 
conclusive  piii  o  meno  rudi,  ardite.  Ma  esse  non  saranno 
che  in  parte  I'espressione  del  mio  giudizio  e,  piii  che  del  mio 
giudizio,  dei  miei  sentiment!  personali:  I'espressione,  cioe, 
di  quei  larghi  sentimenti  altruistici,  per  i  quali  il  mio  cuore 
palpito  sempre,  e  sempre  palpitera,  di  fraterna  tenerezza 
per  le  vittime  —  per  tutte  le  vittime  —  delle  iniquita  sociali. 

Le  osservazioni,  le  considerazioni,  le  riflessioni  ch'io  faro, 
saranno,  nella  loro  quasi  totalita,  I'espressione  dei  sentimenti 
che  nella  rossa  primavera  del  191 5  slanciarono  il  popolo 
italiano  al  cimento  della  grande  guerra.  Sentimenti  in  cui 
tanto  vibro  e  prevalse  la  nota  della  solidarieta  morale 
verso  le  creature  innocenti,  umili,  deboli,  colpite  con  efferata 
violenza  nell'onore,  nelle  sostanze,  nell'indipendenza  nazio- 
nale,  in  tutti  i  sacri  diritti  della  loro  esistenza  individuale  e 
collettiva,  dalla  foia  bestiale  dei  satrapaci  potentati  d'Euro- 
pa.  I  quali  ebbero  pur  sempre  I'impudenza  di  strombazzar- 
si  pastori  cristianamente  buoni  e  pacifici,  mentre,  in  so- 
stanza,  non  furono  che  maligni  ipocriti,  lupi  ferocissimi: 
mentre  i  loro  odierni  delitti  farebbero  raccapricciare  persino 
i  piii  antropofagi  trogloditi  dell'antica  Africa  tenebrosa. 

Le  difficolta  di  questo  mio  lavoro  saranno  molte  e  non 
lievi.     Ma  io  spero  superarle  tutte  felicemente. 


PARTE  PRIMA 


L'inizio  delle  militaresche  violenze  austriache  in  Italia. 
La  sassata  del  giovinetto  Balilla  (1746). 

Carlo  VI  imperatore  d'Austria  (1711-1740),  qualche 
tempo  prima  di  morire,  violava  la  legge  salica,  pubblicando 
un'ordinanza  detta  prammatica  sanzioney  con  la  quale  nomi- 
nava  erede  del  trono  la  sua  figliuola  primogenita  Maria 
Teresa. 

Le  Potenze  europee  —  Francia,  Spagna,  Prussia  e 
Baviera  —  che  sostenevano  la  legge  salica,  non  s'opposero 
li  per  li  all'atto  arbitrario  dell'autocratico  sovrano.  Vi 
s'opposero  dopo  ch'egli  cesso  di  vivere,  dicendo  chiaro  e 
tondo  a  Maria  Teresa  ch'ella  non  poteva  usurpare  i  diritti 
spettanti  al  sesso  maschile. 

La  donna  fece  orecchie  da  mercante:  ed  esegui  con 
graziosa  disinvoltura  la  comoda  volonta  del  suo  augusto 
genitore. 

Allora  le  quattro  Potenze  oppositrici  ricorsero  a  mezzi 
pill  persuasivi.  Proclamarono  imperatore  d'Austria  uno  dei 
piu  legittimi  pretendenti  al  trono  (Carlo  Alberto  di  Baviera, 
che  assunse  il  nome  di  Carlo  VII),  e  lo  mandarono,  accom- 
pagnato  da  un  grosso  esercito,  a  Vienna,  per  impossessarsi 
della  corona  *'al  cospetto  di  Dio  e  dei  sudditi". 

All'appressarsi  del  rivale,  Maria  Teresa  ebbe  paura: 
fuggi:  riparo  in  Ungheria.  Ma  gli  Ungheresi  I'accolsero 
afFettuosamente;  le  oflFrirono  il  loro  braccio;  giurarono, 
insieme  con  gli  Austriaci  rimasti  a  lei  devoti,  di  ricuperarle 
il  regno. 

Agli  Ungheresi  ed  agli  Austriaci  s'unirono  ben  presto 
I'lnghilterra  e  I'Olanda  e,  piii  tardi,  anche  Carlo  Emanuele 
III  di  Savoia. 

361 


362  PARTE   PRIMA 

Tra  i  due  gruppi  s'accese  una  guerra  che  duro  parecchio 
tempo.  Dopo  battaglie  favorevoli  or  all'una  or  all'altra 
parte,  la  vittoria  decisiva  arrise  finalmente,  presso  Piacenza, 
ai  sostenitori  di  Maria  Teresa. 

I  Frances!  e  gli  Spagnoli  furono  costretti  ad  abbandonare 
ITtalia,  dove  I'ultima  fase  della  guerra  s'era  svolta. 

Cosi  la  figlia  di  Carlo  VI  pote  salire  indisturbata  al  trono. 

L'esercito  austriaco,  imbaldanzito  da  tanto  successo, 
piombo  su  Genova,  "per  punirla"  d'avere  parteggiato  in 
favore  del  sesso  maschile. 

La  citta  non  era  preparata  a  un  siflFatto  colpo.  Pur 
nondimeno  essa  tento  di  resistere. "  Ma  fu  minacciata  d'essere 
subitamente  messa  a  ferro  ed  a  foco.  Per  evitare  tanta 
iattura,  coloro  che  la  reggevano  non  seppero  far  di  meglio 
che  consegnare  bonariamente  le  chiavi  delle  porte  cittadine 
ai  nemici. 

La  soldataglia  austriaca,  fremente  di  vendetta  e  avida 
di  bottino,  urlo  di  gioia:  entro,  saccheggio,  s'ubriaco, 
insulto,  "commise  turpitudini  che  non  hanno  riscontro 
nell'istoria".  E  come  se  cio  non  bastasse,  voile  sborsati 
ventuno  milioni  di  lire  "per  indennita  di  guerra".  Ai 
cittadini  che  imploravano  clemenza,  il  generale  austriaco 
rispondeva  brigantescamente  ch'essi  "meritavan  di  peggio: 
che  li  avrebbe  spogliati  perfino  della  camicia  che  indossava- 
no,  non  lasciando  loro  che  i  soli  occhi  per  piangere". 

II  flagello  duro  tre  mesi. 

Nel  pomeriggio  del  5  dicembre  1746,  mentre  la  solda- 
taglia austriaca  trascinava  alcuni  pezzi  d'artiglieria  nel 
popoloso  quartiere  di  Portoria,  si  sfondo  a  un  certo  punto  la 
strada,  sotto  il  peso  d'un  enorme  mortaio  da  bombe.  Non 
essendo  facile  continuare  il  lavoro,  la  soldataglia,  fiottando 
parole  brusche  e  triviali,  comando  ai  cittadini  presenti  di 
dare  aiuto.  I  cittadini  si  rifiutarono.  La  soldataglia, 
artotando  i  denti,  li  ingiurio,  li  aggredi,  li  carico  di  pugni, 
li  bastono,  li  sciabolo  senza  pieta  ne  misericordia. 

Un  ardito  fanciullo  (Giovan  Battista  Perasso,  soprannomi- 
nato  Balilla),  irritato  di  sdegno  per  essere  stato  anch'egli 
percosso  in  malo  modo  da  un  soldataccio  asutriaco,  raccatto 
un   sasso   e  —  gridando   la   rompo?!  —  lo   scaglio   vigorosa- 


SMEMBRAMENTO  DELL'ITALIA   (1815)  363 

mente  contro  il  bruto,  colpendolo  alia  testa  e  facendolo 
stramazzare  mezzo  morto  al  suolo. 

L'atto  eroico  del  fanciullo  animo  gli  adulti.  In  un 
baleno  si  vide  infuriare  una  gragnola  di  sassi  sulla  soldataglia. 
Le  campane  sonarono  a  stormo.  I  cittadini  ch'erano  in  casa 
udirono,  sussultarono,  compresero,  s'armarono,  si  precipi- 
taron  fuori,  affrontarono  i  barbari  tuonando:  *'Viva 
Geneva!     Viva  la  liberta!" 

La  pugna,  calda  ostinata  cruenta,  duro  cinque  giorni. 
Gli  oppressori  furono  alia  fine  sopraffatti,  messi  in  fuga, 
inseguiti,  dispersi. 

Poco  dopo,  il  popolano  Giovanni  Carbone,  nel  riconse- 
gnare  a  nome  dei  Genovesi  le  chiavi  della  citta  al  doge  e  agli 
altri  supremi  magistrati  della  Repubblica,  pronunziava 
queste  memorabili  parole: 

Signori,  ecco  le  chiavi  che  voi  deste  con  tanta  leggerezza  ai 
nostri  nemici.  Procurate  in  avvenire  di  meglio  custodirle,  poiche 
esse  furono  ricuperate  col  nostro  sangue! 


II 

Smembramento  e  ripartizione  dell'Italia  nel  1815.    La 
parte  del  leone  all' Austria.     La  Carboneria. 

Col  trattato  di  Vienna,  stipulate  dai  monarchi  d'Europa 
dopo  vinto  Napoleone  I  a  Waterloo  il  i8  giugno  1815, 
ritalia  fu  smembrata  e  ripartita  nel  modo  seguente: 

il  Regno  di  Sardegna  (Sardegna,  Piemonte  e  Liguria)  a 
Vittorio  Emanuele  I  di  Savoia; 

•'  lo  Stato  Lomhardo-Veneto  (Lombardia,  Venezia,  i  territori 
compresi  tra  il  Po,  il  Ticino  e  I'Adriatico,  Tantica  Repubblica 
di  Ragusa,  le  valli  di  Valtellina,  Chiavenna  e  Bormio) 
all'Austria; 

il  Granducato  di  Toscana  al  principe  austriaco  Ferdinando 
III  di  Lorena; 

il  Ducato  di  Modena  e  Reggio  airarciduca  Francesco  IV, 
cugino  dell'imperatore  d'Austria; 

il  Ducato  di  Lucca  a  Maria  Luisa  di  Borbone; 


364  PARTE   PRIMA 

i  Ducati  di  Parma,  Piacenza  e  Guastalla  a  Maria  Luigla, 
figlia  deH'imperatore  d'Austria  e  seconda  moglie  di  Napo- 
leone; 

lo  Stato  Romano  al  pontefice; 

il  Regno  delle  Due  Sicilie  (Italia  Meridionale)  a  Ferdi- 
nando  I  di  Borbone; 

la  Repubblica  di  San  Marino,  sotto  la  protezione  del 
pontefice; 

il  Canton  Ticino  alia  Confederazione  Sviz/era; 

il  Principato  di  Monaco  ai  Grimaldi-Montignon,  sotto 
la  protezione  del  re  di  Sardegna; 

r  Isola  di  Malta  all'Inghilterra; 

la  Corsica  alia  Francia. 

L'Austria,  che  direttamente  e  indirettamente  aveva 
avuto  la  parte  del  leone,  si  riserbo  anche  il  diritto  d'occupare 
militarmente  Ferrara  e  Comacchio. 

Gli  eflPetti  che  da  tale  smembramento  e  da  tale  riparti- 
zione  derivarono  alia  bella  ma  sventurata  penisola,  si  possono 
facilmente  immaginare.  Leggi  inique:  balzelli,  persecuzio- 
ni,  spoliazioni,  ingiustizie  d'ogni  sorta:  tutti  i  mali  che  ancor 
oggi  formano  la  trista  caratteristica  di  quei  governi  imperia- 
listici,  i  quali  antepongono,  senza  veruno  scrupolo,  i  privati 
interessi  dinastici  al  benessere  dei  popoli. 

Fortunatamente  gl'Italiani  non  erano  piii  disposti  a  far 
da  spensierate  pecore  come  per  il  passato.  Le  idee  propa- 
gate dalla  rivoluzione  francese  e  i  fatti  straordinari  svoltisi 
durante  le  guerre  napoleoniche  avevano  drizzato  le  menti, 
avevano  risvegliato  le  coscienze  intorpidite  da  tanti  secoli  di 
servaggio.  Sui  monti  della  Calabria  e  degli  Abruzzi  s'era 
gia  formata  da  qualche  tempo,  tra  gli  uomini  piii  gagliardi 
di  quelle  generose  regioni,  una  societa  segreta  chiamata 
Carhoneria,  alio  scopo  di  promovere  e  propugnare  con  ogni 
mezzo,  a  costo  di  qualunque  sacrificio,  I'indipendenza  e 
I'unita  della  patria.  II  giorno  prima  del  congresso  di  Vienna, 
essa  contava,  nel  suo  seno,  circa  800,000  membri.  Pochi 
giorni  dopo,  essa  ne  contava  il  doppio.  Vi  s'erano  inscritti, 
e  continuavano  a  inscriversi,  cittadini  d'ogni  eta  e  d'ogni 
condizione  sociale. 

Nei  primi  anni  la  Carhoneria  si  limito  a  un  cauto  e  pa- 


GLI   AUSTRIACI   A  NAPOLI    (1821)  365 

ziente  lavoro  preparatorio  allenatore.  Solo  nel  1820  — 
fattasi  alquanto  adulta  e  formidabile  per  le  sue  ben  coordi- 
nate e  disciplinate  forze  morali  e  intellettuali,  piu  che  per  il 
numero  dei  suoi  aderenti  —  essa  die  principio  a  quella  serie 
di  pratici  ardui  cimenti,  che  dovevano,  dopo  cinquant'anni 
d'eroismi  e  di  martiri,  culminare  nella  maggiore  conquista 
civile  del  secolo:  cioe  nel  ritorno  di  Roma  all'Italia  gia  ri- 
diventata  nazione  una  e  indipendente,  e  nella  conseguente 
caduta  definitiva  del  potere  temporale  dei  papi. 


Ill 

La  rivoluzione  del  1820  nel  Regno  delle  Due  Sicilie. 
L' Austria,  con  la  forza  bruta  dei  suoi  soldati,  impone  la 
tirannide  borbonica  ai  patrioti  italiani  lottanti  per  la 
liberta.    Persecuzioni  e  condanne  (1821). 

Durante  I'anno  1820  scoppio  una  rivoluzione  nel  Regno 
delle  Due  Sicilie,  dove  la  tirannide  borbonica  infieriva 
maledettamente,  insidiando,  coartando,  strozzando  ogni 
voce  di  liberta. 

La  mattina  del  2  luglio  1820  i  soldati  e  gli  ufficiali  distac- 
cati  a  Nola  e  ad  Avellino  (la  Carhoneria  era  penetrata 
financo  nelle  file  dell'esercito)  insorsero  gridando:  "Viva  la 
Costituzione!     Vogliamo  la  Costituzione!" 

11  grido  ribelle  corse  fulmineo  per  tutto  il  regno;  scosse, 
elettrizzo  le  popolazioni;  fu  ripetuto  ardentemente;  parve  il 
possente  grido  d'un  oceano  in  tempesta. 

La  sera  del  6  luglio  1820  si  disse  che  il  generate  calabrese 
Guglielmo  Pepe  —  patriota  energico,  risoluto,  universal- 
mente  stimato  —  s'era  messo  alia  testa  della  rivoluzione. 
Tale  notizia  aggiunse  fiamme  al  foco.  Nella  notte  stessa  i 
pill  autorevoli  Carbonari  di  Napoli  si  presentarono  alia 
reggia  e,  in  nome  del  popolo  e  dell'esercito,  chiesero  al  re  la 
Costituzione. 

Ferdinando  I  rispose  con  la  tipica  burbanza  dei  tiranni. 
I  Carbonari  lo  lasciaron  dire.  Quand'  ebbe  finito,  gli 
voltaron  dignitosamente  le  spalle  e  usciron  fuori,  silenziosi 
ma  fieri. 


366  PARTE   PRIMA 

Pochi  momenti  dopo,  una  folia  Immensa  di  cittadini  e  dl 
soldati  afFratellati  correva  ruggendo  per  le  vie  della  citta. 

II  Borbone  udi,  tremo,  non  pote  dormire.  Avanti  I'alba, 
egli  pubblico  il  seguente  proclama: 

Essendosi  manifestato  il  voto  generale  della  nazione  di  volere 
un  governo  costituzionale,  di  nostra  piena  volonta  consentiamo  e 
promettiamo  nel  corso  di  otto  giorni  di  pubblicarne  le  basi. 

I  rivoluzionari  non  si  capacitarono,  non  s'acquietarono. 
Essi  sapevano  che  nel  1812  Ferdinando  I  aveva  pur  concessa 
e  poi  abrogata  la  Costituzione  in  Sicilia.  Pretesero  quindi, 
da  lui,  garanzie  piii  sicure,  piii  concrete;  e  cioe:  giurare  la 
Costituzione  sul  vangelo  di  Cristo;  dare  al  generale  Pepe  il 
comando  di  tutte  le  forze  militari  dello  Stato;  affidare  a  una 
Giunta  provvisoria  I'incarico  di  preparare  la  riunione  del 
Congresso. 

II  Borbone  dove  fare  di  necessita  virtii.    Dove  cedere. 
Cos!  il  generale  Pepe,  che  si  trovava  a  Monteforte,  il  9 

luglio  1820  entro  trionfalmente  in  Napoli. 

E  la  sera  stessa  il  poeta  Gabriele  Rossetti  ^  cantava: 

Giungesti  alfin,  giungesti, 
o  sospirato  giorno! 
Tutto  ci  brilla  intorno 
di  nuova  ilarita. 
Redenzion  di  patria 
in  ogni  fronte  e  scolta. 
Non  sogno  questa  volta, 
non  sogno  liberta! 

II  13  luglio  1820,  nella  cappella  privata  della  reggia,  alia 
presenza  del  Pepe,  della  Giunta  provvisoria,  dei  ministri 
e  dei  dignitari  di  Corte,  Ferdinando  I  giuro  solennemente  la 
Costituzione,  pronunziando  un  enfatico  discorso  che  termi- 
nava  cosi: 

Onnipotente  Iddio,  che  con  lo  sguardo  infinite  leggi  neU'anima 
e  neH'avvenire,  se  io  mento,  o  se  dovro  mancare  al  mio  giura- 
mento,  tu  in  questo  istante  dirigi  sul  mio  capo  i  fulmini  della  tua 
vendetta. 

La   commozione   fu   generale.     Gabriele    Rossetti,    che 

^Gabriele  Rossetti  —  nato  a  Vasto  (Abruzzi)  nel  1783,  morto  a  Londra  nel 
1854 — fu  il  padre  di  Carlo  Dante  Gabriele  Rossetti,  il  celebre  poeta  e  pittore 
inglese,  fondatore  della  Scuola  prerafaellistica. 


GLI   AUSTRIACI   A  NAPOLI    (1821)  367 

aveva  cantato  in  versi  la  Costituzione  "promessa",  saluto 
anche  la  Costituzione  "giurata"  con  un  inno  profetico 
esprimente  tutt'altro  che  fiducia  nel  giuramento  del  re 
borbonico,  come  si  puo  vedere  dalla  strofa  ch'io  qui  riporto: 

Cittadini,  posiamo  sicuri 

sotto  I'ombra  dei  lauri  mietuti; 
ma  coi  pugni  sui  brandi  temuti 
stiamo  in  guardia  del  patrio  terren. 

Nella  pace  prepara  la  guerra 

chi  da  saggio  previene  lo  stolto; 
ci  sorrida  la  pace  sul  volto, 
ma  ci  frema  la  guerra  nel  sen. 

Gli  avvenimenti  di  Napoli,  intanto,  avevano  preoccupato 
non  poco  le  teste  coronate  d'Europa.  Francesco  I  impera- 
tore  d'Austria  e  i  suoi  colleghi  di  Russia  e  di  Prussia,  nel 
mese  d'ottobre  del  1820  si  riunirono  a  Troppau,  citta  della 
Slesia,  per  discutere  intorno  alia  grave  situazione.  Non 
tardarono  a  intendersi  tra  loro  e  a  stabilire  il  da  fare.  In- 
giunsero  a  Ferdinando  I  d'abrogare  subito,  "possibilmente 
con  mezzi  conciliativi",  la  Costituzione  da  lui  promul- 
gata. 

Ferdinando  I  fece  sapere  che  la  cosa  non  era  possibile 
**con  mezzi  conciliativi". 

Allora  i  tre  monarchi  s'unirono  di  bel  novo  nel  mese 
di  dicembre  1820  a  Lubiana,  capitale  della  Carniola,  e 
questa  volta  insieme  coi  rappresentanti  delle  altre  Potenze 
europee,  "per  rimediare  (cosi  dichiaro  il  principe  Metter- 
nich,  primo  ministro  austriaco)  alle  condizioni  interne  del 
Regno  di  Napoli'*. 

II  Borbone  scrisse  loro  "di  soppiatto",  pregandoli  di 
chiamarlo  al  Congresso,  dove  avrebbe  reso  conto  del  suo 
operate  e  suggeriti  i  mezzi  piii  efficaci  per  reprimerc  lo  spirito 
liberale  dei  Napoletani. 

Fu  chiamato.  E  siccome  la  Costituzione  da  lui  promul- 
gata  gl'inibiva  d'allontanarsi  dal  regno  senza  il  permesso  del 
Parlamento,  egli  dove  giurare  che,  recandosi  a  Lubiana, 
avrebbe  perorato  la  causa  del  popolo.  Disse:  "Difendero 
nel  Congresso  i  fatti  del  passato  luglio;  vorro  fermamente 


368  PARTE   PRIMA 

per  il  mio  regno  la  Costituzione;  domandero  la  pace.  Cosi 
richiedendo  la  coscienza  e  I'onore". 

Questo  giuramento  frutto  a  Ferdinando  I  la  bramata 
autorizzazione.  Prima  di  partire,  egli  nomino  suo  figlio 
Francesco  reggente  del  trono,  col  titolo  di  vicario.  Ma 
giunto  a  Lubiana,  s'affretto  a  confessare  che  solo  la  violenza 
gli  aveva  strappato  la  Costituzione;  che  considerava  nulli 
gli  obblighi  assunti  verso  i  rivoluzionari;  che  I'occupazione 
militate  del  regno  era  I'unico  mezzo  capace  di  ripristinare  e 
consolidare  la  sovranita  assoluta  della  monarchia. 

Gli  unti  del  Signore  ascoltarono  e  approvarono.  E,  in 
data  9  febbraio  1821,  ordinarono,  per  mezzo  del  loro  Met- 
ternich  che  amava  glTtaliani  come  il  fumo  negli  occhi, 
I'immediato  e  pieno  ristabihmento  del  governo  borbonico 
neiritalia  Meridionale. 

II  Parlamento  napoletano  rispose  deliberando  la  guerra. 
Un  esercito  austriaco  non  tardo  ad  apparire  suUa  frontiera. 

Gabriele  Rossetti  incite  I'ltalia  a  insorgere  tutta  contro 
i  nemici  invasori. 

Sorgi!     Che  tardi  ancora? 

Tu  dormi,  Italia?     Ah  no! 

Di  liberta  Taurora 

sui  colli  tuoi  spunto. 
Sorgi,  e  raffrena  il  corso 

d'esercito  invasor. 

O  schiava  dei  tuoi  schiavi, 

fosti  regina  un  di! 
Snuda  I'acciar  da  forte, 

ricingi  I'elmo  al  crin; 

sorgi:  tra  vita  e  morte 

qui  pende  il  tuo  destin! 

Ma  grazie  ai  tradimenti  del  principe  vicario,  a  cui  i 
Napoletani  avevano  ingenuamente  affidato  la  direzione  della 
guerra,  i  soldati  austriaci  non  incontrarono  che  poca  resi- 
stenza.  Essi  facilmente  poterono  entrare  nella  citta  il  13 
marzo  1821,  e  riconsegnare  pomposamente  a  Ferdinando  I  lo 
scettro  del  dispotismo. 

II  re  spergiuro  se  ne  valse  subito,  sfogando  borbonica- 
mente  le  sue  basse  vendette.     Per  mezzo  di  giudici  compia- 


GLI  AUSTRIACI   NEL   PIEMONTE    (1821)         369 

centi  servili  abietti,  egli  condanno  i  migliori  cittadini  a 
morte,  alia  galera,  all'esilio.  Confisco  loro  i  beni.  Sciolse 
I'esercito.  Affido  la  difesa  del  trono  a  parecchi  battaglioni 
di  mercenari  svizzeri  e  a  35,000  soldati  austriaci. 

Grimprovvisati  birri  stranieri  compirono  I'opera  nefasta 
del  tiranno,  commettendo  soverchierie,  villanie,  brutture 
orribili.  Ferdinando  I  li  mantenne  nel  Regno  delle  Due 
Sicilie  fino  a  ch'egli,  un  bel  giorno  del  1825,  non  se  n'ando, 
esecrato  da  tutti,  all'altro  mondo. 

II  suo  successore  Francesco  I,  quantunque  piu  grossolano 
bestiale  feroce,  non  pote  sopportarli  a  lungo.  Eran  di  troppo 
peso.  Avevano  dissanguato  I'erario  e  per  conseguenza  il 
popolo.  Dove  quindi  rassegnarsi  a  mandarli  via,  confortato 
dalla  speranza  ch'essi  sarebbero  ritornati  alle  prime  nuove 
pazzie  dei  Carbonari. 

IV 

La  rivoluzione  del  1821  nel  Piemonte.  L' Austria,  con 
la  forza  bruta  dei  suoi  soldati,  impone  la  tirannide  dei 
Savoia  ai  patriot!  italiani  lottanti  per  la  liberta,  Perse- 
cuzioni  e  condanne. 

L'esempio  dei  Carbonari  napoletani  fu  seguito  dai  con- 
fratelli  piemontesi. 

Nel  gennaio  1821  gli  studenti  dell'Universita  di  Torino  si 
fregiarono  i  petti  con  le  coccarde  della  Costituzione  di 
Napoli,  e  improvvisarono  nelle  vie  della  citta  una  dimostra- 
zione  inneggiante  alia  liberta. 

La  polizia  aggredi  i  dimostranti,  tutti  giovani  inermi,  li 
malmeno,  li  costrinse  a  ritirarsi. 

Siffatta  coercizione,  anziche  frenare,  eccito  maggiormente 
gli  animi. 

La  dimostrazione  si  ripete  a  Torino  e  in  altre  citta  del 
Piemonte,  e  assunse  carattere  spiccatamente  rivoluzionario 
ad  Alessandria,  ove  i  cittadini  e  i  soldati  insorsero  (10  marzo 
1821)  gridando:   *'Viva  I'ltalia!    Viva  la  Costituzione!" 

Vittorio  Emanuele  I  di  Savoia,  re  di  Sardegna,  Piemonte 
e  Liguria,  "nemico  delle  idee  liberali",  piuttosto  che  cedere, 


370  PARTE   PRIMA 

prefer!  abdicare  (13  marzo  1821)  in  favore  di  suo  fratello 
Carlo  Felice  che  in  quei  giorni  si  trovava  a  Modena,  affidando 
provvisoriamente  la  reggenza  del  trono  al  principe  cadetto 
Carlo  Alberto  di  Savoia-Carignano.  Costui,  incalzato  dagli 
avvenimenti,  la  sera  del  13  marzo  1821  promulgo  la  Costitu- 
zione;  creo  un  ministero  d'occasione  con  a  capo  il  conte 
Santorre  di  Santarosa  ch'era  stato  il  deux  ex  machina  della 
rivoluzione;  promise  di  mantenere,  e  all'occorrenza  difendere, 
tutte  le  concessioni  fatte. 

Ma  Carlo  Felice,  nemico  acerrimo,  peggio  del  fratello, 
d'ogni  liberta,  appena  saputa  la  cosa,  monto  in  furia;  lancio 
da  Modena  un  energico  proclama,  col  quale  dichiaro  nulla  la 
concessa  Costituzione;  comando  a  Carlo  Alberto  di  dimetter- 
si  immediatamente  da  reggente  e  recarsi  a  Novara,  dove, 
sotto  gli  ordini  del  generale  Sallier  della  Torre,  si  sarebbero 
adunate  le  milizie  rimaste  fedeli  alia  monarchia  assoluta. 

II  principe  cadetto  obbedi.  E  i  Carbonari,  che  aspetta- 
vano  da  lui  un  atto  di  resistenza  contro  la  dispotica  imposi- 
zione  del  nuovo  re,  lo  gridaron  traditore. 

Un  esercito  di  30,000  uomini,  in  gran  parte  austriaci, 
invase  il  Piemonte,  sgomino  i  costituzionali,  ristabili  il 
reazionario  governo  dei  Savoia. 

Carlo  Felice,  scimmiottando  il  Borbone  di  Napoli,  si 
diede  a  perseguitare  spietatamente  i  fautori  della  Costitu- 
zione. Due  tribunali  partigiani,  da  lui  espressamente  isti- 
tuiti  (uno  per  i  civili,  I'altro  per  i  militari),  condannarono 
piij  di  mille  persone  a  pene  gravissime. 

Santorre  di  Santarosa  si  salvo  con  la  fuga.  Egli  mori 
quattr'anni  dopo  a  Sfacteria,  combattendo  generosamente 
per  I'indipendenza  della  Grecia. 

Carlo  Alberto,  invece,  se  n'ando  dapprima  in  Toscana, 
poi  in  Ispagna,  dove  si  schiero  contro  il  popolo  che,  come 
I'italiano,  tentava  sottrarsi  al  giogo  della  servitii.  Ivi  prese 
parte  aU'assalto  del  Trocadero  (con  la  caduta  di  questa 
fortezza,  rimase  schiacciata  anche  la  Costituzione  spagnola); 
vi  si  distinse  molto;  ricntro  cosi  nelle  buone  grazie  di  Carlo 
Felice. 

L'occupazione  del  Piemonte,  intanto,  da  parte  delle 
truppe  austriache  chiamate  dai  Savoia,  duro  fino  al  settem- 


GLI   AUSTRIACI   NEL  LOMBARDO-VENETO   (1821)  371 

bre  del  1823  e  costo  al  pubblico  erario,  vale  a  dire  alia  povera 
gente,  la  considerevole  somma  di  diciotto  milioni  di  lire; 
senza  contare  le  angherie,  le  estorsioni,  le  umiliazioni  a  cui  la 
depravata  soldataglia  imperiale  sottopose  privatamente  i 
cittadini  che  s'erano  resi  colpevoli  soltanto  d'avere  amato  e 
desiderate  la  liberta. 


V 

L' Austria,  con  la  forza  bruta  del  suoi  soldati,  impone 
la  propria  tirannide  ai  patrioti  italiani  del  Lombardo- 
Veneto  lottanti  per  la  liberta.  Persecuzioni  e  condanne 
(1820-1821). 

Se  I'Austria  infieriva  tanto  barbaramente  contro  gl'Ita- 
liani  soggetti  ai  tiranni  e  ai  tirannelli  ch'essa  semplicemente 
proteggeva,  e  facile  immaginare  com'ella  infierisse  contro 
gl'Italiani  che  il  Iosco  trattato  di  Vienna  aveva  gettato  nelle 
unghie  rapaci  dell'aquila  bicipite. 

I  Carbonari  del  Lombardo-Veneto  avevano  fin  dal  181 8 
fondato  a  Milano  un  giornale  intitolato  II  Conciliatore.  Ne 
era  direttore  Silvio  Pellico,  scrittore  garbato,  educatore 
d'alti  sensi  morali,  patriota  gentile  e  forte. 

Lo  scopo  apparente  del  detto  giornale  era  quello  di 
"conciliare,  nel  campo  letterario,  non  i  leali  coi  falsi,  ma 
tutti  i  sinceri  amatori  del  vero";  lo  scopo  recondito  era  quello 
d'additare  agl'Italiani  la  via  della  redenzione. 

I  conti,  pero,  erano  stati  fatti  senza  I'oste.  II  governo 
austriaco  (I'oste)  aveva  nel  Lombardo-Veneto,  oltre  agli 
enormi  contingenti  di  truppe  armate  fino  ai  denti,  uno 
speciale  servizio  di  polizia  in  cui  predominavano  —  per 
numero,  per  furberia,  per  malvagita  —  gli  agenti  segreti  e  le 
spie  d'ogni  specie. 

Esso,  dunque  —  il  governo  austriaco  —  non  tardo  a 
conoscere  "quello  che  si  celava  entro  le  questioni  letterarie 
del  Conciliatore".  II  3  settembre  18 19  ne  proibi  la  pubbli- 
cazione.  Poi  si  mise  a  molestare  odiosamente  i  fondatori,  i 
redattori,  tutti  i  cuori  nobili,  tutti  i  grandi  ingegni  che 
avevano   avuto,   o   ch'erano   sospettati   d'avere   avuto,   un 


372  PARTE   PRIMA 

qualche  *interesse,  una  qualche  relazione  col  soppresso 
giornale. 

Intanto  scoppiava  la  rivoluzione  napoletana.  I  Carbo- 
nari del  Lombardo-Veneto  non  potevano  rimanere  insensi- 
bili.  Palpitarono.  Esultarono.  I  piu  arditi  espressero 
apertamente  la  loro  simpatia,  la  loro  solidarieta  per  i  fratelli 
del  Sud;  tentarono  financo  imitarli.  Ma  furono  rapidamente 
soprafFatti  dalla  prevalente  e  prepotente  forza  dei  domina- 
tori. 

Centinaia  di  cittadini,  tra  i  quali  lo  stesso  Pellico  e  molti 
dei  suoi  amici,  furono  arrestati,  svillaneggiati,  vituperati. 
Alcuni  furono  condannati  a  morte.  Altri  furono  trascinati 
in  catene  alio  Spielberg,  cupa  fortezza  della  Moravia,  e  ivi 
rinchiusi  in  luoghi  angusti  oscuri  umidi  luridi,  e  lasciati  in 
custodia  di  aguzzini  ignoranti  zotici  ringhiosi  aggressivi  come 
cani  mastini.    Altri  fuggirono  in  terre  libere  e  ospitali. 

II  poeta  Giovanni  Berchet,  ch'era  stato  uno  dei  piii 
brillanti  collaboratori  del  Conciliatore  e  uno  dei  piii  ardenti 
cospitarori,  melanconicamente  esclamava  daU'esilio: 

Sono  immensi  i  guai  d'ltalia, 
inesausto  e  il  sue  dolor! 

Liberta  voile;  ma,  stolta, 

crede  ai  prencij  e  oso  commettere 

ai  lor  giuri  il  suo  voler. 

I  suoi  prenci  Than  travolta, 

Than  ricinta  di  perfidie, 

Than  venduta  alio  stranier. 

Son  disciolte  le  sue  schiere; 
£  compresso  il  labbro  ai  savi, 
stretto  in  ferri  ai  giusti  il  pie! 

Dopo  un  certo  tempo,  i  rinchiusi  nello  Spielberg  ebbero 
commutata  la  pena  di  morte  in  quella  del  carcere  per  la 
durata  di  dieci,  quindici,  venti  anni  ciascuno.  Le  torture 
che  vi  sofFrirono  con  invitta  rassegnazione  furono  descritte 
"senz'odio"  dal  Pellico  nel  suo  mirabile  libro  Le  mie  prigioniy 
che  costo  all'Austria  I'esecrazione  del  mondo,  mentre  alle 


GLI   AUSTRIACI  NELL'EMILIA   (1831)  373 

vittime  della  di  lei  tirannide  frutto  rimmortale  qualifica- 
zione  di  "martiri  del  Risorgimento  Italiano". 


VI 

Le  rivoluzioni  del  1831  nel  Ducato  di  Modena  e  Reggio 
e  nello  Stato  Romano.  L' Austria,  con  la  forza  bruta  dei 
suoi  soldati,  impone  la  tirannide  d'un  suo  principe  e  la 
tirannide  papale  ai  patrioti  italiani  lottanti  per  la  liberta. 
Persecuzioni  e  condanne. 

La  reazione  infurio  per  dieci  anni.  Ma  essa  non  pote 
spegnere  il  fervore  di  liberta  che  agitava  i  vulcanici  petti 
degl'Italiani. 

Schiacciata  nel  sud  e  nel  nord,  la  rivoluzione  scoppiava 
nel  centre  della  penisola.  Giro  Menotti,  patriota  di  nobili  e 
fermi  proponimenti,  era  riuscito,  con  I'ausilio  d'animosi  e 
fidi  compagni,  a  prepararla  nel  Ducato  di  Modena  e  Reggio, 
dove  I'austriaco  Francesco  IV  tiranneggiava  tanto  barbara- 
mente,  da  inchiodare  con  ceppi  e  collari  di  ferro  i  prigionieri 
politici  su  tavolati  di  sotterranei  resi  micidiali  dalla  infiltra- 
zione  delle  acque. 

La  rivoluzione,  nel  detto  Stato,  doveva  scoppiare  tra  il 
4  e  il  5  febbraio  1831,  Ma  il  3  febbraio  1831  la  polizia  ducale, 
messa  sull'avviso  dalle  spie,  comincio  ad  arrestare  alcuni 
cittadini  sospetti. 

Giro  Menotti  comprese  che  non  c'era  tempo  da  perdere. 
Bisognava  agire  sollecitamente  ed  energicamente.  La  sera 
stessa  del  3  febbraio  183 1  egli  riuni  in  casa  sua  i  capi  congiu- 
rati,  e  con  essi  s'accingeva  all'arduo  cimento.  Ma  piombava 
airimprovviso  I'austriaco  Francesco  IV  al  comando  di 
ottocento  soldati  e  due  batterie. 

La  casa  fu  circondata,  fucilata,  cannoneggiata.  I  congiu- 
rati  si  difesero  eroicamente,  lungamente.  Alfine,  il  numero 
e  I'armi  del  tiranno  ebbero  il  sopravvento. 

Giro  Menotti,  ferito,  grondante  sangue,  fu  fatto  prigio- 
niero  insieme  coi  suoi  compagni. 

L'austriaco  Francesco  IV,  pazzo  di  gioia  per  la  vittoria 


374  PARTE   PRIMA 

riportata,  spediva,  rindomani,  con  una  staffetta  speciale, 
al  governatore  di  Reggio,  la  seguente  lettera: 

Questa  notte  e  scoppiata  la  rivoluzione.     Mandatemi  il  boia. 

Francesco. 

Laconismo  cinico,  mostrante  I'idiotica  pravita  deiruomo 
che  pure  i  potentati  d'Europa  avevano  creduto  degno  di 
governare  un  popolo  come  I'italiano! 

Nel  frattempo  era  scoppiata  la  rivoluzione  anche  a 
Bologna.  La  folia  aveva  staccato  dal  palazzo  governativo 
e  frantumato  lo  stemma  pontificio,  sostituendolo  con  la 
bandiera  italiana  bianca,  rossa  e  verde;  aveva  scacciato  dalla 
citta  il  rappresentante  della  santa  sede,  dichiarando  abolito 
il  potere  temporale  dei  papi;  aveva  nominato  una  commis- 
sione  provvisoria,  coU'incarico  d'annunziare  e  preparare 
le  elezioni  politiche  e  formare  un  governo  costituzionale 
definitivo. 

L'impeto  veemente  della  dotta  Bologna  era  stato  seguito 
in  un  lampo  da  altre  citta  dell'Italia  Centrale.  La  Romagna, 
le  Marche,  I'Umbria  si  proclamarono  libere. 

L'austriaco  Francesco  IV  ebbe  paura;  non  si  senti  piii 
sicuro  a  Modena;  fuggi  accompagnato  da  uno  stuolo  di  birri 
e  dal  boia  e  trascinando  seco,  in  catene,  Ciro  Menotti  "come 
ostaggio";  riparo  a  Mantova,  citta  appartenente  al  Lom- 
bardo-Veneto  e,  per  conseguenza,  aU'Austria,  dove  si  mise 
sotto  la  diretta  protezione  del  cugino  imperatore. 

Verso  i  primi  di  marzo  del  183 1,  grossi  eserciti  austriaci 
invasero  il  Ducato  di  Modena  e  Reggio  e  lo  Stato  Romano; 
si  scontrarono  con  i  rivoluzionari,  ch'erano,  relativamente, 
esigui  di  numero,  male  armati,  peggio  disciplinati;  li  bat- 
terono  senza  sforzo;  ripristinarono  il  potere  dei  tiranni. 

L'austriaco  Francesco  IV  pote  rientrare  nei  suoi  domini 
il  9  marzo  183 1,  covando,  in  cuor  suo,  infernali  propositi  di 
vendetta. 

Costitui  infatti  immediatamente  un  tribunale  eccezio- 
nale,  incaricato  di  giudicare  tutti  coloro  che  a  mano  armata 
*'o  con  occulte  trame"  avevano  partecipato  alia  rivolta. 

II  primo  ad  essere  condannato  a  morte  fu  Ciro  Menotti. 
II  quale  sub!  con  virile  stoicismo  I'estremo  supplizio  (I'impic- 


LA  NUOVA   COSCIENZA  NAZIONALE  375 

cagione)  il  26  maggio  183 1  su  un  bastione  della  citta- 
della. 

Nello  stesso  giorno  "pen  di  laccio"  I'avvocato  Vincenzo 
Borelli,  colpevole  d'avere  compilato  I'atto  che  dichiarava 
I'austriaco  Francesco  IV  decaduto  dal  trono. 

Piu  di  cinquecento  patrioti,  cascati  nelle  granfie  del 
suddetto  tribunale,  furono  condannati  quali  a  morte,  quali 
alia  galera.  E  piu  di  mille  trovarono  scampo  prendendo  la 
triste  via  dell'esilio. 

Non  meno  crudele  fu  la  sorte  toccata  ai  rivoluzionari 
dello  Stato  Romano.  Gregorio  XVI  (Mauro  Cappellari  di 
Belluno),  papa  cipiglioso,  intransigente,  nemico  d'ogni 
umana  liberta,  riempi  le  carceri  d'illibati  cittadini;  "adopero 
senza  risparmio  il  carnefice",  e,  a  sostegno  della  tirannide  da 
lui  impersonata,  mantenne  nei  suoi  domini,  vale  a  dire 
nello  Stato  Romano,  per  ben  sette  anni  e  a  spese  dell'erario, 
parecchie  migliaia  di  soldati  austriaci.  I  quali  non  manca- 
rono  di  compiere  le  solite  gesta.  Piii  orrende,  anzi,  per  la 
semplice  ragione  ch'essi — quei  barbari  impenitenti — erano 
fanaticamente  inebriati  dalla  certezza  di  combattere  per 
I'onore  e  la  gloria  d'un  principe  del  loro  paese  e  del  vicario 
di  Dio  in  terra. 

Cos!  i'ltalia  ricadde  piu  serva,  piii  vile,  piu  derisa  di 
prima  sotto  il  bastone  dei  tiranni  interni  ed  esterni. 

Cosi  la  Carboneria  compiva  nel  campo  attivo,  infelice- 
mente  ma  fecondamente,  il  suo  nobile  ciclo  storico. 

VII 

Mazzini,  Gioberti  e  altri  grandi  Italiani,  con  il  loro 
apostolato  di  pensiero  e  azione,  formano  la  nuova 
coscienza  nazionale  e  obbligano  i  tiranni  e  i  tirannelli 
d'ltalia  a  concedere  i  benefizi  della  liberta  ai  popoli 
oppressi.  Solo  1' Austria,  sprezzante  e  sfidante,  s'ostina 
a  opprimere,  con  sempre  maggiore  crudelta,  gl'Italiani 
del  Lombardo-Veneto. 

Ma  non  indarno  la  magica  parola  liberta  era  echeggiata 
alta  e  sonora  per  le  rive  del  Tirreno,  dell'Ionio,  dell'Adriatico 
e  per  le  cime  degli  Apennini  e  dell'Alpi,  risvegliando,  inci- 
tando,  entusiasmando. 


376  PARTE   PRIMA 

Non  indarno  mlgliaia  di  spirit!  eletti  avevano  sublime- 
mente  sofferto  il  martirio  e  afFrontata  la  morte  per  la 
patria. 

Dalle  sacre  rovine  rivoluzionarie  del  1820,  1821  e  183 1 
sorgeva  —  nume  possente,  austero,  solenne  —  Giuseppe 
Mazzini  col  fatidico  motto  della  Giovine  Italia  da  lui  fondata 
a  Marsiglia  nel  1832:  "Dio  e  Popolo,  liberta,  uguaglianza, 
umanita,  indipendenza,  unita";  sorgevano  Vincenzo  Gio- 
berti,  Alessandro  Manzoni,  Cesare  Balbo,  Massimo  D'Aze- 
glio,  Francesco  Domenico  Guerrazzi,  Giovan  Battista  Nicco- 
lini,  Terenzio  Mamiani,  Antonio  Rosmini,  Giuseppe  Giusti, 
Gino  Capponi,  Cesare  Cantii,  Niccolo  Tommaseo,  Giuseppe 
Montanelli,  Federico  Sclopis,  Ignazio  Petitti,  Giacomo 
Durando,  Carlo  Cattaneo,  Giuseppe  Ferrari,  Daniele  Manin, 
Ruggiero  Settimo,  Camillo  Benso  di  Cavour,  Alessandro 
Poerio,  Giuseppe  Garibaldi  e  molti  altri  —  filosofi,  poeti, 
giuristi,  economist!,  statist!,  storici,  eroi  —  tutti  filialmente 
rivolti,  con  la  viva  luce  delle  loro  menti,  con  i  vivi  palpiti 
dei  loro  cuori,  alia  gran  Madre.  La  quale  si  trovava  ancora 
nello  stato  miserando  in  cu!  Giacomo  Leopard!  —  il  poeta 
del  dolore  —  I'aveva  vista  e  scolpita,  con  folgoreggianti 
rime,  in  uno  dei  suo!  magnanimi  deliri  lirici: 

O  patria  mia,  vedo  le  mura  e  gli  archi 
E  le  colonne  e  i  simulacri  e  Terme 
Torri  degli  av!  nostri, 
Ma  la  gloria  non  vedo, 
Non  vedo  il  lauro  e  il  ferro  ond'eran  carchi 
I  nostri  padri  antichi.     Or  fatta  inerme, 
Nuda  la  fronte  e  nudo  il  petto  mostri. 
Oime  quante  ferite, 

Che  lividor,  che  sangue!     oh  qual  ti  veggio, 
Formosissima  donna!     lo  chiedo  al  cielo 
E  al  mondo:   dite,  dite, 
Chi  la  ridusse  a  tale?     E  questo  e  peggio, 
Che  di  catene  ha  carche  ambe  le  braccia; 
Si  che  sparte  le  chiome  e  senza  velo 
Siede  in  terra  negletta  e  sconsolata, 
Nascondendo  la  faccia 
Tra  le  ginocchia,  e  piange. 
Piangi,  che  ben  ha!  donde,  Italia  mia. 


LA  NUOVA   COSCIENZA  NAZIONALE  377 

Le  gcnti  a  vincer  nata 

E  nella  fausta  sorte  e  nella  ria. 

Se  fosser  gll  occhi  tuoi  due  fonti  vive, 
Mai  non  potrebbe  il  pianto 
Adeguarsi  al  tuo  danno  ed  alio  scorno; 
Che  fosti  donna,  or  sei  povera  ancella. 
Chi  di  te  parla  o  scrive, 
Che,  rimembrando  il  tuo  passato  vanto, 
Non  dica:   gia  fu  grande,  or  non  e  quellal 
Perche,  perche?     dov'e  la  forza  antica, 
Dove  I'armi  e  il  valore  e  la  costanza? 
Chi  ti  discinse  il  brando? 
Chi  ti  tradi?     qual  arte  o  qual  fatica 
O  qual  tanta  possanza 
Valse  a  spogliarti  il  manto  e  I'auree  bende? 
Come  cadesti  e  quando 
Da  tanta  altezza  in  cosi  basso  loco? 
Nessun  pugna  per  te?     Non  ti  difende 
Nessun  de'  tuoi?     L'armi,  qua  I'armi:   io  solo 
Combattero,  procombero  sol  io! 
Dammi,  o  ciel,  che  sia  foco 
Agritalici  petti  il  sangue  mio. 

Essi,  i  giganti  sunnominati,  sebbene  discordi  in  alcuni 
punti  fondamentali  delle  loro  idealita  (Mazzini,  per  esempio, 
voleva  la  repubblica  con  Roma  capitale;  Gioberti,  la  federa- 
zione  dei  principi,  con  a  capo  il  pontefice;  qualche  altro,  la 
monarchia  con  Carlo  Alberto  re),  pur  riuscirono,  col  loro 
fervido  e  perseverante  apostolato  di  pensiero  e  di  azione,  a 
riaccendere  la  fade,  a  formare  una  nuova  coscienza  nazionale, 
a  spingere  i  tiranni  sulla  via  delle  riforme,  ad  affrettare 
I'epopea  della  comune  risurrezione. 

Nel  1846  Giuseppe  Giusti  —  il  maggior  poeta  satirico  del 
secolo  —  sintetizzava  il  supremo  desiderio  degl'Italiani  coi 
seguenti  versi: 

Vogliam  che  ogni  figlio  d'Adamo 
Conti  per  uomo,  e  non  vogliam  Tedeschi; 
Vogliamo  i  Capi  col  capo;  vogliamo 
Leggi  e  Governi,  e  non  vogliam  Tedeschi. 

Vogliamo,  tutti,  quanti  siamo, 
L'ltalia,  Italia,  e  non  vogliam  Tedeschi; 


378  PARTE   PRIMA 

VogHam  pagar  di  borsa  e  di  cervello, 
E  non  vogliam  Tedeschi. 

II  i6  giugno  dello  stesso  anno  1846,  veniva  eletto  papa  il 
cardlnale  Giovanni  Mastai  Ferretti,  il  quale  assumeva  il 
nome  di  Pio  IX  e  iniziava  il  suo  regno  amnistiando  i  condan- 
nati  politici,  nominando  segretario  di  Stato  il  cardinale  Gizzi 
ch'era  in  fama  di  liberale,  mitigando  i  rigori  della  censura 
preventiva  sulla  stampa,  istituendo  una  Consulta  di  Stato  in 
cui  ciascuna  provincia  aveva  i  suoi  rappresentanti,  permet- 
tendo  I'ordinamento  della  guardia  civica,  esclamando  pubbli- 
camente  dalle  logge  vaticane:  *'Gran  Dio,  benedite  I'ltalia!" 

La  gioia  dei  patrioti  fu  immensa,  come  immenso  fu  lo 
stupore  deir Austria.  II  principe  Metternich  fu  udito 
bofonchiare:  "Tutto  mi  sarei  aspettato,  fuorche  un  papa 
liberale!" 

Gli  altri  dominatori  dovettero  seguire  I'esempio  di  Roma. 

II  re  delle  Due  Sicilie,  Ferdinando  II  (successo  a  Fran- 
cesco I  morto  durante  il  1830),  soprannominato  "re  Bomba" 
perche  troppo  bigotto  sospettoso  ingiusto  feroce,  tento  re- 
sistere;  ma  una  generale  rivolta  dei  Siciliani,  i  quali  costi- 
tuironoungovernoprovvisorio  sottola  presidenzadi  Ruggiero 
Settimo  (gennaio  1848)  e  le  sollevazioni  di  Salerno  e  di 
Napoli,  lo  costrinsero  il  10  febbraio  1848  a  promulgare  una 
Costituzione  rappresentativa. 

La  stessa  cosa  fecero  Leopoldo  granduca  di  Toscana  (17 
febbraio  1848)  e  Carlo  Alberto  (4  marzo  1848)  ch'era  suc- 
cesso nel  trono  di  Sardegna  a  Carlo  Felice  morto  durante 
il  1831. 

Anche  Pio  IX,  che  da  principio,  a  dire  il  vero,  non 
intendeva  compromettersi  tanto,  dove  alfine  (14  marzo 
1848),  incalzato  dagli  avvenimenti,  concedere  una  Costitu- 
zione. 

Solo  gl'Italiani  del  Lombardo-Veneto  non  potevano 
godere  i  benefici  della  liberta.  Essi,  anzi,  erano  trattati 
peggio  di  prima.  L'imperiale  governo  austriaco,  per  mezzo 
dei  suoi  spietati  agenti  fiscali,  li  tartassava,  li  taglieggiava, 
li  scorticava;  per  mezzo  dei  suoi  soldatacci  di  presidio  (quasi 
centomila),  li  intimidiva,  li  inviliva,  li  scherniva;  per  mezzo 


LE   CINQUE   GIORNATE   DI   MILANO  379 

delle  sue  spie  e  dei  suoi  birri  assoldati  tra  i  piu  brutti  cefB 
dei  bassi  fondi  sociali,  li  insidiava,  li  difFamava,  li  gettava 
senza  scrupolo  nelle  adunche  mani  dei  carnefici. 

La  vita,  in  quelle  due  disgraziate  regioni  italiane,  era 
diventata  insopportabile. 

VIII 

Le  rivoluzioni  del  1848  in  Italia.  Milano  insorge 
contro  la  tiraimide  austriaca  e  lotta  epicamente  per 
cinque  giorni.  La  soldataglia  del  feld-maresciallo 
Radetzky  (20,000  uomini  di  fanteria  e  di  cavalleria  con  60 
cannoni  da  campo)  fa  strage  d'innocenti :  sotterra  e  arde 
adulti  e  f  anciulli  vivi ;  inchioda  alle  pareti  bambini  lattanti, 
ne  infilza  alle  baionette  e  li  porta  in  giro  come  trofei; 
oltraggia  donne,  le  uccide,  poi  mozza  e  intasca  le  mani 
inanellate  dei  cadaveri;  ruba,  insozza,  massacra, 
incendia,  commette  infiniti  orrendissimi  delitti.  E  il 
popolo  milanese  —  eroico  e  vittorioso  —  risponde  con 
civile  generosita  al  male  ricevuto.  Venezia  insorge 
anch'essa,  scaccia  gli  Austriaci  oppressor!  e  ricostituisce 
I'antica  Repubblica  di  San  Marco. 

II  17  marzo  1848  alcuni  cittadini  milanesi  si  presentarono 
al  feld-maresciallo  Giuseppe  Venceslao  Radetzky  governa- 
tore  generale  della  Lombardia  con  pieni  poteri  civili  e  mili- 
tari,  per  pregarlo  di  trattare  piii  umanamente  il  popolo;  ma 
furono  accolti  a  fucilate,  e  molti  uccisi,  molti  feriti,  molti 
trascinati  in  carcere. 

La  misura  era  colma:  trabocco.  Per  la  citta,  la  quale 
allora  non  aveva  che  un  perimetro  di  12  chilometri  e  non 
contava  che  200,000  anime,  corse  un  leonino  fremito  d'indi- 
gnazione,  foriero  di  tempesta. 

II  Radetzky  vide  I'addensarsi  delle  nubi,  il  balenar  dei 
lampi,  I'oscuro  pericolo  che  gli  sovrastava;  strinse  le  labbra, 
corrugo  la  fronte,  penso  ai  ripari. 

Egli  aveva  in  Milano  ventiquattro  battaglioni  di  fan- 
teria e  sei  squadroni  di  cavalleria  (20,000  uomini  in  tutto) 
con  sessanta  cannoni   da   campo.     Fece  immediatamente 


380  PARTE   PRIMA 

chiudere  e  rigorosamente  guardare  le  porte  della  citta,  per 
impedire  che  ai  ribelli  giungessero  rinforzi  dalla  campagna; 
riverso  gran  parte  dell'esercito  e  pianto  i  cannoni  di  grosso 
calibro  nei  quartieri  centrali  piu  irrequieti;  comando  alia 
cavalleria  di  perlustrare  fuori  e  dentro  le  mura,  sciogliere  gli 
assembramenti,  frustrare  ogni  tentativo  di  dimostrazione; 
dispose  insomma  le  cose  da  par  suo. 

I  Milanesi,  dal  canto  loro,  non  se  ne  stettero  con  le  mani 
in  mano.  Lavorarono  anch'essi  alacremente.  Nominarono, 
prima  di  tutto,  un  Comitato  di  Guerra  presieduto  dal 
mazziniano  Carlo  Cattaneo,  uomo  di  bell'ingegno,  probo 
integro  onesto,  educato  alia  scuola  dell'insigne  filosofo  Gian 
Domenico  Romagnosi  che  I'Austria  aveva  perseguitato  nel 
1821;  poi  —  con  pietre  e  legna,  veicoli,  botti,  barili,  sacchi 
pieni  di  terra,  porte,  finestre,  mobili,  balle  di  cotone  e  altra 
roba  —  costruirono  in  poche  ore  piii  di  700  barricate; 
s'armarono  di  vecchi  schioppi  (ai  cittadini  erano  stati  seque- 
strati  dal  Radetzky  i  fucili  di  nuovo  modello);  brandirono 
bastoni,  tridenti,  falci,  accette,  spiedi,  coltelli,  forchette. 
E,  all'alba  del  18  marzo  1848,  suonarono  le  campane  a 
stormo. 

Rispose  ben  presto  il  rombo  dei  cannoni. 

La  guerra  e,  senza  dubbio,  la  piii  triste  conseguenza 
delle  concitate  passioni;  e  vita  per  vita;  e  carneficina.  Ma 
non  sempre  (la  Storia  insegna)  il  cuore  dei  combattenti 
rimane  chiuso  a  ogni  senso  d'umanita. 

Nella  lotta  tra  gli  Austriaci  e  i  Milanesi  durata  cinque 
giorni  (dal  18  al  22  marzo  1848),  i  primi  —  i  soldati  austriaci 
—  commisero,  o,  meglio,  ripeterono  con  diabolica  volutta 
(maledetto  vizio  ereditario!)  le  efferatezze  delle  antiche  orde 
barbariche;  i  secondi  —  i  Milanesi — ,  invece,  compirono 
atti  d'eroismo  in  cui  I'odio  e  il  furore  tacquero  piii  d'una 
volta,  per  far  posto  alia  compassione  verso  i  nemici  caduti. 

Eccone  le  prove. 

II  18  marzo  1848  (le  ostilita  erano  appena  incominciate; 
gli  animi,  dunque,  non  erano  ancora  inaspriti  in  nessuna 
delle  due  parti)  alcuni  manipoli  di  cavalleria  austriaca,  in 
perlustrazione  tra  porta  Tenaglia  e  porta  Vercellina,  s'im- 
battono  in  tre  carrozze  trasportanti  vecchi,  donne  e  fanciulli, 


LE  CINQUE  GIORNATE  DI  MILANO  381 

i  quali  tentano  sottrarsi  con  la  fuga  alia  bufera  che  sta  per 
imperversare  sulla  citta.  I  soldatacci  s'avventano  contro  le 
vetture,  le  fermano,  frangono  a  sciabolate  gli  sportelli, 
ammazzano  un  cocchiere,  apostrofano  gl'innocui  fuggitivi,  li 
terrorizzano,  li  traducono  al  Castello  "come  fossero  buona 
cattura  di  guerra",  e  ivi  li  maltrattano,  li  trucidano,  ne 
bruciano  i  corpi.  "Entratovi  il  sesto  giorno  (23  marzo  1848) 
—  cosi  Salvatore  Mazza  —  con  un'onda  di  popolo  per  esplo- 
rare,  nel  cortile  di  sinistra  si  presento  uno  spettacolo  racca- 
pricciante:  tra  un'informe  congerie  di  ceneri  e  di  rottami, 
scernevansi  le  vestigia  di  tre  carrozze,  cerchioni  e  mozzi  di 
ruote,  crani  di  cavalli,  gambe  e  braccia  umane  staccate  dai 
busti,  bruciacchiate,  calpeste!" 

Altri  soldatacci  austriaci  irrompono  in  una  casa  alia 
Cavalchina;  mettono  tutto  a  soqquadro;  trovano  timida- 
mente  nascosto  con  la  propria  famigliola  un  giovane  ragio- 
niere  che  non  aveva  avuto  il  coraggio  di  prendere  parte  all'in- 
surrezione,  e  lo  freddano  con  parecchie  fucilate  alia  testa. 
La  moglie  del  disgraziato,  fuori  di  se  dal  dolore,  s'inginoc- 
chia  ai  piedi  dei  carnefici  e,  singhiozzando,  implora  pieta 
almeno  per  la  bambina  che  le  sta  al  petto.  I  vigliacchissimi, 
per  tutta  risposta,  sghignano  satanicamente  e  scaricano  i 
loro  fucili  sul  viso  dell'innocente  creaturina! 

Altri  soldatacci  austriaci  penetrano  nella  canonica  di 
San  Bartolomeo;  vi  manomettono  ogni  cosa;  insultano  e 
fanno  **prigionieri"  tutti  coloro  che  incontrano;  sorprendono 
in  una  cameretta  il  parroco  che,  solo  silenzioso  raccolto,  sta 
scrivendo  una  predica  quaresimale  per  i  suoi  fedeli;  lo 
scherniscono  bestemmiando;  lo  ghermiscono  per  il  collo,  lo 
scotono,  lo  squassano,  lo  scaraventano  al  suolo,  lo  straziano 
orrendamente  con  i  calci  dei  fucili  e  le  punte  delle  baionette! 

Altri  soldatacci  austriaci  invadono  il  setificio  Fortis;  lo 
rovistano,  lo  disordinano,  lo  scompigliano,  guastano  le  mac- 
chine,  spezzano  i  telai,  insudiciano  e  sbrindellano  le  stoffe, 
ammazzano  i  lavoranti,  passano  negli  appartamenti  privati, 
rompono  i  mobili,  scassinano  e  rapinano  gli  scrigni  pieni  di 
contante  e  di  gioielli,  ammazzano  altre  persone,  scendono 
nelle  cantine,  bucano  le  botti,  trincano,  s'ubriacano.  E 
quando  la  sera  si  ritirano,  carichi  del  denaro  e  degli  oggetti 


382  PARTE  PRIAIA 

preziosi  rubati  e  con  le  facce,  le  mani,  le  monture  coperte 
dl  polvere  e  intrise  di  sangue,  i  ladroni  assassini  non  lasciano 
alle  loro  spalle  che  mucchi  di  rovine  e  di  cadaveri! 

Altri  soldatacci  austriaci  il  19  marzo  1848  corrono, 
spumanti  di  rabbia,  in  una  casa  dalla  quale  sospettano  che 
sieno  state  tirate  alcune  sassate  contro  di  loro;  imprecano, 
strillano,  schiamazzano,  atterrano  le  porte,  fracassano  i 
mobili,  uccidono  i  primi  innocenti  che  incontrano,  dichiarano 
"prigionieri"  quelli  che  restano  miracolosamente  vivi,  li 
incatenano,  li  insultano,  li  precipitano  dalle  scale;  poi  abbat- 
tono  la  porta  d'un'attigua  botteguccia  da  calzolaio,  saltano 
addosso  a  una  povera  vecchia  ottuagenaria  paralitica  (la 
madre  del  calzolazio)  che  sviene  istantaneamente  dalla 
paura,  la  rotolano  sul  pavimento,  la  calpestano,  la  riducono 


un  cencio 


Altri  soldatacci  austriaci,  anche  fuori  Porta  Tenaglia, 
arrestano  una  diligenza  diretta  a  Saronno,  ammazzano  i 
cavalli  e  il  cocchiere  a  colpi  di  fucile,  trascinano  i  nove 
passeggieri  in  un  vicino  orto  e  ivi  li  sotterrano  vivi! 

Altri  soldatacci  austriaci,  mentre  commettono  ogni  sorta 
di  stragi  nelle  vie  Sambuco  e  Scaldasole,  s'introducono  in 
una  casuccia,  vi  trovano  un  uomo  mezzo  infermo,  lo  tempe- 
stano  di  pugni  e  dicalci,  e  poi  lo  crocifiggono  con  chiodi  a  una 
parete! 

Altri  soldatacci  austriaci  assalgono,  tra  il  corso  di  Porta 
Comasina  e  la  via  Santa  Teresa,  una  casa  nella  quale  si  son 
rifugiate  cinque  donne;  la  saccheggiano,  I'incendiano,  spin- 
gono  brutalmente  nelle  fiamme  le  tre  donne  piii  anziane  che 
invano  si  dibattono  per  salvarsi,  e  le  ardono  vive;  poi 
afFerrano  le  due  piu  giovani,  le  legano  con  le  braccia  dietro  le 
spalle  e,  durante  la  notte,  le  trascinano  al  prossimo  bastione, 
le  violentano  turpemente,  le  appendono  a  un  albero  e,  cosi 
penzoloni,  le  tormentano  con  parolacce,  risatacce,  sputi  sul 
viso;  le  fucilano,  le  crivellano  di  ferite,  tra  rochi  urrd  di 
trionfo! 

Altri  soldatacci  austriaci  entrano  nella  casa  di  Giovanna 
Piazza  e  in  quella  attigua  della  vedova  Caravati,  e  scannano 
il  figlio  e  il  fratello  della  prima  e  il  figlio  della  seconda! 

Altri  soldatacci  austriaci  entrano  in  un  cortile  del  vicolo 


LE   CINQUE  GIORNATE   DI   MILANO  383 

detto  "Stretto  Calasca",  dove  abitano  parecchie  famiglie 
operaie;  s'avventano  "come  orde  di  sfrenate  belve  sulle 
prime  persone  che  incontrano,  e,  senza  riguardi  di  sorta  a 
vecchi,  donne  o  fanciulli,  e  non  ascoltando  ne  grida  ne 
preghiere,  a  calci,  a  pugni,  a  colpi  d'ogni  maniera,  rovesciano 
a  terra  tutti;  poi  afFerrano  Giuseppe  Gambaroni  d'anni  58 
ammogliato,  Antonio  Piatti  d'anni  28  celibe  e  il  sedicenne 
Giuseppe  Belloni,  li  trascinano  in  un  orto  vicino  e  ivi,  da 
uno  all'altro  —  i  soldatacci  austriaci  —  se  li  gettano  contro, 
urtandoli  e  ricevendoli  a  colpi  di  sciabola  e  di  baionetta", 
mentre  la  moglie  del  Gambaroni  e  i  genitori  e  le  sorelle  del 
Piatti  e  del  Belloni,  piangendo,  invocano  invano  miseri- 
cordia.  Infine,  per  aumentare  il  tormento  dei  tre  disgraziati 
e  per  meglio  *'godere"  dello  spettacolo,  vari  ussari  austria- 
ci, appositamente  scesi  dai  loro  cavalli,  e  fanti  del  reggi- 
mento  Paumgarten,  vanno  in  cerca  di  paglia,  ritornano  poco 
dopo  con  alcuni  pagliericci,  buttano  il  contenuto  di  questi 
addosso  ai  tre  malcapitati  cittadini,  e  vi  appiccano  il  fuoco. 
E  allorquando  i  tormentati,  agonizzanti,  tentano  con  le  loro 
estreme  forze  di  sfuggire  al  supplizio,  i  soldatacci  austriaci, 
urlando  freneticamente,  li  rintuzzano  nelle  fiamme  con  le 
punte  delle  loro  baionette  e  costringono  i  parenti  delle 
vittime  ad  assistere  all'orrenda  scena! 

Altri  soldatacci  austriaci  entrano  in  una  casa,  odono  un 
pargolo  che  vagisce,  lo  levano  dalla  cuUa,  gli  appoggiano 
le  manine  al  muro,  I'inchiodano  "come  fosse  un  pipistrello 
od  altra  bestia",  e  con  un  colpo  di  baionetta  stendono  morta 
a  terra  la  madre! 

Altri  soldatacci  austriaci  infilzano  alle  loro  baionette 
inastate  altri  bambini  lattanti,  e  li  portano  in  giro  come 
trofei! 

Altri  soldatacci  austriaci  mozzano  bianche  e  leggiadre 
mani  di  donne  uccise,  adorne  di  preziosi  anelli,  e  se  le 
conservano  in  tasca! 

Altri  soldatacci  austriaci  trucidano  e  bruciano  intere 
famiglie  di  donne  e  di  fanciulli,  commettono  altri  orrendi 
misfatti  e  non  solo  nella  citta,  ma  anche  nei  sobborghi. 

1  Croati  —  cosi  una  narrazione  inviata  il  10  aprile  1848  da 
Milano  a  Venezia  —  infierirono,  piii  che  sugli  uomini,  sulle  donne 


384  PARTE  PRIMA 

e  sui  bambini.  In  una  casa  furono  trovati  tredici  scannati,  tra 
i  quali  una  madre  con  due  bambini  in  braccio,  uno  dei  quali  senza 
testa,  Taltro  con  una  baionetta  confitta  dal  mento  in  su.  Un 
altro  bambino  fu  spaccato  per  lungo,  e  i  due  pezzi  furono  inchiodati 
alle  muraglie.  Un  altro  fu  bagnato  nell'acqua  ragia  e  poi  bruciato. 
Una  bambina  fu  infilzata  pel  dietro  e  portata  sulla  baionetta  in 
canna.  A  una  donna  fu  cavato  il  cuore  dal  petto  e  poi  cotto. 
Un  bimbo  di  40  giorni  fu  fatto  a  bocconi  e  cotto  anch'esso.^ 

Quanta  difFerenza  dalla  parte  opposta,  degna  del  latin 
sangue  gentile! 

II  seguente  episodic  (potrei  narrarne  molti,  ma  non  lo 
faccio  per  amore  di  brevita  e  per  ragioni  di  delicatezza 
facili  a  comprendersi)  bastera  da  solo  a  dare  un'idea  della 
civile  generosita  con  la  quale  il  popolo  milanese  corrispose  al 
male  ricevuto. 

I  poliziotti,  fin  dall'inizio  delle  ostilita,  avevano  degna- 
mente  coadiuvato  nelle  gesta  criminose  i  soldatacci  austriaci. 
Ma  una  notte,  mentre  essi  —  i  poliziotti  —  dalle  finestre  dei 
loro  uffizi  central!  "godevano"  a  sparare  e  ucciderele  persone 
che  passavano  per  le  adiacenti  vie,  furono  avvisati  che 
gl'insorti  stavano  per  arrivare,  forti  impetuosi  vittoriosi. 
Gli  sgherri  impallidirono,  tremarono,  se  la  diedero  a  gambe 
come  lepri  e,  nel  fuggi  fuggi,  dimenticarono  di  chiamare  il 
loro  capo  —  un  certo  Bolza  —  che  s'era  ritirato  in  una  stanza 
attigua  per  mangiare  e  poi  dormire. 

Questo  Bolza  —  **un  oriundo  villano,  piccolo  adiposo 
deforme,  che  sentiva  dello  scimio  e  della  tigre"  —  era  state 
per  lunghi  anni  il  piii  fido  e  zelante  cagnotto  dell'Austria  e, 
come  tale,  il  terrore  della  Lombardia.  Egli  aveva  fatto 
malvagiamente  condannare  centinaia  di  patriot!  a  morte, 
alia  galera,  all'esilio;  aveva  crudelmente  gettato  centinaia 
di  famiglie  nel  lutto  e  nella  miseria.  L'imperatore  Francesco 
I,  per  siffatti  servigi,  I'aveva  nominate  conte.  Ma  il  popolo 
lo  detestava,  I'esecrava. 

Al  clamore  degl'insorti  invadenti  gli  uffici  polizieschi 
acclamando  all'Italia,  il  ribaldo,  che  stava  saporitamente 

*  Vedere,  per  queste  incredibili  mostruosita,  i  documenti  conservati  negli 
Archivl  di  Milano,  i  rapporti  consolari,  i  giornali  e  gli  opuscoli  del  tempo,  nonche 
Le  Cinque  Giornate  dello  stesso  Carlo  Cattaneo  e  di  altri  autorevoli  storici. 


LE  CINQUE  GIORNATE  DI  MILANO  385 

sonnecchiando  e  russando,  trasali,  allividi,  afflosci;  ma  non 
perse  tempo:  raccatto  e  intasco  i  rimasuglioli  della  cena  con- 
sistent! in  un  po'di  pane  e  cacio  (le  anime  di  fango  hanno 
sempre  vivo  e  pronto  I'istinto  animalesco  della  propria 
conservazione),  e  corse  a  nascondersi  sotto  un  mucchio  di 
paglia.  Fu  subito  scoperto  e  tratto  fuori.  Era  sudicio, 
Aveva  gli  occhi  stralunati.  Batteva  i  denti.  Bofonchiava. 
Si  chiamava  in  colpa.  Impetrava  la  grazia  d'essere  lasciato 
vivo,  promettendo,  in  cambio,  rivelazioni  della  massima 
importanza.     Faceva  schifo! 

Gl'insorti  rumoreggiavano.  I  piu  focosi  volevano,  sen- 
z'altro,  sbranare  I'aguzzino.  I  piii  calmi  s'opposero.  Allora 
si  mando  per  consiglio  a  Carlo  Cattaneo.  II  quale  rispose 
con  queste  divine  parole:  "Se  I'ammazzate,  fate  una  cosa 
non  giusta;  se  non  I'ammazzate,  fate  una  cosa  santa".  I 
membri  del  Consiglio  di  Guerra  —  Enrico  Cernuschi, 
Giulio  Terzaghi  e  Giorgio  Clerici  —  s'afFrettarono  a  confer- 
mare  e  corroborare  la  sentenza  del  loro  magnanimo  presi- 
dente,  pubblicando  e  difFondendo  il  seguente  manifesto: 

Prodi  cittadini!  Conserviamo  pura  la  nostra  vittoria.  Non 
discendiamo  a  vendicarci  nel  sangue  di  quei  miserabili  satelliti  che 
il  potere  fuggitivo  lascia  nelle  nostra  mani.  £  vero  che,  per 
trent'anni,  essi  furono  il  flagello  delle  nostre  famiglie.  Ma  voi 
siete  generosi  come  siete  prodi.     Puniteli  col  vostro  disprezzo! 

II  22  marzo  1848  le  truppe  austriache  fuggono  davvero, 
sconfitte,  "portandosi  in  ostaggio  parecchi  cittadini  legati 
innanzi  alle  bocche  dei  cannoni  con  le  micce  accese!" 

L'umiliante  tirannia  dei  barbari  in  Italia  e  finita.  Le 
duecento  campane  della  superba  metropoli  lombarda  sonano 
a  festa.  La  bandiera  nazionale  bianca,  rossa  e  verde  sventola 
trionfante  e  gloriosa  sui  pinnacoli  del  Duomo,  sulle  logge  dei 
pubblici  edifizi,  ai  balconi  e  alle  finestre  delle  case  private. 
I  cittadini  corrono  per  le  vie  e  per  le  piazze,  piangendo, 
ridendo.  abbracciandosi,  baciandosi,  gridando:  "Viva  la 
liberta!    Viva  I'ltalial" 

Subito  dopo,  il  vice  console  inglese  a  Milano,  Roberto 
Campbell,  mandava  a  lord  Palmerston  una  dettagliata 
relazione    dei    fatti.      Dopo    la    descrizione    delle    atrocita 


3S6  PARTE   PRIMA 

commesse  dai  soldati  austriaci  e  degli  atti  di  grandezza 
d'animo  compiuti  dal  popolo  milanese,  la  detta  relazione 
chiudeva  cosi: 

Per  ora  e  impossibile  dare,  in  alcuna  guisa,  il  numero  appros- 
simativo  dei  morti  e  dei  feriti  nei  combattimenti  di  questi  cinque 
giorni.  Per  efFetto  dei  rigorosi  ordini  e  del  buon  sistema  del 
Governo  Provvisorio  (titolo  ora  assunto  dal  Municipio),  regna 
qui  la  pill  perfetta  tranquillita.  Come  si  poteva  aspettare, 
I'esuberante  gaudio  della  riportata  vittoria  rese  i  Milanesi  quasi 
deliranti.     Ma  non  si  commise  eccesso  di  veruna  sorta. 

E  V Allgemeine  Zeitung  del  2  aprile  1848  pubblicava  la 
seguente  lettera  inviatale  da  un  suo  speciale  corrispondente 
tedesco  da  Milano  il  28  marzo  1848: 

Un  tremendo  cannoneggiamento  coperse  la  ritirata  austriaca, 
alia  quale  non  si  pote  porre  ostacolo.  AUora  finalmente  divenne 
possibile  riconoscere  alquanto  dappresso  tutte  le  crudelta  che  le 
truppe  austriache  eransi  permesse.  Nei  rioni  si  rinvennero  intere 
famiglie  di  vecchi,  donne,  fanciuUi  e  lattanti  orribilmente  trucidati 
e  mutilati.  Dei  cittadini  incarcerati  dagli  Austriaci  nei  Castello, 
alcuni  erano  stati  fucilati,  altri  condotti  via  in  ostaggio.  Ovunque 
si  guardasse,  si  vedeva  sangue.  Ovunque  si  era  saccheggiato  e 
incendiato.  Parecchi  ragguagli  di  queste  scelleratezze  mi  stanno 
sott'occbi;  la  mia  penna  rifugge  dall'annoverarle.  M'e  piii  caro 
in  cio  rimanermi  al  di  sotto  del  vero,  per  passare  all'opposta  parte, 
onde  mi  viene  un  dolce  conforto.  Grande  e  sublime  fu  la  con- 
dotta  dei  Lombardi;  le  prime  vittorie  furono  da  loro  conseguite 
senz'armi;  fu  necessario  sveller  queste  dalle  mani  del  nemico,  ed 
essi  —  i  Lombardi  —  I'osarono  e  lo  compirono.  Onore  al  loro 
coraggio!  Grande  e  sublime  fu  il  modo  in  che  essi  usarono  la 
vittoria;  questa  non  fu  macchiata  da  un  solo  atto  di  vendetta; 
tutti  gli  Austriaci  feriti  vennero  dai  Lombardi  medicati  e  assistiti 
come  fratelli;  tutti  i  prigionieri  furono  accuratamente,  ma  con  la 
piu  grande  indulgenza,  custoditi;  essi  non  mancano  di  nulla. 
E,  per  dire  tutto,  I'essere  piu  aborrito  in  Milano,  il  commissario  di 
polizia  —  Bolza  —  che  fu  preso,  ebbe  salva  la  vita. 

I  Lombardi  aggiunsero  al  disprezzo  della  morte,  durante  il 
combattimento,  una  sublime  magnanimita.  La  Storia,  che  tutto 
giudica,  ne  tramandera  memoria  ai  posteri. 

Anche  i  Veneziani  erano  insorti. 


LA  GUERRA  DEL   1848  387 

Essi  avevano  presentata  al  governatore  austriaco  una 
domanda  di  riforme  firmata  dallo  statista  Daniele  Manin  e 
dal  letterato  Niccolo  Tommaseo\  uomini  di  rare  virtu  civili 
e  morali,  assai  stimati  dal  popolo. 

Ma  il  governatore  aveva  risposto  facendo  arrestare  e 
chiudere  nelle  buie  segrete  dei  Piombiy  e  minacciare  di  grave 
pena,  i  due  "audaci"  firmatari. 

Allora  i  cittadini  avvamparono  di  sdegno,  invasero 
I'arsenale,  si  fornirono  d'armi  e  munizioni,  corsero  ruggendo 
alle  carceri,  atterrarono  le  porte,  presero  i  due  chiari  patrioti, 
se  li  caricarono  sulle  spalle,  li  portarono  fuori  in  trionfo, 
affrontarono  le  truppe  degli  oppressori,  le  costrinsero  a 
sgomberare  in  fretta  e  furia  la  citta,  ricostituirono  (22  marzo 
1848)  I'antica  Repubblica  di  San  Marco,  nominando  doge  lo 
stesso  Manin  e  ministro  della  Pubblica  Istruzione  il  Tomma- 
seo,  respirarono,  finalmente,  al  pari  dei  fratelli  lombardi,  le 
dolci  aure  della  liberta. 

IX 

L'inno  di  Mameli.  La  prima  guerra  di  liberazione. 
Gl'Italiani  sono  sconfitti  per  colpa  di  Pio  IX  e  del  Borbone 
delle  Due  Sicilie.  Gli  Austriaci  nuovamente  dominatori 
della  Lombardia  (1848). 

Scacciati  da  Milano,  da  Venezia  e  da  altre  citta  del 
Lombardo-Veneto,  gli  Austriaci  si  rifugiarono  nelle  fortifica- 
zioni  del  quadrilatero  Verona-Peschiera-Mantova-Legnago. 
E  ivi  si  preparavano  alia  rivincita ;  si  preparavano,  cioe,  a  repri- 
mere  con  nuove  carneficine  lo  spirito  politico  d'indipendenza 
e  d'unita  che  scaldava  gl'Italiani,  rendendoli  sempre  piii 
gagliardi  attivi  irresistibili. 

Ma  Carlo  Alberto,  pressato  da  ogni  parte,  accorre  con  un 
esercito  di  25,000  uomini  in  aiuto  dei  fratelli  minacciati 
ancora  una  volta  dal  prepotente  imperialismo  straniero. 
E  nel  varcare  il  Ticino  (ultimi  di  marzo  1848),  egli  invita  i 

^Niccolo  Tommaseo,  insigne  letterato,  critico,  educatore  italiano  di  Sebenico 
(Dalmazia),  autore  del  Dizionario  della  Lingua  Italiana,  Nuovo  Dizionario  dei 
Sinonimi,  Dizionario  Estetico,  DeW Educazione  e  di  molti  altri  important!  lavori 
(1802- I 874). 


388  PARTE  PRIMA 

principi  degli  altri  Stati  d'ltalia  a  voler  partecipare  con  lui 
alia  guerra  santa,  mentre  il  poeta  ventunenne  Goffredo 
Mameli  infiamma  gli  animi  col  seguente  inno  fatidico: 

Fratelli  d'ltalia, 

L'ltalia  s'e  desta; 
deU'elmo  di  Scipio  * 
s'e  cinta  la  testa; 
dov'e  la  vittoria? 
Le  porga  la  chioma, 
che  schiava  di  Roma 
Iddio  la  creo. 

Stringiamci  a  coorte, 

Siam  pronti  alia  morte, 

Italia  chiamo. 

Noi  siamo  da  secoli 
calpesti  e  derisi, 
perche  non  siam  popolo, 
perche  siam  divisi; 
raccolgaci  un'unica 
bandiera,  una  speme; 
di  fonderci  insieme 
gia  I'ora  suono. 

Stringiamci  a  coorte, 

siam  pronti  alia  morte, 

Italia  chiamo. 

Uniamoci,  amiamoci, 
I'unione  e  I'amore 
rivelano  ai  popoli 
le  vie  del  Signore; 
giuriamo  far  libero 
il  suolo  natio; 
uniti  per  Dio 
chi  vincer  ci  puo? 

Stringiamci  a  coorte, 

siam  pronti  alia  morte, 

Italia  chiamo. 

^  Scipio:     abbrevlazione    di    Scipione    I'Jfricano,    i!    potentissimo    guerriero 
romano  che  vinse  Annibale  il  Grande  a  Zama  (202  avanti  Cristo). 


LA  GUERRA  DEL   1848  389 

Dall'Alpe  a  Sicilia 

ovunque  e  Legnano  ^; 
ogn'uom  di  Ferruccio  ^ 
ha  il  core,  la  mano; 
i  bimbi  d'ltalia 
si  chiaman  Balilla; 
il  suon  d'ogni  squilla 
i  Vespri  ^  suono. 

Stringiamci  a  coorte, 

siam  pronti  alia  morte, 

Italia  chiamo. 

Son  giunchi  che  piegano 
le  spade  vendute; 
gia  I'aquila  d'Austria 
le  penne  ha  perdute. 
il  sangue  d'ltalia 
e  il  sangue  Polacco 
beve  col  Cosacco 
ma  il  cor  le  brucio. 

Stringiamci  a  coorte, 

siam  pronti  alia  morte, 

Italia  chiamo. 

La  penisola  diventa  tutt'a  un  tratto  un  vulcano  in 
eruzione.     Non  s'ode  che  un  grido:   **Fuori  gli  Austriacil" 

11  granduca  Leopoldo  di  Toscana  e  costretto  dall'entusia- 
smo  popolare  a  mandare  ottomila  uomini,  tra  regolari  e 
volontari,  sui  campi  del  settentrione.  Pio  IX  e  costretto  a 
mandarne  diecimila.  Ferdinando  II  delle  Due  Sicilie  e 
costretto  a  mandarne  sedicimila  al  comando  del  generale 
Guglielmo  Pepe  ritornato  in  Napoli  dopo  27  anni  d'esilio. 
I  potentati  italiani  minori  sono  costretti  a  mandarne 
anch'essi  in  proporzione  dei  loro  domini. 

I  partenti,  coi  petti  fregiati  di  coccarde  tricolori,  cantano 
I'inno  di  Mameli  e  altri  inni  bellici  estemporanei  esaltanti 

^  Nei  pressi  di  Legnano,  citta  della  Lombardia,  gl'Italiani  sbaragliarono 
I'esercito  di  Federico  Barbarossa  il  29  maggio  1176. 

*  Francesco  Ferruccio  fu  I'eroico  difensore  della  Repubblica  fiorentina  contro 
le  armi  dell'imperatore  Carlo  V  e  del  papa  Clemente  VII  nel  1530. 

^  L'insurrezione  della  Sicilia  contro  I'insolente  signoria  francese  (nel  pomeriggio 
del  31  marzo  1282)  passo  nella  Storia  col  nome  di  Vespri  Siciliani. 


390  PARTE   PRIMA 

la  patria  ed  esecranti  il  nemico.  E  le  donne  spargono  fiorl 
sui  passi  dei  figli,  dei  fratelli,  degli  sposi;  fanno  auguri; 
benedicono. 

Si  vincono  i  primi  combattimenti.  Si  vince  la  battaglia 
di  Goito  (30  maggio  1848).  La  sera  stessa  si  prende  la 
piazza  forte  di  Peschiera.  La  fortuna  deH'armi  arride 
ovunque  al  buon  diritto.  La  Lombardia  e  Venezia,  nel 
colmo  della  gioia,  votano  la  loro  annessione  al  Piemonte. 

Ma  questi  fatti  straordinari  e  imprevisti  turbano  i 
tiranni.  Pio  IX  s'afFretta  a  richiamare  le  sue  truppe,  col 
pretesto  ch'egli,  nella  qualita  di  capo  della  Chiesa,  non  pud 
partecipare  a  una  guerra  tra  Cristiani.  II  re  delle  Due 
Sicilie  abolisce  la  Costituzione,  inferocisce  contro  i  cittadini, 
comanda  anch'egli  ai  suoi  soldati  di  ritornarsene  immediata- 
mente  indietro. 

I  pusillanimi,  disgraziatamente  non  pochi,  obbediscono. 
Invece  il  generale  pontificio  Giovanni  Durando  e  il  generate 
Pepe,  coi  generosi  rimasti  fedeli  alia  causa  nazionale,  prose- 
guono  arditamente  il  loro  cammino. 

Non  si  puo  pero  evitare  che  la  defezione  del  papa  e  del 
Borbone  produca  nelle  file  dell'esercito  liberatore  una  certa 
demoralizzazione. 

Radetzky  ne  profitta:  e,  spalleggiato  dai  generali  Nugent 
e  Welden,  giunti  sui  campi  lombardi  con  numerose  truppe  di 
rinforzo,  prende  I'ofFensiva,  sconfigge  gl'Italiani  a  Custoza, 
(15  luglio  1848);  rientra  da  burbanzoso  conquistatore  in 
Milano  (6  agosto  1848);  obbliga  Carlo  Alberto  a  chiedere  un 
armistizio  e  a  rivarcare  il  Ticino;  impone  di  nuovo  sulle 
terre  riconquistate  il  giogo  della  servitii. 

Solo  Venezia  non  e  subito  piegata  a  tanto  danno.  Essa 
ricostituisce  la  Repubblica  e  riaffida  il  dogato  a  Manin. 

II  generale  Pepe,  con  le  "reliquie"  dell'esercito  meri- 
dionale,  si  trincera  entro  i  confini  della  Laguna,  e  s'accinge  a 
gloriosa  difesa. 

E  i  Viennesi,  dopo  una  sanguinosa  insurrezione,  impongo- 
no  aH'imperatore  Ferdinando  I  di  cedere  la  corona  al  nipote 
Francesco  Giuseppe. 


VANDALISMI  AUSTRIACI    (1848)  391 


X 

I  soldati  austriaci,  rientrati  in  Milano,  s'abbandonano 
a  ogni  sorta  di  rapine  e  vandalismi.  II  feld-maresciallo 
Radetzky  estorce  "  una  taglia  straordinaria  di  venti 
milioni  di  lire  a  185  nobili  e  cospicui  cittadini"  (1848). 

A  Milano  il  Radetzky  annunzio  subito  d'avere  accentrato 
nelle  sue  mani  tutti  i  poteri  pubblici  civili  e  militari;  dichiaro 
la  citta  in  istato  d'assedio;  fece  bastonare  e  fucilare  quei 
patrioti  eminent!  che  non  avevano  avuto  il  tempo  o  I'accor- 
tezza  di  mettersi  in  salvo;  fece  prendere  a  vergate  persino 
donne  e  fanciulli;  commise,  com'al  solito,  soverchierie,  vi- 
gliaccherie,  delitti  d'ogni  sorta. 

"Ristabilito  cosi  I'ordine",  il  barbaro  maresciallo  lascio 
il  campo  libero  alle  sue  truppe. 

Queste  si  mostrarono  degne  del  loro  superiore.  Ufficiali 
e  soldati,  in  maggior  parte  croati  e  boemi,  occuparono  le  case 
dei  fuggiaschi,  con  preferenza  quelle  dei  patrizi  che  s'erano 
distinti  piu  degli  altri  nei  giorni  della  rivoluzione:  e  le 
soqquadrarono  e  arrafFarono  dalle  cantine  alle  soffitte;  vi 
smattonarono  i  pavimenti  di  marmo;  fransero  gli  speech!  e  i 
vasi;  gettarono  gli  archivi  nei  cortili;  lacerarono  le  tappezze- 
rie;  bruttarono  i  dipinti;  fecero  cucina  nelle  pinacoteche; 
bruciarono  mobili,  libri,  pergamene  d'inestimabile  pregio; 
regalarono  le  vesti  di  seta  e  le  biancherie  di  lino  delle  dame 
alle  male  femmine  che  li  seguivano;  intascarono  tutto  cio  che 
poteva  essere  intascato;  s'abbandonarono  a  saccheggi,  a 
vandalismi,  ad  orge  piu  che  bestiali.  E  non  eran  sazi. 
Volevan  denaro.  Penso  il  Radetzky  ad  estorcerlo,  impo- 
nendo  una  **taglia  straordinaria  di  venti  milioni  di  lire  a 
carico  di  nobili  e  cospicui  cittadini",  dopo  ch'egli  aveva 
preteso  dal  popolo  il  pagamento  di  tributi  raddoppiati  e 
cento  altre  gravezze. 

Ho  determinate  —  cosi  comandava  per  iscritto  il  tirannico  ma- 
resciallo austriaco  —  che  debbano  essere  sottoposti  a  contribuzione 
straordinaria  i  membri  del  cessato  Governo  Provvisorio;  quelli  che 
ebbero  parte  precipua  nei  vari  cosidetti  Comitati;  colore  che  si 


392  PARTE   PRIMA 

posero  alia  testa  della  rlvoluzione  e  vi  hanno  concorso  colla  loro 
opera  e  coi  loro  mezzi  materiali  o  inteliettuali. 

I  designati  furono  185. 

La  militaresca  galanteria  austriaca  impose  a  una  signora 
—  alia  principessa  Cristina  di  Belgioioso  —  la  quota  piii 
alta:  8oo,cxx)  lire.  Seguirono  immediatamente,  con  quote 
poco  minori,  il  duca  Visconti  di  Mondrone,  il  conte  Vitaliano 
Borromeo  e  il  duca  Litta.  La  quota  piu  infima  a  carico  dei 
patrizi  fu  di  10,000  lire.  I  banchieri  e  i  negozianti  —  come 
i  Milius,  i  Mondolfo,  i  Ponti,  i  Raymmi,  i  SeufFerheld  — 
dovettero  pagare  50,000  lire  ciascuno.  E  300.000  lire  dove 
pagarle  perfino  I'Ospedale  Maggiore! 

Si  puo  immaginare  lo  stato  miserando  in  cui  si  trovava 
la  sventurata  metropoli  lombarda  negli  ultimi  mesi  del  1848. 


XI 

L'insurrezione  di  Roma.  E  ucciso  il  primo  ministro 
pontificio  Pellegrino  Rossi.  Pio  IX  fugge  di  notte  a 
Gaeta.  Proclamazione  della  Repubblica  Romana  con  a 
capo  Mazzini,  Saffi  e  Armellini.  La  seconda  guerra  di 
liberazione  contro  1' Austria.  Gl'Italiani  sono  sconfitti 
per  colpa  dei  loro  comandanti.  Carlo  Alberto  e  costretto 
ad  abdicare  in  favore  di  suo  figlio  Vittorio  Emanuele. 
Gli  Austriaci,  rimbaldanziti,  estendono  la  loro  tirannide 
sul  Piemonte  (1849). 

Ma  la  sconfitta  non  iscoraggi  gl'Italiani.  Li  rese  anzi 
piu  arditi  e  alacri.    Li  ritempro. 

A  Roma  il  popolo  insorse  contro  il  governo  retrogrado  di 
Pio  IX  che  aveva  tradito  la  causa  nazionale;  uccise  (15 
novembre  1848)  il  primo  ministro  Pellegrino  Rossi  che  aveva 
preparato  I'arresto  e  I'espulsione  dei  piii  noti  agitatori 
patriottici;  obbligo  lo  stesso  pontefice  a  lasciare  di  notte  la 
capitale  e  riparare  a  Gaeta,  dove  allora  si  trovava  anche  il  re 
delle  Due  Sicilie;  elesse  un'Assemblea  Costituente,  la  quale, 
dopo  lunga  e  animata  discussione,  approve  e  pubblico  (9 
febbraio  1849)  un  decreto  dichiarante  il  papato  "decaduto 


LA  GUERRA  DEL   1849  393 

di  dirltto  e  di  fatto  dal  governo  temporale  dello  Stato 
Romano"  e  proclamante  la  Repubblica  con  a  capo  un 
triumvirato  composto  di  Mazzini,  Aurelio  Saffi  e  Carlo 
Armellini  (marzo  1849). 

In  Toscana  il  popolo  fece  reiterate  dimostrazioni  irreden- 
tiste;  obbligo  il  granduca  Leopoldo  a  seguire  il  transfuga 
vicario  di  Cristo  nella  sua  corsa  verso  Gaeta;  affido  la  cosa 
pubblica  a  Guerrazzi,  Giuseppe  Montanelli  e  Giuseppe 
Mazzoni. 

Nelle  altre  parti  della  penisola  il  popolo  era  del  pari 
irrequieto;  voleva  novamente  la  guerra,  la  guerra  ad  ogni 
costo,  a  tutt'oltranza. 

Noi  vogliamo  la  guerra,  la  guerra, 
finche  resti  all'Italia  un  guerrier, 
finche  i  raggi  dell'italo  sole 
segnin  Tombra  d'un  solo  stranier. 

{Arnaldo  Fusinato) 
finche  sia  schiavo  un  angolo 
dell'itala  contrada, 
finche  non  sia  I'ltalia 
una  dall'Alpi  al  mar. 

{Go ff redo  Mameli). 

Carlo  Alberto  il  12  marzo  1849  dove  disdire  la  tregua 
concordata  con  gli  Austriaci  Tanno  avanti;  dove  riprendere 
le  ostilita. 

I  novantamila  Italiani  ch'egli  comandava  erano  forti, 
generosi,  entusiasti,  pronti  a  qualunque  sacrifizio  per  il  bene 
della  patria.  Scontratisi  con  I'esercito  nemico,  essi  si  batte- 
rono  con  impeto  e  resistenza  mirabili;  ma  furono  vinti  il  21 
marzo  1849  a  Mortara  e  il  23  marzo  1849  alia  Bicocca  presso 
Novara,  per  I'inettitudine  militare  dello  stesso  re  e  degli 
altri  comandanti.     Una  vera  catastrofe! 

Carlo  Alberto  si  vide  forzato  a  chiedere,  come  nel  1848, 
un  armistizio.  Ma  le  condizioni  imposte  dagli  Austriaci 
erano  cosi  onerose  e  disonorevoli,  ch'egli  non  pote  accettarle. 
Allora  non  gli  resto  altro  che  abdicare.  La  sera,  tardi,  si 
raccolse  coi  figli  e  coi  generali  superstiti  sotto  le  mura  della 
fatale  citta  (Novara),  e  ivi  fece  il  gran  passo,  pronunziando 
le  seguenti  parole: 


394  PARTE   PRIMA 

Ho  sempre  fatto  ogni  mio  possibile  per  la  causa  d*  Italia.  Mi 
e  dolorosissimo  vedere  fallite  le  mie  speranze.  Forse  la  mia 
persona  e  il  solo  ostacolo  ad  ottenere  dal  nemico  un  equo  accordo. 
E  siccome  non  vi  e  piu  mezzo  di  continuare  la  guerra,  cosi  rinunzio 
in  questo  istante  la  corona  in  favore  di  mio  figlio  Vittorio  Emanuele, 
nella  lusinga  ch'egli  possa  conseguire  migliori  patti  e  procurare  al 
paese  una  pace  vantaggiosa. 

A  mezzanotte  il  vinto  re,  assumendo  il  nome  di  Conte  di 
Barge,  partiva  tristemente  per  I'esilio,  accompagnato  da  un 
solo  servo.  Si  reco  ad  Oporto  (Portogallo),  dove  moriquattro 
mesi  dopo  in  un  convent©  di  gesuiti. 

II  giovane  re  Vittorio  Emanuele  II  s'incontro  immediata- 
mente  col  Radetzky  nel  campo  austriaco  di  Vignale.  Egli 
dove  far  buon  viso  a  cattiva  fortuna;  dove,  cioe,  firmare  un 
armistizio,  col  quale  s'obbligo  di  riconoscere  nei  vincitori  il 
diritto  d'occupare  militarmente  la  citta  d'Alessandria  e  il 
territorio  compreso  tra  il  Po,  la  Sesia  e  il  Ticino;  s'obbligo 
di  ritirare  la  flotta  piemontese  dalle  acque  dell'Adriatico 
spedita  al  principio  della  guerra,  cio  che  significava  I'ab- 
bandono  completo  di  Venezia  nelle  mani  del  nemico;  s'ob- 
bligo di  pagare  —  ed  effettivamente  pago  a  pace  conclusa  — 
settantacinque  milioni  di  lire  come  indennita  di  guerra. 

Le  catene  furono  cos!  ribadite.  II  grifagno  uccellaccio 
degli  Asburgo  continue  a  divorare  il  cuore  degl'Italiani, 
proprio  come  I'avvoltoio  del  mitologico  Prometeo! 


XII 

La  "  leonessa  d'ltalia".  I  soldatacci  austriaci  a 
Brescia  "  scagliano  giu  dalle  finestre,  contro  le  barricate 
erette  dai  cittadini,  teste  di  teneri  fanciuUi  divelte  dai 
busti,  braccia  di  donne  e  carni  umane  abbrustolite", 
e  commettono  altre  incredibili  scelleratezze.  La  tragica 
vendetta  d'un  giovane  bresciano  arso  vivo  (1849). 

Le  prime  notizie  giunte  nel  Lombardo-Veneto  fecero 
credere  che  gli  Austriaci,  non  gl'Italiani,  erano  stati  sconfitti 
a  Novara  il  23  marzo  1849. 

Si  puo  immaginare  I'esultanza  dei  patrioti. 


LA   LEONESSA   D'lTALIA   (1849)  395 

Quei  di  Brescia  s'armarono,  inneggiando  alia  vittoria, 
e  ingiunsero  ai  soldati  austriaci  di  presidio  (cinquecento  in 
tutto;  gli  altri  erano  andati  alia  guerra)  di  sgomberare  subito 
la  terra  che  non  era  loro. 

Gli  Austriaci  risposero  mandando  a  chiedere  in  segreto 
urgenti  aiuti;  poi  si  rinchiusero  nel  castello  sovrastante  alia 
citta,  che  in  antecedenza  avevano  riempito  di  vettovaglie  e 
munizioni,  e  da  quell'alto  propugnacolo  cominciarono  a 
scaricare  fucilate  e  cannonate. 

I  Bresciani  non  si  sgomentarono;  afFrontarono  con  animo 
risuluto  e  con  polso  gagliardo  la  lotta;  pugnarono  con  ardore 
e  valore  persistenti;  e  gia  stavano  per  avere  il  sopravvento, 
quando  piombarono  da  Verona  i  primi  aiuti  nemici:  una 
colonna  di  truppa  con  numerosa  artiglieria  al  comando  del 
generale  Nugent.  Costui  fece  immediatamente  sapere 
ch'egli  doveva  entrare  per  amore  o  per  forza  nella  citta. 
"Meglio,  dunque,  che  i  ribelli  distruggessero  le  barricate 
erette,  deponessero  le  armi,  s'arrendessero  a  discrezione". 
Egli  dava  quattr'ore  di  tempo  per  la  risposta,  "mentre  a 
stento  frenava  i  soldati,  e  per  misericordia  faceva  tacere  i 
cannoni". 

A  sifFatta  tracotanza,  i  cittadini  arsero  di  sdegno  e  gri- 
darono  procellosamente:  **Si  resista!  Piuttosto  che  cedere, 
preferiamo  perire  tutti  sotto  le  rovine  della  nostra  patria!" 

Nugent  die  principio  all'attacco.  Egli  si  riprometteva  di 
schiacciare  in  un  batter  d'occhio  gli  "audaci  sudditi".  Ma, 
invece,  rimase  schiacciato  lui,  cadendo  trafitto  in  uno 
scontro.  Fu  subito  rimpiazzato  dal  generale  Haynan  —  una 
belva  —  con  altre  truppe  di  rinforzo. 

II  nuovo  comandante  aggravo  le  intimazioni  e  le  minacce 
del  collega  morto. 

I  Bresciani,  irremovibili,  risposero:   "Liberta  o  morte!" 
Scoppio  subito  sulla  citta  una  tempesta  di  ferro  e  di 
fuoco.    Ne  segui  una  strage  di  case  e  d'abitanti. 

Ma  i  difensori  non  si  spaventarono,  non  si  smarrirono; 
sentirono  invece  sorgere  e  vibrare  in  ogni  fibra  dell'esser  loro 
una  potenza  sempre  piu  invitta;  diventarono  giganti; 
batterono  piu  volte  gli  assalitori;  compirono  prodigi  degni 
d'epopea.     "Anche  le  donne  si  mostrarono  virilmente  ardi- 


396  PARTE   PRIMA 

mentose;  fra  esse,  due  sorelle  di  onorata  famiglia,  piu  che  di 
guerriere  rendevano  immagine  di  martiri  cristiane". 

II  dispetto  rodeva  gli  Austriaci.  L'orgoglio  militaresco, 
di  cui  erano  gonfi,  non  poteva  sopportare  piii  a  lungo  la 
fiera  resistenza  dei  cittadini  ch'essi  consideravano  "un 
branco  di  pecore".  La  mattina  del  i°  aprile  1849  effettua- 
rono,  in  numero  enorme,  un  assalto  furioso  selvaggio 
decisive. 

I  difensori,  sebbene  impegnati  duramente  da  parecchi 
giorni,  tennero  testa:  combatterono  corpo  a  corpo,  contra- 
starono  il  terreno  a  palmo  a  palmo,  profusero  formidabil- 
mente  il  lor  vigore;  ma  alia  fine  caddero  I'un  dopo  I'altro, 
I'uno  suiraltro,  coi  petti  squarciati.  Allora,  soltanto  allora,  il 
nemico,  passando  su  mucchi  di  cadaveri,  pote  entrare  nella 
gloriosa  citta  che  il  poeta,  piii  tardi,  chiamo  **leonessa 
d'ltalia". 

I  soldatacci  austriaci,  imbestiati  piii  che  mai  dalla  resi- 
stenza incontrata  e  dalle  perdite  subite,  irruppero  come  lupi 
afFamati  nelle  abitazioni  rimaste  immuni  dal  lungo  bom- 
bardamento:  e  vi  rubarono  il  meglio,  distrussero  il  resto; 
sgozzarono  malati,  vecchi,  donne,  fanciuUi;  ne  inchiodarono 
parecchi  ai  muri;  infilzarono  alle  baionette  inastate  crea- 
turine  lattanti;  ammazzarono  a  sciabolate,  o  sparando  a  bru- 
ciapelo,  uomini  e  donne  incontrati  per  via;  ne  trascinarono 
altri  al  Castello  e  ivi  li  gettarono  nei  sotterranei,  li  insulta- 
rono,  li  tormentarono,  li  trucidarono  in  massa;  commisero 
infinite  mostruosita. 

E  a  stravolgere  le  menti,  ad  agghiacciar  nelle  vena  il  sangue, 
s'aggiungeva  la  vista  delle  orribili  enormezze  a  cui,  o  ebbri  o 
comandati  o  per  natura  stolidamente  feroci,  grimperiali  austriaci 
trascorsero:  cose  che  escono  dai  confini  non  pur  del  credibile,  ma 
deirimmaginabile.  Perche  non  solo  inferocirono  contro  gl'inermi, 
le  donne,  i  fanciulli  e  gl'infermi,  ma  raffinarono  per  modo  gli 
strazi,  che  ben  si  parve  come  le  umane  belve  anche  in  ferocia 
passino  ogni  animale.  Le  membra  dilacerate  delle  vittime,  essi — 
gl'imperiali  austriaci  —  scagliavano  giii  dalle  finestre  e  contro  le 
barricate  dei  cittadini,  come  si  getta  ai  cani  I'avanzo  d'un  pasto. 
Teste  di  teneri  fanciulli  divelte  dai  busti  e  braccia  di  donne  e 
carni  umane  abbrustolite  cadevano  in  mezzo  alle  schiere  bresciane. 


LA   LEONESSA   D'lTALIA   (1849)  397 

a  cui  allora  parvero  misericordiose  le  bombe.  E,  sopratutto, 
piacevansi  i  cannibali  imperiali  austriaci  nelle  convulsioni  atro- 
cissime  dei  morti  per  arsura;  onde,  immollati  i  cittadini  prigionieri 
con  acqua  ragia,  li  incendiavano;  e  spesso  obbligavano  le  donne 
dei  martoriati  ad  assistere  a  sifFata  festa:  ovvero,  per  pigliarsi 
giuoco  del  nobile  sangue  bresciano,  si  ribollente  alle  magnanime 
ire,  legati  strettamente  gli  uomini,  davanti  agli  occhi  loro  vitu- 
peravano  e  scannavano  le  mogli  e  le  figliuole.  E  alcuna  volta 
(Dio  ci  perdoni  se  serbiamo  memoria  dell'orribile  fatto)  gl'im- 
periali  austriaci  sforzarono  di  fare  inghiottire  agli  agonizzanti  le 
sbranate  viscere  dei  loro  diletti.  Di  che  molti  morirono  d'an- 
goscia,  e  piu  assai  impazzirono.^ 

Pero  un  cittadino  di  nome  Carlo  Zima,  arso  vivo  dai 
soldatacci  austriaci,  riusci  a  vendicarsi  del  supplizio,  e  in  una 
maniera  oltremodo  tragica. 

Era  lo  Zima  un  giovane  popolano,  gobbo  e  zoppo,  per 
conseguenza  di  fragile  complessione,  ma  di  spirito  ribelle  e 
gagliardo,  che  aveva  pugnato  giorno  e  notte  com'un  antico 
gladiatore.  Alcuni  soldatacci  austriaci  lo  sorpresero  mentre 
stava  ancora  con  I'arme  alia  mano.  Che  fecero?  Gli 
versarono  addosso  una  quantita  d'acqua  ragia,  e  I'accesero. 
In  un  baleno  il  corpo  del  disgraziato  fu  tutto  in  fiamme.  E  i 
soldatacci  austriaci,  sghignando  satanicamente,  si  misero  a 
riddargli  intorno  come  pellirossi.  Lo  Zima,  in  un  impeto 
d'estremo  odio  causato  dallo  strazio  morale,  piii  che  dallo 
strazio  fisico,  si  slancio  lesto  com'una  saetta  sul  caporione 
aizzatore  di  quegl'indemoniati,  e  I'abbraccio,  I'avvinghid, 
gli  comunico  lo  stesso  fuoco,  I'avvolse  nelle  stesse  fiamme, 
lo  costrinse  a  morire  della  stessa  morte. 

Gli  Austriaci  pretesero  anche  dai  Bresciani  un'indennita 
di  guerra  di  sei  milioni  di  lire. 

Tante  scelleraggini  commossero  e  indignarono  fortemente 
I'Europa  intera.  "II  generale  Hayman,  essendosi  recato 
qualche  tempo  dopo  a  Londra,  e  avendolo  la  folia  ricono- 
sciuto  ai  suoi  gialli  mustacchi,  lo  assali  con  le  scope,  lo 
copri  di  fango  e  di  contumelie,  gridando:  Ddgli  al  heccaio 
austriaco!     Ddgli  alia  tigr^I" 

*  Lf  Died  Giornate  di  Brescia  di  Cesare  Correnti,  insigne  letterato  italiano, 
autore  di  varie  opere  storiche,  deputato  al  Parlaemnto  nazionale,  due  volte  ministro 
della  Pubblica  Istruzione,  consigliere  di  Stato,  segretario  del  "Gran  Magistero 
degli  Ordini  cavallereschi",  senatore  del  Regno  (1815-1888). 


398  PARTE   PRIMA 


XIII 

I  soldati  austriaci  in  Toscana,  a  Bologna,  ad  Ancona. 
I  tiranni  stranieri  schiacciano  la  Repubblica  Romana 
gloriosamente  retta  da  Mazzini  e  difesa  da  Garibaldi,  e 
ristabiliscono  il  potere  temporale  dei  papi  (1849). 

I  primi  di  maggio  del  1849  il  generale  austrlaco  d'Aspre, 
alia  testa  di  ventimila  soldati,  invadeva  la  Toscana,  assaltava 
paesi,  spogliava  e  seviziava  popolazioni,  entrava  arcigno 
tronfio  pettoruto  in  Firenze  (25  maggio  1849),  e  vi  ristabiliva 
il  potere  del  granduca.  Costui,  da  misero  tirannuccio  asser- 
vito  agli  Asburgo,  aboliva  subito  la  Costituzione  e  la  ban- 
diera  nazionale,  e  riprendeva  a  governare  con  i  birri  e  gU 
ergastoli. 

Quasi  nello  stesso  tempo,  quattro  eserciti  difFerenti  (uno 
francese,  uno  austriaco,  uno  spagnolo  e  uno  borbonico) 
marciavano  contro  Roma,  alio  scopo  di  schiacciarvi  la 
Repubblica  e  ristabilirvi  il  potere  temporale  dei  papi.  I 
primi  a  giungere  dinanzi  alia  citta  eterna  furono  i  Frances! 
(piii  di  novemila)  al  comando  del  generale  Oudinot.  Essi 
iniziarono  immediatamente  I'attacco  a  mezzo  deirartiglieria, 
mentre  la  fanteria  tentava  di  scalare  le  mura.  Ma  Gari- 
baldi —  a  cui  i  triunviri  Mazzini,  Saffi  e  Armellini  avevano 
saggiamente  affidato  la  difesa  della  Repubblica  —  piombo 
fulmineamente  coi  suoi  volontari  e  con  quelli  comandati  dal 
dottor  Masi  e  dal  colonnello  Galletti  sugli  assalitori,  e  li 
batte,  infliggendo  loro  gravi  perdite,  prendendone  prigionie- 
ri  centinaia,  mettendo  in  fuga  tutti  gli  altri  (30  aprile  1849). 

L'esercito  austriaco,  dal  canto  suo,  giungeva  a  Bologna 
e  dava  principio  alle  ostilita,  assaltando  la  porta  di  Galliera. 
I  Bolognesi  respinsero  I'assalto.  I  nemlci  misero  in  azione 
i  cannoni  e  i  mortal  di  cui  erano  abbondantemente  muniti, 
e  cominciarono  a  flagellare  la  dotta  citta  con  un'incessante 
gragnola  di  proiettili  pieni  ed  esplosivi.  I  Bolognesi  si 
difesero  valorosamente  per  piii  giorni.  Ma  il  16  maggio  1849 
essi  erano  gia  esausti  di  forze;  non  potevano  piii  resistere; 
furono  costretti  ad  arrendersi. 


NELL'ITALIA   CENTRALE    (1849)  399 

Una  settimana  dopo,  gli  Austriaci  attaccarono  per  terra 
e  per  mare  Ancona.  Questa  sorella  minore  di  Venezia  lotto 
strenuamente  per  circa  un  mese;  ma  alia  fine  dove  anch'essa 
capitolare  (20  giugno  1849). 

L'esercito  borbonico  (sedicimila  uomini)  comandato  da 
Ferdinando  II  in  persona,  aveva  occupato  Velletri.  Gari- 
baldi, alia  testa  di  soli  tremila  volontari  in  parte  ragazzi, 
corse  ad  affrontarlo:  lo  snido  dalla  citta,  lo  sbaraglio, 
I'insegui  fino  ad  Area  (12-20  maggio  1849). 

Gli  Spagnoli  erano  sbarcati  a  Fiumicino  e  a  Terracina. 

E  il  generale  Oudinot,  con  quarantamila  soldati  e  36 
cannoni  d'assedio,  la  sera  del  2  giugno  1849  riprendeva  le 
ostilita  contro  Roma.  La  Repubblica  non  aveva  a  sua 
disposizione  che  novemila  volontari  in  tutto.  Ma  essi  erano 
cavalieri  d'un  alto  ideale.  Sulle  loro  fronti  splendeva  il 
pensiero  onnipresente  di  Mazzini.  Nei  loro  petti  palpitava 
il  vivo  cuore  di  Garibaldi.  La  lotta  fu  lunga  ed  aspra; 
culmino  durante  la  notte  del  29  giugno  1849  in  una  grande 
battaglia.  I  difensori  compirono  gesta  sovrumane.  Cadde 
nobilmente  il  poeta  giovinetto  Goffredo  Mameli  che  coi 
suoi  inni  aveva  tanto  infiammato  a  liberta  il  popolo  d'ltalia. 
Cadde  Luciano  Manara  ch'era  stato  "il  primo  tra  i  primi" 
nelle  cinque  giornate  di  Milano.  Caddero  Enrico  Dandolo, 
Emilio  Morosini  e  mille  altri.  Ma  tanto  sacrifizio  non  valse 
a  salvare  la  Repubblica. 

Garibaldi  dove  rassegnarsi  a  ringuainare  la  folgoreggiante 
sua  spada.  E  il  3  luglio  1849,  egli  usciva  dall'alma  Roma, 
triste,  silenzioso,  povero  (cosi  povero,  che,  per  le  impellenti 
necessita  della  vita,  era  stato  costretto  a  vendersi  I'orologio), 
accompagnato  dalla  sua  diletta  consorte  Anita  incinta  di 
sette  mesi,  e  da  circa  quattromila  superstiti,  tra  i  quali  il 
predicatore  barnabita  Ugo  Bassi  e  il  popolano  romano  An- 
gelo  Brunetti  detto  il  Ciceruacchio,  a  cui  I'Eroe  non  pote 
offrire  altro  che  "fame,  freddo,  sole  e  marce  forzate". 

Partiva  anche  Mazzini  per  I'esilio.  Partirono  tutti  i  capi 
della  gloriosa  Repubblica. 

E,  il  1 2  luglio  1 849,  rientrava  Pio  IX  nella  capitale,  scortato 
da  Francesi  e  da  Austriaci:  e  abrogava  la  Costituzione; 
annullava  le   riforme;  riempiva   di   condannati   politici   le 


400  PARTE  PRIMA 

career! ;  avviliva  le  anime  e  i  corpi;  meritava  che  I'inglese 
lord  Clarendon  chiamasse  il  governo  del  preti  *'un  obbrobrio 
per  I'Europa  civile". 


XIV 

I  soldati  austriaci  inseguono  Garibaldi  e  Anita  (la 
diletta  consorte  dell'Eroe)  incinta.  La  fine  dolorosa 
dell'Eroina.  Sotterrata  nuda!  "  La  derelitta  cagna, 
ramingando  ..."  (1849). 

Garibaldi,  sottraendosi  con  raplde  mosse  ai  nemici  che 
rabbiosamente  I'inseguivano,  giunse  in  Toscana  e  cerco 
di  sollevare  quelle  popolazioni;  ma  trovo  dappertutto  scora- 
mento  e  timore.  AUora  grido  disperatamente  ai  suoi  volon- 
tari:   "Non  ci  resta  che  Venezia  per  morire!" 

Ma  come  arrivare  fino  al  Lido?  Le  marce  forzate 
lunghe  e  faticose  sotto  la  sferza  del  Sole;  le  imboscate  dei 
segugi  sguinzagliati  dai  tiranni  per  ogni  dove;  la  fame,  la 
sete,  i  dolori  morali  avevano  ridotto  i  superstiti  a  1500.  E 
questi,  per  quanto  animati  ancora  da  generosi  sentimenti  di 
patria,  non  erano  davvero  in  grado  d'affrontare  nuove  odis- 
see.  Garibaldi  li  condusse  nella  piccola  Repubblica  di  San 
Marino,  e  ivi  stipulo  col  nemico  una  tregua,  in  base  alia 
quale  i  compagni  potevano  ritornarsene  indisturbati  alle 
loro  case. 

Egli,  personalmente,  non  voile  stringere  alcun  patto  con 
I'Austriaco:  prefer!  riprendere  il  cammino  a  cui  la  previ- 
dente  e  provvidente  natura  I'aveva  predestinato. 

I  cento  piii  arditi  e  piii  fidi,  pero,  vollero  seguirlo  ad  ogni 
costo.  L'Eroe,  ch'era  gentile  quanto  invitto,  non  seppe 
schermlrsi.  Li  accetto.  E,  con  essi,  tento  fuggire  per  mare. 
Ma  le  fragili  barchette,  sulle  quali  il  sacro  manipolo  era 
montato,  furon  presto  raggiunte  dagli  sgherri  austriaci  che 
stavano  alia  vedetta.  Garibaldi  salto  con  la  sua  coraggiosa 
Anita  nell'acqua:  ed  essendo  egli  un  provetto  nuotatore, 
non  tardo  ad  accostarsi  alia  riva  e  salvarsi  insieme  con 
I'amata  consorte.  Invece  Ugo  Bassi,  il  Ciceruacchio  e  molti 
altri  Garibaldini  furono  presi  e  giustiziati. 


LA   MORTE   D'ANITA   (1849)  401 

4  agosto  1849.  L'ora  del  tramonto.  Un  baroccio  a  un 
cavallo,  guidato  dal  capitano  garibaldino  Leggero,  sale 
lentamente  la  strada  che  va  dalla  marina  ai  boschi  ravennatl. 
Sul  tavolato  del  rozzo  legno  giace  una  giovine  donna  febbri- 
citante. 

"Coraggio!"  le  dice  dolcemente  Garibaldi  che,  travestito 
da  contadino,  le  siede  accanto  carezzandole  la  fronte  e 
tenendole  sulla  testa  un  ombrello  aperto  per  ripararla  dai 
raggi  infocati  del  Sole.  *'Coraggio,  mia  buona  Anita;  a 
quelle  case  lassii  domanderemo  soccorso". 

**0  Giuseppe,  io  muoio!"  balbetta  impallidendo  I'am- 
malata,  mentre  una  schiuma  biancastra  le  copre  le  labbra 
riarse. 

L'Eroe  le  terge  con  un  fazzoletto  di  seta  la  bocca.  Una 
nube  nera  gli  scende  suH'anima. 

Giungono  finalmente  nei  pressi  d'una  casa  poderale.  Un 
contadino  guarda  sorpreso  lo  strano  veicolo. 

**In  nome  deirumanita"  supplica  Garibaldi  "salvate 
questa  donna!  Io  non  vi  chiedo  nulla  per  me;  tutto  per  lei. 
La  sete  la  brucia.  Dateci  un  bicchiere  d'acqua.  Permette- 
teci  di  riposare  un  momento." 

"Io  non  sono  il  padrone  qui"  risponde  il  contadino;  "ma 
chiamero  la  Ravaglia." 

Esce  dalla  casa  una  contadina,  la  quale,  scorgendo  Anita 
tanto  abbattuta,  esclama  commossa:  "Povera  donna! 
Viaggiare  in  tale  stato!  Fortuna  che  c'e  qui  il  medico. 
Vado  subito  a  chiamarlo." 

Giunge  il  medico  (il  dottor  Naldini),  il  quale  osserva 
ansiosamente  I'ammalata  e  sentenzia:  "Questa  donna  e 
morente!"  —  Poi,  fissando  Garibaldi,  soggiunge:  "E  voi, 
con  codesto  viso,  con  codesta  barba  .  .  .  ,.voi  siete 
Garibaldi!" 

"Tacete,  per  pieta!"  interrompe  sottovoce  I'Eroe. 
"Sapete  bene  ch'io  son  cercato  a  morte  e  che  son  puniti 
tutti  coloro  che  m'aiutano.    Non  rivelate  il  mio  nome." 

In  quel  mentre  giunge  Stefano  RavagUa,  padrone  della 
casa.  Si  stabilisce  con  lui  di  portare  Anita  in  una  cameretta 
superiore,  dove  c'e  un  lettuccio  appartato. 

Con  delicata  cautela,  I'Eroe  prende  e  solleva  nelle  sue 


402  PARTE  PRIMA 

braccia  nerborute  I'Eroina,  e  comincia  a  salire  plan  piano  la 
scala.  Ma,  fatti  pochi  gradini,  Anita  reclina  indietro  la 
bella  testa,  dice  flebilmente:  "Giuseppe  .  .  .  ,  i  figli 
.   .   .    1"  E  muore. 

L'Eroe  torna  giii,  ripone  al  suolo  I'adorato  corpo,  lo  toccai 
lo  bagna  di  lagrime,  lo  tempesta  di  baci,  lo  chiama  coi  nom, 
piij  santi  e  piii  soavi,  dice  disperatamente:  **No,  no,  non  e 
mortal  Portiamola  su.  £  uno  svenimento.  Ha  tanto 
sofferto,  povera  creatura!  Si  riavra.  £  forte.  Non  e 
morta,  vi  dico!  £  impossibile!  Se  fosse  vero,  sarei  morto 
anch'io,  perche  la  nostra  vita  fu  sempre  una  sola.  Guardami, 
Anita,  muovi  le  tue  pupille,  muovi  le  tue  labbra,  parlamil" 

Tutti  i  presenti  piangono.  II  capitano  Leggero  si  china 
rispettosamente  sul  Duce,  e  gli  sussurra  aU'orecchio  queste 
supplichevoli  parole:  "Alzatevi!  Salvatevi!  Per  i  vostri 
figlil     Perl'Italial" 

"Soffocol"  esclama  I'Eroe.  "Datemi  un  bicchiere 
d'acqual"  —  Beve,  si  rizza,  rivolge  un  ultimo  sguardo  pieno 
d'amore  e  di  dolore  infiniti  al  corpo  immobile  della  martire, 
e  s'allontana  singhiozzando  com'un  fanciullo.  Sull'uscio  si 
ferma  ed  ofFre  un  anello  (I'unico  sue  tesoro),  ch'egli  aveva 
tolto  dal  dito  d'Anita,  al  Ravaglia,  per  ricompensarlo 
dell'ospitalita  accordata  e  per  ricordo  a  un  tempo. 

"No,"  dice  I'onesto  contadino  all'Eroe  "tenetelo;  esso  e 
sacro  pervoi." 

L'li  agosto  1849,  una  "derelitta  cagna,  ramingando", 
scopriva  un  cadavere  seppellito  a  poca  profondita  nella 
sabbia  di  Marina,  parrocchia  di  Mandriole.  Le  autorita 
accorse  riscontrarono  trattarsi  del  corpo  d'una  donna  incinta 
"che  aveva  i  capelli  tagliati  alia  puritana  e  portava  la  sottana 
e  un  humus'*. 

II  vestito  fu  esposto  al  pubblico,  alio  scope  d'identificare 
il  cadavere. 

E  la  magnanima  consorte  dell'Eroe  dei  due  mondi  fu 
risotterrata  ignuda! 

Pochi  giorni  dope,  un  uomo  di  robusta  complessione  ma 
col  viso  stanco  e  mestissimo  usciva  dal  paese  di  Modigliana. 

Quell'uomo  era  Garibaldi.    Frotte  di  soldatacci  austriaci 


L'ASSEDIO   DI   VENEZIA   (1849)  403 

masticanti  bestemmie  ostrogote  gli  davano  caninamente  la 
caccia.  Vedendosi  a  un  certo  punto  in  imminente  pericolo, 
I'Eroe  si  rifugio  in  una  vicina  osteria.  S'era  appena  seduto  a 
un  posticino  appartato,  quando  entrarono  rumorosamente 
alcuni  Croati. 

"Sono  scoperto!"  esclama  I'Eroe  tra  se  e  se. 

Ma  i  Croati  non  lo  riconoscono.  Essi  vanno  a  sedersi  a 
una  tavola,  e  ivi  cominciano  a  ordinare  e  ingollare  vino 
senza  misura.  S'ubriacano.  Gesticolano  rozzamente. 
Ridono  idiotamente,  sconciamente.  Ripetono  con  roca 
vociaccia:  "Ah,  Garibalda,  Garibalda,  noi  ti  scoveremo, 
noi  ti  prenderemo  in  trappola!   Ah,  ah,  ah!" 

L'Eroe  spicca  un  salto  da  leopardo  verso  I'uscio,  e  via  di 
corsa  per  i  campi.  Invano  gU  Austriaci  tentano  d'inseguirlo. 
Le  loro  gambe,  paraHzzate  dal  vino,  si  piegano.  I  loro  corpi 
cascano  a  terra  e  grufolano  come  porci. 

Dopo  traversie  inenarrabiH,  dopo  indicibili  sofFerenze, 
I'Eroe  giunse  a  Nizza,  sua  citta  nativa,  abbraccio  la  madre 
ottantaquattrenne,  bacio  i  figliuoletti,  pianse  con  loro  la 
perdita  d'Anita,  poi  con  Tanima  lacerata  parti  per  I'esilio, 
imbarcandosi  su  una  nave  diretta  a  Tunisi.  II  Bey  lo 
respinse,  non  volendo  impicci.  Allora  I'Eroe  vago  dalla 
Maddalena^  a  Gibilterra,  da  Gibilterra  a  Tangeri;  finche  un 
giorno  salpo  per  New  York,  dove  fu  fraternamente  accolto 
dall'italiano  Antonio  Meucci,  il  defraudato  inventore  del 
telefono  che  oggi  porta  il  noma  di  Bell. 

XV 

Gli  Austriaci  assediano  e  bombardano  per  tre  mesi  di 
continuo  Venezia.  II  feld-maresciallo  Radetzky  scim- 
miotta  Nerone.  La  regina  dell'Adriatico  e  costretta  dalla 
fame  e  dal  colera,  piu  che  dall'armi  nemiche,  ad  arren- 
dersi.    L'elegia  del  poeta  (1849). 

Quarantamila  soldati  austriaci  con  150  pezzi  d'artiglieria 
avevano  assediato  Venezia  per  mare  e  per  terra.  II  24 
maggio  1849,  essi  cominciarono  a  tempestarla  di  bombe  e  di 
razzi  incendiari. 

'La  Maddalena  e  la  maggiore  delle  isole  nello  stretto  di  Bonifacio  (Sardegna). 


404  PARTE  PRIMA 

II  feld-maresclallo  Radetzky,  volendo  scimmiottare  I'im- 
peratore  Nerone  d'esecrata  memoria,  aveva  invitato  alcuni 
arciduchi  austriaci  ad  assistere  alio  spettacolo  della  citta 
italiana  colpita  in  ogni  parte  dal  fuoco  e  dalla  morte. 
Vecchio  barbaro  rimbambito! 

I  Veneziani  non  si  sgomentarono;  si  sentirono,  anzi,  piii 
ingigantiti  nel  fisico  e  nel  morale.  Egregiamente  guidati  dal 
doge  Daniele  Manin  e  dal  prode  generate  Guglielmo  Pepe, 
essi  contrapposero  all'indurita  crudelta  del  nemico  una 
resistenza  formidabile. 

La  lotta  duro  a  lungo;  fu  intensa  e  cruenta.  La  vlttoria 
arrise  piu  volte  agli  assediati.  Sarebbe  arriso  a  loro  anche  il 
trionfo  finale,  se,  alia  scarsezza  d'armi  e  munizioni  e  alia 
mancanza  quasi  assoluta  di  viveri,  non  si  fosse  aggiunto  il 
colera.  Questo  terribile  flagello,  non  frenato  dalle  necessarie 
misure  scientifiche,  favorito  dal  poco  e  cattivo  nutrimento, 
comincio  a  fare  strage  immensa,  specialmente  tra  le  donne  e 
i  fanciulli. 

II  15  agosto  1849  il  bollettino  sanitario  segnava  402  casi 
con  272  morti. 

Una  settimana  dopo,  I'indomabile  morbo,  coadiuvato 
dalla  fame  sempre  crescente  e  dalle  artiglierie  austriache 
sempre  piu  intense,  aveva  trasformato  I'incantevole  citta  dei 
dogi  in  un  vero  inferno  dantesco.  I  difensori,  oppressi  dal 
dolore  per  la  misera  fine  dei  loro  cari,  avevano  perduto  ogni 
entusiasmo,  ogni  energia.  Solo  allora  fu  decisa  la  resa. 
Durante  le  trattative  (23  agosto  1849),  Venezia  e  immersa 
in  un  sepolcrale  silenzio.  II  poeta  Arnaldo  Fusinato,  di 
guardia  all'isola  del  Lazzaretto  Vecchio,  scrive,  col  cuore 
gonfio,  i  seguenti  versi  elegiaci: 

E  fosco  I'aere, 

il  cielo  e  muto, 

ed  io  sul  tacito 

veron  seduto, 

in  solitaria 

malinconia, 

ti  guardo  e  lagrimo, 

Venezia  mia! 
Fra  i  rotti  nugoli 


L'ASSEDIO   DI   VENEZIA   (1849)  405 

dell'occidente, 

il  raggio  perdesi 

del  sol  morente; 

e  mesto  sibila 

per  I'aria  bruna 

I'ultimo  gemito 

della  laguna. 
Passa  una  gondola 

della  citta: 

-Ehi  della  gondola, 

qual  novita? 

-II  morbo  infuria, 

il  pan  ci  manca, 

sul  ponte  sventola 

bandiera  biancal 
Venezia!     L'ultima 

ora  e  venuta; 

illustre  martire, 

tu  sei  perduta. 

II  morbo  infuria, 

il  pan  ci  manca, 

sul  ponte  sventola 

bandiera  bianca! 
Ma  non  le  ignivome 

palle  roventi, 

ne  i  mille  fulmini 

su  te  stridenti, 

troncaro  ai  liberi 

tuoi  di  lo  stame  .... 

Viva  Venezia! 

Muore  di  fame! 
Sulle  tue  pagine 

scolpisci,  o  storia, 

I'altrui  nequizie 

e  la  sua  gloria, 

e  grida  ai  posteri: 

-Tre  volte  infame 

chi  vuol  Venezia 

morta  di  fame! 
Viva  Venezia! 

L'ira  nemica 

la  sua  risuscita 


406  PARTE   PRITvlA 

virtude  antica; 

ma  il  morbo  infuria, 

ma  il  pan  le  manca  .  .  . 

Sul  ponte  sventola 

bandiera  bianca! 
Ed  ora  infrangasi 

qui  sulla  pietra, 

finche  e  ancor  libera 

questa  mia  cetra. 

A  te,  Venezia, 

I'ultimo  canto, 

I'ultimo  bacio, 

I'ultimo  pianto! 
Ramingo  ed  esule 

in  suol  straniero, 

vivrai,  Venezia, 

nel  mio  pensiero; 

vivrai  nel  tempio 

qui  del  mio  core, 

come  I'immagine 

del  primo  amore. 
Ma  il  vento  sibila, 

ma  I'onda  e  scura, 

ma  tutta  in  tenebre 

e  la  natura: 

le  corde  stridono, 

la  voce  manca  .  .  . 

Sul  ponte  sventola 

bandiera  bianca! 

II  24  agosto  1849  Tolocausto  era  compiuto. 

La  gloriosa  regina  deH'Adriatico  fu  novamente  ghermita 
dalla  sozza  aquila  a  due  teste. 

II  Manin,  il  Tommaseo,  Guglielmo  Pepe  e  altrl  eminent! 
patriot!  furono  costretti  a  imbarcarsi  su  navi  inglesi  e 
francesi,  e  prendere,  al  pari  di  Mazzini  e  di  Garibaldi,  la 
sospirosa  via  dell'esilio. 


MOSTRUOSITA  AUSTRIACHE   (1849)  407 


XVI 

n  feld-maresciallo  Radetzky  e  i  suoi  sguaiati  ufficiali 
festeggiano  a  Milano  il  genetliaco  del  loro  imperatore 
Francesco  Giuseppe,  provocando  disonestamente  e  cari- 
cando  brutalmente  con  la  cavalleria  e  la  fanteria  il  popolo 
inerme ;  bastonando  patrioti ;  vergheggiando  giovanetti  e 
signorine  suUe  nude  reni  (1849). 

Mentre  Venezia  agonizzava,  Radetzky  commetteva 
nuove  infamie  e  Milano.  Provocava  i  cittadini,  per  poi 
poterli  punire. 

Valga  per  tutti  il  seguente  episodic. 

II  1 8  agosto  1849  ricorreva  il  19°  genetliaco  dell'im- 
peratore  Francesco  Giuseppe.  Volendo  il  vecchio  mare- 
sciallo  festeggiarlo  con  chiassosa  teatralita,  ordino  per  quella 
occasione  lo  sparo  di  parecchi  colpi  di  cannone  all'alba; 
I'addobbo  dei  balconi,  delle  finestre,  delle  piazze  e  delle 
strade  con  damaschi  e  festoni  dai  colori  austriaci;  una 
solenne  funzione  religiosa  col  canto  del  Te  Deum  nel  Duomo; 
una  pomposa  parata  militate  e,  per  la  sera,  **illuminazione 
spontanea,  sotto  pena  di  giudizio  statario  agl'indocili". 

Or  ecco  quel  che  accadde  per  le  mali  arti  della  prepotente 
ufficialita  radeschiana,  sapientissima  nell'organizzare  provo- 
cazioni. 

A  quel  tempo  esisteva  in  piazza  del  Duomo  il  CafFe 
Mazza,  uno  dei  piii  frequentati  della  citta.  Dirimpetto  ad 
esso  abitava  una  certa  donna  di  cattivi  costumi,  cara  a  non 
pochi  ufficiali  austriaci,  i  quali  si  raccoglievano  di  giorno  e  di 
sera  davanti  al  detto  Caffe,  ed  anche  nell'interno,  per  gozzo- 
vigliare  e  per  insolentire  contro  i  pacifici  cittadini. 

La  donna  in  parola  aveva  preparato,  per  commissione 
appunto  d'alcuni  ufficiali  a  lei  devoti,  un  gran  drappo  con  i 
colori  e  gli  emblemi  imperiali  d'Austria,  e,  in  quel  giorno 
natalizio,  Taveva  esposto  a  un  balcone  della  sua  casa. 

Gli  ufficiali  austriaci  —  bevendo,  fumando,  ciarlando 
davanti  al  Gaffe  Mazza  —  si  congratulavano  con  la  mala 
femmina,  che  impudentemente  stava  al  balcone,  facendole 


408  PARTE   PRIMA 

un'infinita  di  smorfie  oscene  che  volevano  essere  graziosl 
sorrisi,  mentre,  d'altra  parte,  con  certi  loro  caratteristici 
ghigni,  beffeggiavano  e  provocavano  i  passanti. 

In  un  baleno  la  piazza  del  Duomo  fu  plena  di  gente. 
Una  fischiata,  cento  fischiate,  un  grido,  cento  grida  di 
sdegno  e  d'imprecazione,  una  pioggia  di  nastri  tricolori 
costrinsero  la  mala  femmina  a  ritirarsi,  portando  seco 
I'abominevole  drappo. 

Gli  ufficiali  austriaci  pareva  non  aspettassero  altro:  si 
slanciarono  nella  strada  digrignando  i  denti;  si  fecero  largo 
tra  la  folia  a  colpi  di  frustino;  chiamarono  la  mala  femmina  al 
balcone  e  I'incitarono  a  esporre  novamente  il  drappo.  E 
quando  questo  riapparve,  i  prepotenti  proruppero  in  evviva 
e  battimani  frenetici. 

Lo  sdegno  e  le  imprecazioni  della  folia  crebbero. 

Allora  giunse  di  corsa  sul  luogo  uno  squadrone  di  caval- 
leria  con  le  sciabole  sguainate  e  un  reparto  di  fanteria  con  le 
baionette  inastate.  Si  carico  furiosamente  la  folia  inerme, 
senza  riguardo  ne  a  vecchi,  ne  a  donne,  ne  a  fanciulli. 

Gli  ufficiali  austriaci,  piantatisi  sui  marciapiedi  coi 
frustini  branditi  in  alto,  minacciando  e  urlando  come  tanti 
energumeni,  forzarono  i  fuggenti  a  levarsi  il  cappello  e  a 
salutare  il  drappo;  poi  presero  di  peso  la  mala  femmina,  la 
misero  insieme  col  drappo  in  una  carrozza,  e  la  portarono 
trionfalmente  in  giro  per  la  citta.  E  come  se  cio  non  bastas- 
se,  arrestarono  parecchie  persone  d'ambo  i  sessi  e  le  accusa- 
rono  di  "scandalose  dimostrazioni  anti-politiche,  insulti  ai 
colori  deirimpero  e  alle  cifre  di  giubilo  verso  Sua  Maesta". 

II  22  agosto  1849,  nella  piazza  del  Castello,  quindici 
patrioti  (studenti,  possidenti,  negozianti,  capibottega,  sem- 
plici  operai),  dai  15  ai  50  anni  d'eta,  furono  pubblicamente 
sottoposti  al  supplizio  della  bastonatura.  Legati,  cioe,  coi 
petti  su  appositi  panconi,  gl'infelici,  nudi  dalla  testa  alle 
gambe,  ricevettero  sulle  parti  posteriori  dei  loro  corpi  chi 
30   chi  40,  chi  50  colpi  di  bastone. 

Tre  adolescenti  (Luciano  Ferrandi  d'anni  17  legatore  di 
libri,  Giacomo  Trezzi  d'anni  17  conciatore  di  pelli,  Giacobbe 
Colombo  d'anni  19  orefice),  giudicati  dai  medici  militari  non 
abbastanza  robusti  per  sopportare  le  bastonate,  ricevettero, 


L'IMPERATORE   DEGL'IMPICCATI  409 

in  cambio,  30  colpi  di  verga  il  primo  e  40  colpi  ciascuno  gli 
altri  due  suUe  nude  reni. 

Le  signorine  Maria  Conti  fiorentina  d'anni  18  ed  Ernesta 
Galli  cremonese  d'anni  20,  al  cui  onore  avevano  piii  volte  ma 
invano  attentate  i  sozzi  ufficiali  austriaci,  "sostennero 
privatamente"  I'atrocissimo  supplizio,  ricevendo  anche  sulle 
nude  reni  30  colpi  di  verga  la  prima  e  40  la  seconda!^ 

Altri  14  patrioti  furono  rinchiusi  nelle  carceri  "in  ferri 
e  con  digiuni  a  pane  ed  acqua". 

E  pochi  giorni  dopo,  il  direttore  del  Castello  ebbe  la 
sfacciataggine,  I'austriaca  sfacciataggine,  di  mandare  al 
municipio  di  Milano  "per  il  rimborso"  la  nota  delle  spese 
da  lui  fatte  per  I'acquisto  dei  bastoni,  delle  verghe,  dell'aceto 
e  del  ghiaccio  "usati  nell'esecuzione  dei  condannati". 

Cosi  I'incanaglito  Radetzky  festeggiava  in  Italia  il 
genetliaco  del  suo  padrone  I'imperatore  Francesco  Giuseppe! 

Tanta  scelleraggine  scosse  I'Europa  intera.  I  giornali, 
massimamente  il  Times  di  Londra,  pubblicarono  articoli  di 
fuoco  contro  il  governo  austriaco. 

E  il  poeta  Francesco  Dall'Ongaro  scrisse: 

Lombardi,  Veneti,  Italiani  tutti,  dimenticate  le  vostre  gloria, 
le  vostre  speranze,  i  vostri  disinganni,  i  vostri  errori  politici;  ma 
ricordate  questo  fatto,  ricordate  questo  giorno,  scrivetelo  suUe 
mura  delle  vostre  case,  sulle  piazze,  nelle  chiese,  sul  frontespizio 
dei  libri,  dappertutto.  Chi  puo  dimenticarlo  e  un  vile!  L'ltalia 
stessa  fu  bastonata,  vergheggiata,  contaminata  in  quei  trenta- 
quattro  pazienti.     E  l'ltalia  lo  sa! 

XVII 

"  L'imperatore  degrimpiccati  "  (1851-1853). 

II  Lombardo-Veneto,  ricascato  nelle  grinfe  degli  Austria- 
ci, espio  con  tributi  enormi,  con  vessazioni  spietate,  con 
tormenti  atrocissimi  I'amore  di  patria. 

Ma  nessuna  forza,  per  quanto  militarescamente  bruta, 

*  La  verga,  d'avellano,  grossa  quanto  un  pollice,  era  fissata  al  polso  del  soldato 
aguzzino  con  un  laccio  di  corame,  affinche  egli  potesse  percuotere  con  la  massima 
violenza  la  vittima.  Se  ne  conserva  ancora  una  nel  Museo  del  Risorgimento  di 
Milano. 


410  PARTE   PRIMA 

poteva  comprimere  il  bisogno  innato,  tradizionale,  vivissimo 
che  della  liberta  sentivano  gl'Italiani. 

Giuseppe  Mazzini,  da  Londra,  coadiuvato  da  Saffi  e  da 
altrl  insigni  esuli,  incitava  a  nuove  lotte  i  fratelli  oppressi. 
Per  cui  sorsero  segretamente  societa  e  comitati  rivoluzionari 
dappertutto. 

Naturalmente  la  polizia  austriaca  non  dormiva:  spiava, 
scopriva,  inferociva. 

Nel  1851,  per  esempio,  essa  arresto  I'operaio  milanese 
Antonio  Sciesa,  sotto  I'accusa  d'avere  congiurato,  insieme 
con  altri  numerosi  patrioti,  ai  danni  del  governo  dominatore. 

L'accusato  fu  invitato  con  untuose  lusinghe  a  rivelare  i 
nomi  dei  complici.  Respinse  I'invito.  Fu  minacciato,  mal- 
trattato,  conquassato.  Sopporto  con  pazienza  eroica  le 
sevizie.  Fu  condannato  a  morte.  Ascolto  con  fermo  e 
decoroso  contegno  la  sentenza.  Gli  fu  ofFerta  la  grazia, 
purche  confessasse.  La  rifiuto.  Fu  dai  carnefici  condotto 
in  catene  presso  la  sua  casa,  nella  speranza  che  I'idea  della 
famiglia  I'intenerisse,  gli  facesse  amare  la  vita,  I'inducesse 
a  parlare.  Non  disse  che  due  semplici  parole  dialettali: 
Tiremm  innanz!  (Tiriamo  innanzi!)  —  E,  trascinato  al 
patibolo,  affronto  tacito  e  impavido  I'estremo  supplizio. 

Tra  il  1852  e  il  1853,  poi,  sugli  spalti  di  Belfiore  a  Man- 
tova,  il  capestro  austriaco  troncava  la  vita  d'altri  patrioti: 
Enrico  Tazzoli  e  Giovanni  Grioli  sacerdoti,  Carlo  Poma 
medico,  Giovanni  Zambelli  pittore,  il  veneziano  Angelo 
Scartellini,  Bernardo  De  Canal  scrittore,  il  bresciano  Tito 
Speri  letterato  e  poeta,  Bartolomeo  Grazioli  sacerdote,  il 
conte  Veronese  Carlo  Montanari,  Pietro  Domenico  Frattini 
da  Legnano,  il  colonnello  Pietro  Fortunato  Calvi  da  Briana 
di  Noale  (Venezia). 

L'indignazione  destata  da  tante  nequizie  fu  grande. 
L'imperatore  Francesco  Giuseppe  ebbe  affibbiato  il  sinistro 
nomignolo  di  **imperatore  degl'impiccati"  che  ancora  oggi 
gl'Italiani  ripetono  con  maledicente  dispregio. 

Non  meno  bestiali  si  mostrarono  gli  altri  tiranni  e  tiran- 
nelli  della  penisola  obbedienti  all'Austria.  Basti  dire  che 
Carlo  III,  successo  a  Carlo  II  nel  Ducato  di  Parma,  fece 
bastonare  a  sangue  trecento  cittadini  in  soli  quattro  mesi. 


LA  GUERRA   DEL   1859  411 

E  nel  Regno  delle  Due  Sicilie  i  piu  virtuosi  e  stimati  patrioti 
liberali  —  come  il  letterato  Luigi  Settembrini,  il  filosofo 
Raffaele  Conforti,  reconomista  Antonio  Scialoia,  il  giure- 
consulto  Giuseppe  Pisanelli,  gli  statisti  Silvio  Spaventa, 
Carlo  Poerio,  Nicola  Nisco,  il  Pironti,  il  Saliceti  ed  altri  — 
furono  trattati  tanto  scelleratamente,  da  movere  a  sdegno 
il  mondo  intero.  Fu  proprio  allora  che  Guglielmo  Gladstone 
qualifico  il  governo  borbonico  in  Italia  "la  negazione  di  Dio 
eretta  a  sistema". 

Insomma,  dalle  nevose  Alpi  all'isola  del  Sole,  non  si 
vedeva  che  un  popolo  ardente  di  liberta,  martirizzato  dal- 
I'Austria  e  da  despoti  arroganti,  famelici,  sanguinari  che 
I'Austria  imbeccava,  aizzava,  spalleggiava. 

Un  simile  stato  di  cose  durava  da  lunghi  anni.  Sarebbe 
durato  chi  sa  quanto,  se  imprevisti  avvenimenti  non  fossero 
sopraggiunti  per  moderarlo  e  affrettare,  nello  stesso  tempo, 
I'unita  della  nazione  e  I'indipendenza  per  cui  gl'Italiani  lot- 
tavano  e  soffrivano  da  secoli. 


XVIII 

I  bersaglieri  alia  guerra  di  Crimea  (1855).  Cavour  al 
Congresso  di  Parigi  (1856).  L'alleanza  con  Napoleone 
III  (1858).  Le  memorabili  parole  di  Vittorio  Emanuele 
II  all'inaugurazione  del  Parlamento  subalpino.  U*  ulti- 
matum dell'Austria  al  piccolo  Piemonte.  L'inno  di 
Garibaldi.  La  famiglia  Cignoli  fucilata  dai  soldati 
austriaci.  I  soldati  papalini  trucidano  i  patrioti  di 
Perugia.  Pio  IX  e  il  cardinale  Pecci  (piu  tardi  Leone 
XIII)  esaltano  gli  assassini.  La  terza  guerra  di  libera- 
zione  vinta  dagl'Italiani  con  I'aiuto  dei  Francesi  (1859). 

Niccolo  I  di  Russia,  tra  il  1853  e  il  1854,  col  pretesto  di 
liberare  dalla  dominazione  ottomana  i  popoli  cristiani  del 
Danubio,  moveva  guerra  alia  Turchia. 

La  Francia  e  I'lnghilterra,  le  quali  sapevano  bene  che  il 
fine  occulto  dello  zar  era  quello  di  conquistare  Costanti- 
nopoli,  credettero  necessario,  a  tutela  dei  loro  interessi  mili- 


412  PARTE  PRIMA 

tari  e  commerciali,  di  contrastare  I'agognata  conqulsta:  e 
presero  le  difese  dei  Turchi. 

Camillo  Benso  di  Cavour,  col  suo  non  comune  discerni- 
mento  politico,  intravide  nel  detto  avvenimento  un'occa- 
sione  fortunata  per  I'ltalia;  intravide,  cioe,  i  benefici  morali 
che  sarebbero  derivati  agl'Italiani,  se  essi  fossero  intervenuti 
nella  guerra  d'Oriente.  E  ne  profitto.  S'accordo  come 
meglio  pote  con  gli  alleati,  e  mando  in  Crimea  un  esercito 
di  15,000  uomini,  in  gran  parte  bersaglieri,  comandati  dal 
generale  Alfonso  Lamarmora. 

Alia  Cernaia  i  soldati  italiani  si  fecero  onore.  Tra 
Taltro,  il  16  agosto  1855,  essi  salvarono  da  una  pericolosa 
sorpresa  I'esercito  alleato,  sostenendo  bravamente  I'urto  di 
60,000  soldati  russi.  E  I'S  settembre  1855  si  coprirono 
addirittura  di  gloria,  battendosi  gagliardamente  sotto  la 
pioggia  del  fuoco  nemico  alia  presa  della  torre  di  MalakofF, 
ch'era  il  principale  baluardo  di  Sebastopoli. 

La  Russia  fu  vinta.  Nel  Congresso  tenutosi  piii  tardi  a 
Parigi,  pote  intervenire  anche  Cavour  come  rappresentante 
ufficiale  del  Piemonte,  nonostante  le  ire  e  i  maneggi  del- 
I'Austria.  E  nella  memorabile  seduta  del  30  marzo  1856,  il 
sagace  ministro  di  Vittorio  Emanuele  II  ebbe  I'abilita  di 
mettere  sul  tappeto  la  "questione  italiana",  denunziando 
con  parola  franca  la  preponderanza  austriaca  in  Italia,  cagio- 
ne  di  tanti  mali,  e  affermando  esser  dovere  delle  grandi 
Potenze,  arbitre  dei  destini  d'Europa,  di  schierarsi  efficace- 
mente  dalla  parte  d'un  popolo  il  quale  non  voleva  altro  se  non 
la  propria  unita  nazionale,  libera  da  ogni  tirannide  straniera. 

II  rappresentante  austriaco,  che  la  rabbia  aveva  gonfiato 
e  arrossato  com'un  tacchino,  fece  le  sue  proteste.  I  rappre- 
sentanti  degli  altri  governi,  invece,  espressero  la  loro  simpatia 
per  la  causa  perorata  da  Cavour.  E  sebbene  il  Congresso 
si  sciogliesse  senza  una  risoluzione  concreta  riguardo  al- 
ritalia,  pure  la  Francia  e  I'lnghilterra  non  mancarono 
d'esortare  I'Austria  e  i  tiranni  italiani  ch'essa  proteggeva  — 
come  il  pontefice,  il  Borbone  e  gli  altri  minori — a  volere 
introdurre  nei  loro  governi  quei  miglioramenti  che  il  pro- 
gredire  delle  idee  liberali  rendeva  ormai  indispensabili. 

D'altra  parte  Napoleone  III  meditava  per  conto  proprio 


LA  GUERRA  DEL   1859  413 

rabbassamento  dell'Austria.  Gli  parve  che,  all'efFettua- 
zione  d'un  tale  disegno,  potesse  benissimo  contribuire  il 
popolo  italiano.  Percio,  durante  Testate  del  1858,  egli  ebbe 
a  Plombieres,  nei  Vosgi,  un  abboccamento  segreto  con 
Cavour.  In  esso  furono  gettate  le  basi  d'un'alleanza  franco- 
piemontese,  in  forza  della  quale  le  due  parti  contraenti 
s'obbligavano  di  combattere  insieme  I'Austria  se  questa 
fosse  stata  provocatrice  di  guerra,  e,  in  case  di  vittoria, 
annettere   il   Lombardo-Veneto   al   Piemonte. 

Questo  successo  diplomatico,  dopo  le  vittorie  militari 
riportate  in  Russia,  riempi  di  gioia  e  riapri  alia  speranza  il 
cuore  degl'Italiani.  Gli  occhi  della  nazione  si  rivolsero 
ansiosi  al  governo  piemontese.  I  patrioti  piii  autorevoli,  con 
articoli  di  giornali  e  con  discorsi  pubblici  e  privati,  incitavano 
veementemente  all'azione. 

Francesco  Giuseppe  non  seppe  piii  contenersi;  invito 
Vittorio  Emanuele  II  a  frenare  la  stampa  e  gli  oratori. 

L'umile  re  piemontese,  consigliato  da  Cavour,  sdegno 
d'obbedire  all'intimazione  del  potente  imperatore  d'Austria. 
Non  solo;  ma  nella  solenne  apertura  del  Parlamento  subal- 
pino  (gennaio  1859)  egli  pronunzio,  durante  il  prammatico 
discorso  della  corona,  le  seguenti  significative  parole: 

II  nostro  paese,  piccolo  per  territorio,  acquisto  credito  nei 
consessi  dell'Europa,  perche  grande  per  le  idee  che  rappresenta 
e  per  le  simpatie  ch'esso  ispira.  Questa  condizione  non  e  scevra 
di  pericoli,  perche  mentre  rispettiamo  i  trattati,  non  siamo  in- 
sensibili  al  grido  di  dolore  che  da  tante  parti  d'ltalia  si  leva  verso 
di  noi.  Forti  per  la  concordia,  fidenti  nei  nostro  buon  diritto, 
aspettiamo  prudenti  e  decisi  i  decreti  della  divina  provvidenza. 

L'assemblea  scoppio  in  frenetici  applausi.  Un  entusia- 
smo  guerresco  vampeggio  subitamente  per  la  penisola. 
Uomini  di  tutte  le  eta,  di  tutte  le  condizioni  sociali  corsero 
festanti  ad  arrolarsi  nell'esercito  regolare  piemontese  o 
sotto  Garibaldi  gia  rimpatriato  e  autorizzato  dal  governo  di 
Vittorio  Emanuele  II  a  formare  e  comandare  un  corpo  di 
volontari  chiamati  Cacciatori  delle  Alpi. 

L'Austria,  sbufFante,  impose  al  Piemonte  un  minaccioso 
dilemma:  o  il  disarmo  e  il  congedo  dei  volontari  nei 
termine  di  tre  giorni,  o  la  guerra. 


414  PARTE   PRIMA 

II  Piemonte  non  esito  sulla  scelta:     la  guerra! 

Allora  una  divina  esultanza  sfolgoro  per  i  monti  e  per  i 
mari  d'ltalia;  trasmuto,  quasi  riplasmo  prodigiosamente  la 
coscienza  nazionale;  acciaio  i  polsi.  E,  nei  cieli  sublimati 
dalla  rinascente  primavera,  risono  marziale  e  possente  il 
fatidico  Inno  di  Garibaldi,  poco  prima  scritto  dal  poeta  Luigi 
Mercantini  e  musicato  dal  maestro  Alessio  Olivieri. 

Si  scopron  le  tombe,  si  levano  i  morti; 
I  martiri  nostri  son  tutti  risortil 
Le  spade  nel  pugno,  gli  allori  alle  chiome, 
La  fiamma  ed  il  nome  d'ltalia  nel  cor! 

Corriamo!     Corriamo!     Su,  o  giovani  schiere, 
Al  vento  spiegando  le  nostre  bandiere; 
Su,  tutti  col  ferro,  su,  tutti  col  foco, 
Su,  tutti  col  foco  d'ltalia  nel  cor! 

Va  fuori  d'ltalia,  va  fuori  ch'e  I'ora, 
Va  fuori  d'ltalia,  va  fuori,  o  stranierl 

La  terra  dei  fiori,  dei  suoni  e  dei  carmi, 
Ritorni  qual'era  la  terra  deH'armi! 
Di  cento  catene  le  avvinser  la  mano, 
Ma  ancor  di  Legnano  sa  i  ferri  brandir. 

Bastone  tedesco  I'ltalia  non  doma; 

Non  crescono  al  giogo  le  stirpi  di  Roma; 
Piu  Italia  non  vuole  stranieri  e  tiranni, 
Gia  troppi  son  gli  anni  che  dura  il  servir. 
Va  fuori  d'ltalia,  va  fuori  ch'e  I'ora, 
Va  fuori  d'ltalia,  va  fuori,  o  stranier! 

Le  case  d'ltalia  son  fatte  per  noi, 
£  la  sul  Danubio  la  casa  dei  tuoi; 
Tu  i  campi  ci  guasti,  tu  il  pane  c'involi, 
I  nostri  figliuoli  per  noi  li  vogliam. 

Son  I'Alpi  e  i  due  mari  d'ltalia  i  confini, 

Col  carro  di  fuoco  rompiam  gli  Appennini: 
Distrutto  ogni  segno  di  vecchia  frontiera, 
La  nostra  bandiera  per  tutto  innalziam. 
Va  fuori  d'ltalia,  va  fuori  ch'e  I'ora, 
Va  fuori  d'ltalia,  va  fuori,  o  stranier! 


LA  GUERRA  DEL   1859  415 

Sien  mute  le  lingue,  sien  pronte  le  braccia: 
Soltanto  al  nemico  volgiamo  la  faccia, 
E  tosto  oltre  i  monti  n'andra  lo  straniero, 
Se  tutta  un  pensiero  I'ltalia  sara. 

Non  basta  il  trionfo  di  barbare  spoglie, 
Si  chiudano  ai  ladri  d'ltalia  le  soglie: 
Le  genti  d'ltalia  son  tutte  una  sola, 
Son  tutte  una  sola  le  cento  citta. 

Va  fuori  d'ltalia,  va  fuori  ch'e  I'ora, 
Va  fuori  d'ltalia,  va  fuori,  o  stranierl'^ 

II  29  aprile  1859  un  grosso  esercito  austriaco  invase  la 
Lombardia  e  il  Novarese  che  le  truppe  italiane  avevano 
abbandonato  per  ragioni  strategiche.  Dopo  avervi  com- 
messo  le  solite  violenze  brigantesche  contro  le  proprieta 
private  e  le  inermi  popolazioni,  esso  s'avanzo  nel  Vercellese 
coU'intento  d'occupare  Torino  e  poi  spingersi  fino  al  Monce- 
nisio  per  sbarrare  il  passo  ai  Francesi.  Ma  le  trincee  italiane 
erette  presso  la  Dora  arrestarono  la  marcia  del  nemico; 
sconvolsero  i  suoi  piani.  E  i  Francesi  poterono  giungere  in 
Italia  non  solo  dal  Moncenisio,  ma  an^he  dal  Monginevro 
e  da  Genova,  senza  incontrare  il  menomo  ostacolo. 

La  guerra  entro  subito  in  una  nuova  fase. 

Gl'Italiani,  al  comando  supremo  di  Vittorio  Emanuele 
II,  erano  80,000.  I  Francesi,  al  comando  supremo  di 
Napoleone  III,  erano  200,000.  E  gli  Austriaci,  al  comando 
supremo  del  maresciallo  Guilay,  erano  300,000. 

II  primo  scontro  notevole  ebbe  luogo  a  Montebello,  sulla 
riva  destra  del  Po  a  oriente  di  Voghera,  tra  22,000  alleati  e 
30,000  Austriaci.  Questi  ultimi  furono  battuti  e  costretti  e 
ritirarsi  di  la  dal  fiume  (20  maggio  1859). 

Lo  stesso  giorno,  essi  si  sfogarono  vigliaccamente  truci- 
dando  un'intera  famiglia  italiana.  Ecco  come  Cavour  narro 
I'orribile  delitto  in  un'apposita  circolare  ch'egli  diramo 
subito  dopo  ai  funzionari  del  Regno: 

II  20  maggio  1859,  alquante  milizie  d'Austriaci  campeggiavano 
le  alture  di  Torricella,  piccola  citta  del  Vogherese.     Una  partita 

*  Non  riporto  qui  le  iiltime  qiiattro  strofe  deW'Inno  di  Garibaldi,  perche  esse 
furono  scritte  dal  Mercantini  nel  i860  per  i  fatti  di  Sicilia  e  di  Napoli  ch'io  narrero 
in  succinto  nel  seguente  capitolo. 


416  PARTE  PRIMA 

d'essi,  arrestato  il  custode  del  tribunale,  incontrato  per  via,  lo 
costringevano  a  servir  loro  di  guida;  penetravano,  quindi,  nella 
casa  dei  fittaioli  Cignoli,  Dopo  le  piu  minute  ricerche  fatte  in 
tutte  le  parti  di  quella,  per  aver  trovato  una  fiaschetta  di  piombo 
da  caccia,  menavano  seco  tutta  la  famiglia  e  alcuni  contadini 
recatisi  per  caso  alia  fattoria.  Condotti  al  comandante  austria- 
co,  che  trovavasi  a  cavallo  sulla  grande  strada,  dopo  avere  esse 
scambiato  poche  parole  con  un  caporale,  ordino  ai  prigionieri  — 
erano  nove  —  di  scendere  in  un  sentiero  che  correva  parallela- 
mente  a  quella.  Avevano  quegl'infelici  fatto  appena  brevi  passi, 
quando,  dato  dal  comandante  il  segnale  a  un  drappello  dei  suoi 
di  moschettarli,  otto  cadevano  uccisi  e  il  vecchio  Cignoli  ferito  a 
morte.  Allora  gli  Austriaci  continuarono  il  lor  cammino  sopra 
Casteggio;  e  il  comandante,  voltosi  al  custode  del  tribunale,  lo  li- 
cenziava,  dandogli  per  salvacondotto  una  carta,  sulla  quale  stava 
scritto  il  nome  del  luogotenente  maresciallo  Urban.  II  vecchio 
Cignoli,  cinque  giorni  dopo,  moriva  all'ospedale  di  Voghera. 
Simili  enormita  non  abbisognano  di  commenti:  e  un  assassina- 
mento  tanto  vile,  quanto  atroce,  e  del  quale  altri  esempi  si  po- 
trebbero,  al  piia,  rinvenire  fra  i  barbari  e  i  selvaggi. 

L'indignazione  in  Italia  fu  grande. 
Guerrazzi  scrisse: 

La  tomba  dei  Cignoli  sia  di  pietra,  alta  e  larga  a  mo'  di  pira- 
mide,  di  un  pezzo  solo  e  di  granito.  Si  metta  la,  giusto  nel  luogo 
dove  i  Cignoli  caddero  atrocemente,  quanto  vilmente  assassinati; 
sotto  essa  raccolgansi  le  reliquie  loro;  da  parte  di  ponente  pongasi 
questa  iscrizione:  Sepolcro  dei  Cignoli.  Da  parte  di  oriente 
quest'altra:  Tutta  una  famiglia  —  da  tutta  una  gente  trucidata  — 
qui  grida  vendetta  a  Dio  giudice  —  contro  V Austria  assassina. 
Dalla  parte  di  tramontana  s'incidano  i  nomi  e  gli  anni  degli 
assassinati.  Da  mezzogiorno,  poi,  quest'ultima  iscrizione:  Fra 
gente  italica  e  austriaca  —  in  ogni  tempo,  in  ogni  loco  —  patto  il 
sepolcrOf  tregua  la  morte. 

E  il  Niccolini  scrisse  un  sonetto,  nel  quale,  tra  I'altro, 
diceva   aU'imperatore  Francesco  Giuseppe: 

Quando  nascesti  s*oscurava  il  Sole, 
fu  spento  in  terra  ogni  benigno  lume, 
corse  sangue  il  Danubio  ed  ogni  fiume, 
ogni  madre  si  strinse  al  sen  la  prole. 


LA  GUERRA   DEL   1859  417 

Quando  morrai,  gia  veggo  il  Sol  piu  bello, 
madri  e  spose  danzar  con  piede  alterno 
sovra  la  tomba  di  si  vil  flagello. 

Garibaldi,  intanto,  coi  suoi  baldi  volontari,  vinceva  gli 
Austriaci  ad  Arona,  a  Varese,  a  Como  e  in  parecchi  altri 
punti   (25,  26,  27  maggio  1859). 

E  i  regolari  italiani,  coadiuvati  dai  Francesi,  li  vincevano 
a  Palestro  il  29,  30  e  31  maggio  1859. 

Nei  primi  di  giugno  1859,  poi,  si  combatteva  sui  piani 
di  Magenta  una  delle  piii  ostinate  e  sanguinose  battaglie  di 
quella  campagna.  I  Francesi,  comandati  dal  generate 
MacMahon,  erano  125,000.  Gl'Italiani  erano  pochi 
(qualche  divisione).  Gli  Austriaci,  comandati  dallo  stesso 
Guilay,  eran  superiori  al  numero  degli  alleati.  La  battaglia 
comincio  alle  5  del  mattino  e  fini  alle  7  di  sera  (  4  giugno 
1859).  Gli  Austriaci  dovettero  fuggire  precipitosamente 
e  disordinatamente,  lasciando  sul  terrene  12,000  tra  morti 
e  feriti  e  6,000  prigionieri. 

E  Garibaldi  volava  sempre  vittorioso  fine  al  lago  di 
Garda. 

La  citta  di  Milano,  sgombrata  ormai  dagli  odiati  Austria- 
ci come  il  resto  della  Lombardia,  proclamo  ancora  una  volta 
la  sua  annessione  al  Piemonte.  E  Vittorio  Emanuele  II, 
insieme  con  Napoleone  III  e  gli  eserciti  collegati,  vi  entrava 
trionfalmente  I'S  giugno  1859. 

Le  Marche  e  I'Umbria,  soggette  al  papa,  si  provarono 
a  rispondere  anch'esse  al  movimento  generale,  ribellandosi. 
Ma  furono  sottomesse  dall'esercito  papalino  composto  da 
un'accozzaglia  di  mercenari  stranieri  bigotti  e  reazionari 
comandati  dal  generale  Lamoriciere  fuoruscito  francese. 
A  Perugia  i  patrioti  italiani  avevano  formato  un  Governo 
provvisorio.  I  soldati  papalini  si  preparavano  a  schiac- 
ciarlo.  I  membri  del  Governo  provvisorio  si  rivolsero  al- 
I'arcivescovo  della  citta,  cardinale  Gioacchino  Pecci  (piii 
tardi  Leone  XIII),  pregandolo  d'interporre  la  sua  influenza 
per  evitare  che  si  spargesse  sangue.  Ma  il  cardinale  Pecci 
(piii  tardi  Leone  XIII)  non  ascolto  le  preghiere  dei  patrioti 
italiani.    Cos!  il  colonnello  Schmid,  alia  testa  dei  suoi  feroci 


418  PARTE   PRIMA 

papalini,  pote  trucidare  a  suobell'agio  i  cittadini,  compresi  i 
vecchi,  le  donne,  i  fanciulli.  Pio  IX — il  papa  allora  regnante 
—  promosse  lo  Schmid  generale.  E  il  cardinale  Pecci  (piu 
tardi  Leone  XIII)  offri  a  Dio  una  messa  solenne  in  memoria 
e  in  onore  dei  soldati  papalini  caduti  in  quell'impresa  da 
masnadieri! 

Per  siffatte  infamie,  Cavour  mando  una  vibrata  protesta 
ai  governi  d'Europa. 

Gli  Austriaci,  dopo  la  disfatta  di  Magenta,  s'erano 
ridotti  a  mal  partito.  II  maresciallo  Guilay  veniva  rimosso 
dal  comando  e  rimpiazzato  dal  generale  Hess.  Si  recava 
sul  campo  Francesco  Giuseppe,  per  rialzare  con  la  sua  pre- 
senza  il  morale  delle  sue  truppe  alquanto  abbattuto. 

II  24  giugno  1859  gli  Austriaci  (200.000  con  700  cannoni) 
occupavano  baldanzosamente  i  colli  di  San  Martino  e 
Solferino  nel  Mantovano,  decisi  a  riguadagnare  il  terrene 
perduto.  Gli  alleati,  pronti  a  fronteggiarli,  non  erano  che 
160.000  in  tutto.  I  Francesi,  contro  le  posizioni  di  Solferino. 
Gl'Italiani,  contro  le  posizioni  di  San  Martino.  S'ingaggio  la 
battaglia  alle  ore  7  del  mattino.  Si  combatte  con  furore 
selvaggio,  con  tenacita  tremenda  fino  alle  9  di  sera.  Gli 
Austriaci  ebbero  la  peggio.    Ne  caddero  piu  di  20.000. 

Era  il  principio  della  fine  per  i  tirannici  dominatori. 
Era  I'aurora  della  redenzione  per  gl'Italiani  oppressi. 
S'inneggio  alia  vittoria.  Si  fraternizzo  coi  Francesi.  Si 
magnifico  il  latin  sangue  gentile. 

Ma,  airimprovviso,  Napoleone  III,  che  s'era  mostrato 
tanto  ardito  e  prodigo,  cambio  d'idea  per  grette,  pusilla- 
nimi  preoccupazioni  politiche;  accetto  la  proposta  d'un 
armistizio;  s'incontro  con  Francesco  Giuseppe  a  Villafranca 
(11-12  luglio  1859).  Ivi  i  due  imperatori  fissarono  i  prelimi- 
nari  di  pace,  che  furono  poi  solennemente  ratificati  a  Zurigo 
il  10  novembre  1859.  In  base  ad  essi,  Francesco  Giuseppe 
cedeva  la  Lombardia  a  Napoleone  III:  e  costui,  a  sua 
volta,  la  cedeva  (che  ipocrita  formalita!)  a  Vittorio  Emanuele 
II.  II  Veneto  rimaneva  all'Austria.  I  principi  spodestati 
potevano  ritornare  nei  loro  domini,  purche  richiamati  dal 
voto  dei  rispettivi  popoli  e  senza  I'intervento  armato  di 
stranieri.  La  penisola,  compreso  il  Veneto,  doveva  ordi- 
narsi  in  confederazione  con  a  capo  il  pontefice. 


LA   GUERRA   DEL   1866  419 

Si  puo  immaginare  I'impressione  prodotta  dall'azione 
indegna  di  Napoleone  IIL 

Ma  le  speranze  non  erano  del  tutto  perdute.  La  fortu- 
nata  clausola  del  non  intervento  straniero  metteva  nelle 
mani  degli  stessi  Italian!  I'unita  della  loro  patria.  L'Emilia 
e  la  Toscana  non  tardarono  a  profittarne,  votando  con 
solenni  plebisciti  la  loro  annessione  al  Piemonte,  che  diven- 
tava  cosi  un  Regno  di  12,000,000  d'abitanti. 

Dall'altra  parte  il  governo  di  Vittorio  Emanuele  II  fu 
costretto  a  cedere  la  Savoia  e  Nizza  (quest'ultima,  citta 
italianissima,  patria  di  Giuseppe  Garibaldi)  alia  Francia. 


XIX 

Garibaldi  e  i  Mille  conquistano  gloriosamente  le  Due 
Sicilie  (1860).  Proclamazione  del  Regno  d'ltalia  (1861). 
Si  perde  la  quarta  guerra  di  liberazione  contro  P Austria 
per  colpa  del  comandanti.  L'annessione  del  Veneto 
(1866).  Villa  Glori.  I  soldati  mercenari  del  papa  truci- 
dano  I'eroina  romana  Giuditta  Arquati-Tavani  e  il  marito 
e  11  figlio  di  lei.  Mentana  (1867).  La  presa  di  Roma  e  la 
caduta  definitiva  del  potere  temporale  dei  papi  (1870). 
La  nazione  una  e  indipendente. 

Gli  avvenimenti  svoltisi  nell'Italia  Settentrionale  du- 
rante il  1859  ebbero  una  forte  ripercussione  nel  Regno 
delle  Due  Sicilie,  dove  infuriava  la  tirannide  di  Francesco 
II  di  Borbone  detto  Franc eschiello  (il  figlio  di  Ferdinando  II, 
re  Bomba,  ch'era  morto  di  morbo  pedicolare  da  poco  tempo), 
uomo  debole,  incosciente,  quasi  idiota,  alleato  e  imparentato 
con  la  dinastia  d'Austria  (Francesco  II  aveva  sposato  Maria 
Sofia  duchessa  di  Baviera,  sorella  dell'imperatrice  Elisabetta, 
vale  a  dire  della  moglie  di  Francesco  Giuseppe),  contrario 
all'indipendenza  italiana,  persecutore  ferocissimo  dei  liberali. 

Contro  di  lui  insorse  Palermo  (primi  d'aprile  i860). 
Furono  sonate  le  campane  a  stormo,  nella  speranza  che 
insorgesse  tutta  la  Sicilia.  Ma,  invece,  accorsero  le  truppe, 
le  quali  riuscirono  a  reprimere  prontamente,  con  borbonica 
violenza,  la  sollevata  citta. 


420  PARTE   PRIMA 

La  notizia  dell'insurrezione  palermitana,  intanto,  era 
giunta  a  Genova  e  aveva  riscaldato  potentemente  gli  animi 
dei  patrioti  meridionali  ivi  rifugiatisi.  Si  levo  rapida 
un'onda  di  simpatia  per  i  fratelli  isolani  insorti.  Si  decise 
d'accorrere  al  piii  presto  in  loro  aiuto. 

II  6  maggio  i860,  infatti,  salpavano  dallo  scoglio  di 
Quarto,  ridente  paesello  della  riviera  ligure,  i  due  piroscafi 
Lomhardo  e  Piemonte  con  a  bordo  i  mille  argonauti  della 
liberta,  guidati  da  Giuseppe  Garibaldi. 

L'li  maggio  i860  i  Mille  sbarcarono  a  Marsala.  II  Duce 
lancio  subito  un  proclama,  col  quale  invito  i  Sicilian!  ad 
armarsi  contro  il  Borbone  oppressore,  e  combattere  per 
I'unita  e  I'indipendenza  della  patria. 

II  grido  dell'Eroe  fu  accolto  con  giubilo  dagli  ardenti 
isolani.     E  il  numero  dei  Mille  crebbe  rapidamente. 

II  15  maggio  i860  i  Garibaldini  si  scontrarono  con 
I'esercito  borbonico,  composto  di  parecchie  migliaia  d'uo- 
mini,  sulle  alture  di  Calatafimi,  e  ingaggiarono  con  esso  un 
fierissimo  combattimento. 

A  un  certo  punto  pareva  che  i  volontari  italiani  dovessero 
essere  travolti  dai  nemici,  superiori  assai  di  numero.  Nino 
Bixio  —  il  primo  dei  Mille  dopo  Garibaldi  —  che  comandava 
I'ala  destra,  avvicinatosi  al  Duce  gli  disse:  "Sara  bene 
ritirarsi," 

"Che  dite,  Bixio?"  rispose  energicamente  Garibaldi 
"qui  si  fa  I'unita  d'ltalia,  o  si  muore!" 

E  slanciandosi  avanti  con  la  fulminante  sua  spada  in 
alto,  I'Eroe  comando:   "Alia  baionetta!" 

II  nemico  fu  sbaragliato.^ 

Da  Calatafimi,  Garibaldi  marcio  su  Palermo,  attacco  il 
nemico,  lo  sconfisse  ed  entro  da  Dittatore  nella  citta  (26-29 
maggio  i860). 

II  27  luglio  i860  il  nemico  fu  sconfitto  anche  a  Milazzo 
In  una  terribile  mischia  nella  quale  lo  stesso  Garibaldi  dove 
lottare  corpo  a  corpo. 

^"Calatafimi!  Avanzo  di  cento  piigne:  se,  all'iiltimo  mio  respiro,  i  miei 
amici  mi  vedranno  sorridere  per  I'liltima  volta  d'orgORlio,  sara  ricordandoti; 
perche  io  non  rammento  una  pagina  piu  gloriosa!"  Cos!  scrisse  Garibaldi  nelle 
sire  Memorie, 


LA  GUERRA  DEL   1866  421 

In  meno  di  tre  mesi  le  truppe  borboniche  furono  co- 
strette  a  sgomberare  la  Sicilia. 

E  all'alba  del  20  agosto  i860,  Garibaldi  sbarcava  con  i 
suoi  in  Calabria,  piombava  su  Reggio  e  sconfiggeva  ancora 
una  volta  il  nemico. 

Tante  vittorie  suscitarono  un  vero  delirio  d'amore  per 
I'Eroe  e  spinsero  le  forti  popolazioni  calabresi  ad  insorgere 
anch'esse  contro  i  regi. 

Poco  dopo,  sui  colli  di  Soveria,  presso  Catanzaro, 
Garibaldi  affidava  alia  Storia  le  seguenti  memorabili  parole: 

Dite  al  mondo,  che  con  poche  centinaia  dei  miei  prodi  Cala- 
bresi ho  fatto  deporre  le  armi  a  dodicimila  soldati  borbonici! 

Francesco  II,  atterrito,  il  6  settembre  i860  se  ne  fuggi- 
va  da  Napoli  e  riparava  a  Gaeta,  mentre  il  grosso  delle 
truppe  rimastegli  fedeli  si  rifugiava  a  Capua. 

II  giorno  dopo,  7  settembre  i860,  Garibaldi  entrava 
glorioso  e  trionfante  in  Napoli. 

E  il  2  ottobre  i860,  egli  debellava  per  I'ultima  volta 
presso  il  Volturno  I'esercito  borbonico,  forte  di  55,000 
uomini. 

Intanto  s'erano  ribellate  anche  I'Umbria  e  le  Marche, 
proclamando  la  loro  annessione  al  Piemonte. 

II  governo  pontificio  soffoco  nel  sangue  la  volonta  dei 
popoli  ad  esso  soggetti. 

Accorse  Vittorio  Emanuele  II  con  un  buon  nerbo  di 
truppe,  e  sconfiggeva  su  tutta  la  linea  i  papalini  (settembre 
i860). 

Subito  dopo,  il  figlio  di  Carlo  Alberto  proseguiva  per 
Napoli,  per  prendere  possess©  del  Regno  conquistato 
dall'Eroe  dei  due  mondi. 

II  26  ottobre  i860  Garibaldi  e  Vittorio  Emanuele  II, 
entrambi  a  cavallo,  s'incontrarono  sulla  strada  di  Teano. 
Un  testimone  presente  alia  scena  asseri  che  il  Duce,  mettendo 
militarmente  la  mano  al  berretto,  grido:  "Salute  al  primo 
re  d'ltalia!" 

Certo  si  e  che  Vittorio  Emanuele  II  giunse  a  Napoli  e  vi 
fu  accolto  con  sommo  onore. 

L'Eroe,  da  parte  sua,  dopo  ch'ebbe  "donato  un  regno  al 


422  PARTE   PRIMA 

sopraggiunto  re",  se  ne  ritornava  poverissimo  alia  sua 
isoletta  di  Caprera. 

Compiutasi  in  tal  modo  I'annessione  delle  Due  Sicilie, 
deirUmbria  e  delle  Marche,  fu  sciolto  il  Parlamento  su- 
balpino  e  si  fecero  le  nuove  elezioni  generali,  le  quali  compre- 
sero  tutta  I'ltalia  a  eccezione  del  Veneto,  che  rimaneva 
ancora  sotto  il  dominio  dell'Austria,  e  della  citta  di  Roma, 
che  rimaneva  ancora  sotto  il  dominio  del  papa. 

II  primo  Parlamento  italiano  s'inauguro  solennemente  a 
Torino  nel  mese  di  febbraio  del  1861.  Esso  proclamo 
subito  la  formazione  del  Regno  d'ltalia,  confer!  a  Vittorio 
Emanuele  II  il  diritto  d'assumere  per  se  e  per  i  suoi  successor! 
il  titolo  di  Re  d'ltalia,  espresse  il  voto  che  "Roma,  reclamata 
dall'opinione  nazionale,  venisse  al  piii  presto  restituita 
airitalia". 

L'anno  1866  I'Austria  e  la  Prussia  si  disputavano  la  pre- 
minenza  sulla  Germania. 

Non  essendosi  potute  accordare  con  le  buone,  le  dette 
due  Potenze  dovettero  ricorrere  alle  armi. 

Vittorio  Emanuele  II,  coU'intento  d'avere  il  Veneto, 
stfinse  un'alleanza  ofFensiva  e  difensiva  con  la  Prussia. 

Quest'ultima,  conformemente  al  trattato  stipulato,  apri 
per  la  prima  le  ostilita  contro  I'Austria,  invadendo  I'Holstein. 

Segui  Vittorio  Emanuele  II,  dichiarando  guerra  alia 
comune  nemica  il  19  giugno  1866. 

II  21  giugno  1866  egli  partiva  per  il  campo:  e,  il  24 
giugno  1866,  s'azzufFava  a  Custoza  con  gli  Austriaci.  I 
soldati  italiani  si  batterono  virilmente  come  al  solito;  ma 
I'inettitudine  dei  comandanti  fece  loro  perdere  la  bat- 
taglia. 

Un  colpo  piii  grave  s'aveva  per  mare.  Presso  Lissa, 
isoletta  dell'Adriatico,  la  flotta  italiana  e  quella  austriaca 
s'erano  ingaggiate  in  un'aspra  battaglia.  Gli  equipaggi 
italiani  fecero  prodigi  di  valore.  I  capitani  di  vascello  Foa 
di  Bruno  e  Alfredo  Cappellini,  comandanti  del  Re  d'ltalia 
e  della  Palestro,  si  lasciarono  con  istoica  impassibilita 
ingoiare  dalle  acque  insieme  con  le  loro  navi,  piuttosto  che 
arrendersi.     Ma  il  loro  eroico  sacrifizio  non  valse  a  nulla. 


LA  GUERRA   DEL   1866  423 

La  insipienza  e  la  vilta  deH'ammiraglio  Persano  fecero 
vincere  gli  Austriaci  (20  luglio  1866). 

Garibaldi,  che  s'era  avanzato  nel  Trentino,  sbaragliando 
ovunque  il  nemico,  e  gia  s'apprestava  ad  assaltare  e  prendere 
la  citta  di  Trento,  il  25  luglio  1866  ricevette  improvvisa- 
mente  dal  governo  di  Vittorio  Emanuele  II  questo  tele- 
gramma:     "Armistizio   firmato;   evacuate   il  Trentino". 

Evacuate  il  Trentino,  dopo  ch'esso  era  stato  bagnato  dal 
sangue  di  3,400  Garibaldini?  dopo  che  quelle  popolazioni 
avevano  accolto  con  manifestazioni  di  giubilo  le  fiammeg- 
gianti  camicie  rosse?  dopo  il  disastro  di  Custoza?  dopo 
la  vergogna  di  Lissa? 

Dal  campo  s'alzo  un  ruggito  leonino.  I  feriti  si  strap- 
parono  le  bende,  perche  preferivano  morire,  piuttosto  che 
ritornare  indietro.  I  volontari  —  ufficiali  e  subalterni  — 
rimasti  incolumi,  spezzarono  le  spade  e  le  baionette;  altri 
si  rotolarono  per  terra,  furibondi,  disperati,  piangendo, 
imprecando. 

L'Eroe  vittorioso  e  glorioso  non  disse  verbo.  Rispose 
al  re  dTtalia  con  una  sola  parola:  ''Obbediscol"  —  Ma 
quanta  eloquenza,  quanto  strazio,  quanta  magnanimita  in 
tale  parola! 

L'Austria,  pero,  era  stata  terribilmente  sconfitta  dai 
Prussiani  a  Sadowa  il  3  luglio  1866,  e  aveva  perduto  ogni 
speranza  di  predominio  sulla  Germania. 

Francesco  Giuseppe  fu  costretto  a  cedere  il  Veneto,  ma 
non  direttamente  allTtalia  ch'egli  odiava  a  morte,  sibbene  a 
Napoleone  III.  E  costui,  a  sua  volta,  lo  passo  aglTtaliani. 
La  stessa  commedia  del  1859! 

Cos!  nei  primi  di  novembre  del  1866  il  Veneto,  dopo  la 
lunga  e  nefasta  dominazione  austriaca,  fu  ufficialmente  ag- 
gregate al  Regno  d  'Italia;  ma  coi  confini  di  qua  dal- 
risonzo. 

Dopo  I'annessione  del  Veneto,  glTtaliani  sentirono  ancor 
piu  vivo  il  bisogno  di  conquistare  Roma. 

Garibaldi  era  il  centro  luminoso  da  cui  s'irradiava  e  a 
cui  convergeva  I'agitazione  nazionale  per  Roma.  Egli 
meditava  il  modo  di  liberare  la  citta  eterna:    liberazione 


424  PARTE  PRIMA 

allora    ostacolata    dal    governo    di    Napoleone    III    e,    per 
riflesso,  dal  governo  di  Vittorio  Emanuele  II. 

In  un  giro  trionfale  fatto  per  I'ltalia,  I'Eroe  parlo 
alle  popolazioni,  dicendo  loro  della  necessita  suprema  di 
liberare  Roma.  Ma  mentre  s'avviava  verso  il  confine 
pontificio  (23  settembre  1867),  egli  fu  "arrestato"  per 
ordine  del  governo  di  Vittorio  Emanuele  II,  e  tradotto  ad 
Alessandria  (Piemonte). 

Grandissimo  fu  lo  sdegno  degl'Italiani.  Per  mitigarlo, 
il  governo  stesso  fu  obbligato  a  rimandare  I'Eroe  a  Caprera 
"nominalmente  libero,  ma  facendo  sorvegliare  I'isola  da 
parecchie  navi  da  guerra". 

Dopo  pochi  giorni  Garibaldi,  con  un  miracolo  di  fede 
e  di  ardimento,  riusci  a  fuggire  da  Caprera  e  dirigersi  verso 
I'Agro  Romano,  dove  i  suoi  prodi  volontari  avevano  gia 
iniziato  la  guerra  contro  il  papa. 

Intanto  anche  il  popolo  romano  aveva  cominciato  ad 
insorgere.  Ma  esso  non  aveva  armi.  Pensarono  i  fratelli 
Cairoli  insieme  con  altri  giovani  patrioti  (75  intutto)  a  por- 
targliele.  I  generosi,  carichi  di  fucili,  daghe  e  munizioni, 
passarono  i  confini  dello  Stato  Romano  e  s'imbarcarono  sul 
Tevere.  Ma  durante  la  traversata  furono  avvertiti  che  una 
insurrezione  del  giorno  avanti  in  Roma  aveva  avuto  un  esito 
disgraziato.  Allora  il  generoso  manipolo  si  reco  presso  una 
cascina  di  Villa  Glori  situata  a  poca  distanza  dalla  Porta 
del  Popolo.  Ivi  fu  subito  assalito  da  500  soldati  papalini. 
La  lotta,  corpo  a  corpo,  fu  terribile.  I  volontari,  gridando 
"Viva  Garibaldi!  Viva  Roma!",  fecero  miracoli.  Cadde 
coperto  di  ferite  Enrico  Cairoli.  Caddero  altri  eroi.  Ma  i 
papalini  furono  respinti  (23  ottobre  1867). 

I  patrioti  romani,  nonostante  le  avversita  e  la  mancanza 
d'armi,  persistevano  nell'idea  di  fare  qualunque  sforzo  per 
liberare  la  loro  citta  dalla  tirannide  papale.  Lo  stesso 
giorno  23  ottobre  1867  quaranta  d'essi  si  radunarono 
segretamente  nel  lanificio  di  Giulio  Ajani  situato  in  Trastc- 
vere,  e  ivi  s'accingevano  a  concertare  nuovi  tentativi 
d'insurrezione. 

Giuditta  Arquati  nata  Tavani,  la  quale  aveva  tra  i 
convenuti  il  proprio  marito  e  un  figlio  diciassettenne,  voile 


LA   GUERRA   DEL   1866  425 

trovarsi  in  mezzo  a  loro,  col  pretesto  di  sorvegliare  il  pranzo. 
Ella  era  ancor  giovane  e  bella,  di  quella  bellezza  maestosa 
e  imponente  delle  antiche  matrone  romane. 

Mentre  i  patrioti  adunati  concretavano  i  loro  piani,  ecco 
giungere  di  corsa  una  compagnia  di  gendarmi  a  cavallo  e 
un  battaglione  di  zuavi  pontifici  con  i  fucili  carichi  e  pronti. 

I  patrioti  chiusero  le  porte  del  lanificio,  le  sbarrarono,  si 
misero  fulmineamente  sulla  difesa.  Partirono  i  primi  colpi. 
I  papalini,  per  meglio  sostenere  I'ofFesa,  entrarono  in  un 
vicino  convento  di  monache,  e  dalle  finestre  di  esso  e  dal- 
I'alto  del  campanile  si  misero  a  bersagliare  la  casa  Aiani. 
I  patrioti  romani  rispondevano  bravamente.  Giuditta 
Arquati,  correndo  da  una  stanza  all'altra,  porgeva  munizio- 
ni  ai  combattenti,  li  animava,  assisteva  i  feriti.  E  i  valorosi, 
confortati  da  quel  sereno  eroismo,  riguadagnavano  il  lor 
vigore,  raddoppiavano  la  loro  resistenza. 

I  300  papalini  che  avevano  dato  il  primo  assalto,  dopo 
due  ore  di  lotta  furono  respinti  e  stavano  per  desistere  da 
ogni  ulteriore  sforzo,  quando  ne  sopraggiunsero  altri  300. 

La  pugna  si  riaccese  piii  furiosa  di  prima.  L'eroica  Giu- 
ditta stringeva  la  mano  al  marito,  baciava  i  capelli  al  figlio 
giovinetto,  mentre  porgeva  loro  i  fucili  da  lei  stessa  caricati; 
e  a  tutti  infondeva  coraggio  esclamando:  "Viva  I'ltalia! 
Viva  Roma!    Non  cediamo  e  quegli  assassini!" 

I  patrioti,  esaltati  dall'intrepidezza  di  quella  donna 
indomita  meravigliosa,  tennero  testa  ai  600,  come  avevano 
tenuto  testa  ai  300;  e  piii  volte  li  ributtarono. 

Ma  arrivarono  ai  papalini  altri  rinforzi,  mentre  ai 
patrioti  venivano  mcno  le  munizioni.  Fu  allora  che,  ral- 
lentato  il  fuoco  dai  difensori,  gli  zuavi  riuscirono  ad  abbat- 
tere  la  porta  ed  entrare  nella  casa.  Si  combatte  ancora  per 
le  scale,  sulle  logge,  nei  corridoi,  nelle  stanzc.  Ma  la  lotta 
era  imparl;  non  pote  durare  a  lungo.  I  papalini  massacra- 
rono  i  patrioti  romani,  "fracassando  loro  le  teste,  stritolando 
loro  le  ossa,  gettandonc  pur  taluni  dalle  finestre  giij  nel 
cortile". 

Giuditta  Arquati-Tavani,  ferita  in  piii  parti  del  corpo, 
pote  trascinarsi  a  qualche  passo  di  distanza  dal  luogo  dove 
agonizzavano  suo  marito  e  suo  figlio.     I  gendarmi  e  gli  zuavi 


426  PARTE   PRIMA 

pontifici  si  diedero  a  colpire  i  due  uomini  sotto  gli  occhi 
dell'invitta  donna,  "e  con  colpi  di  baionetta  si  fieri,  che, 
trapassando  i  corpi  dei  caduti,  si  conficcarono  nel  muio  e 
nel  pavimento".  Poi  trucidarono,  con  piu  e  piii  di  quegli 
spietati  colpi,  anche  I'eroina,  la  quale  era  incinta  di  vari 
mesi! 

Saziatisi  cosi  di  sangue,  gli  sgherri  del  papa  vollero 
impinzarsi  di  cibo  e  inebriarsi  di  bevanda,  e  s'assisero  cinica- 
mente  alia  mensa  che  Giuditta  Arquati-Tavani  aveva 
apprestato  per  i  suoi  infelici  compagni. 

Due  giorni  dopo  —  25  ottobre  1867  —  Garibaldi  vendi- 
cava  a  Monterotondo  i  martiri  del  lanificio  Ajani,  ripor- 
tando  suU'esercito  papalino  una  splendida  vittoria. 

Ma  il  3  novembre  1867  I'Eroe  veniva  anch'egli  sopraf- 
fatto  dal  numero  dei  nemici  (soldati  papalini  e  francesi) 
a  Mentana,  vicino  Roma,  dopo  una  battaglia  da  titani:  ed 
era  costretto  a  ritirarsi. 

Tale  ritirata  fu  giudicata  degna  del  primo  stratega 
del  mondo. 

E  la  sconfitta  di  Mentana  fu  giudicata  piii  gloriosa  di 
tutte  le  vittorie  riportate  da  Garibaldi  durante  la  sua  vita 
avventurosa. 

Surse  in  Mentana  I'onta  dei  secoli 
dal  triste  amplesso  di  Pietro  ^  e  Cesare  ^: 
tu  hai,  Garibaldi,  in  Mentana 
su  Pietro  e  Cesare  posto  il  piede. 

(Carducci). 

II  20  settembre  1870  i  soldati  italiani  al  comando  del 
generale  RafFaele  Cadorna  assaltarono  Roma,  aprirono  una 
breccia  tra  Porta  Pia  e  Porta  Salaria,  ed  entrarono  nella 
citta. 

II  millenario  potere  temporale  dei  papi '  e  crollato. 

La  figlia  primogenita  del  mondo  latino,  ricostituitasi  a 

1  Pio  IX. 

^Napoleone  III. 

^  Pipino  il  Brfve  re  dei  Franchi  nel  752  e  poi  anche  re  d'ltalia,  dopo  ayere 
aiutato  il  pontefice  Stefano  II  nella  guerra  contro  Astolfo  re  dei  Longobardi,  diede 
alia  Chiesa  Romana  la  Pentdpoli  italiana  comprendente  le  citta  di  Rimini,  Pesaro, 
Fano,  Sinigaglia  e  Ancona.  Da  siffatta  donazione  ebbe  origine  il  potere  temporale 
dei  papi. 


LA   GUERRA   DEL   1866  427 

nazione  una  e  indipendente,  ha  di  bel  nuovo  Roma  per 
sua  capitale. 

II  martirio  di  tutto  un  popolo  —  e  di  qual  popolo!  — 
ha  dato  i  suoi  frutti. 

II  sogno  di  tanti  pensatori  e  apostoli  —  da  Dante  a 
Mazzini  —  e  ormai  una  realta:    una  vivissima  realta. 


PARTE  SECONDA 


Come  Roma  antica,  sia  durante  la  Repubblica  che 
durante  I'lmpero,  conquisto  e  latinizzo  il  Friuli,  I'Istria, 
Trieste,  Trento,  il  Trentino  e  la  Dalmazia,  e  come  fece  del 
mare  Adriatico  un  gran  lago  romano.  La  "  Tavola 
Clesiana". 

Friuli.  Verso  I'anno  185  avanti  Cristo,  alcune  tribu 
transalpine,  "per  valichi  malagevoli  e  per  aspre  foreste" 
(Cadore,  Carnia,  Carinzia,  Carso),  riuscirono  a  penetrare 
in  Italia.  II  Senate  romano  impose  loro  di  "ritornarsene 
immediatamente  ai  paesi  ond'erano  venute,  ricordando  che 
le  Alpi  erano  il  confine  naturale  insuperabile,  posto  tra 
ritalia  e  gli  stranieri".  Cosi  narra  Tito  Livio  nel  suo  venti- 
novesimo  libro. 

A  quei  tempi  il  Friuli  —  cioe  la  parte  che  comprende 
I'odierna  provincia  italiana  di  Udine  e  la  parte  su  cui  oggi 
sorgono  Gorizia,  Aquileia  (o,  meglio,  le  rovine  d'Aquileia), 
Grado,  Gradisca,  Monfalcone,  Cervignano  —  non  era  che 
una  regione  ancora  primitiva,  abitata  da  audacissimi 
barbari.  Essa  progredi  soltanto  dopo  che  fu  conquistata 
dai  Romani.  Questi  sapientissimi  colonizzatori,  quanto 
invitti  guerrieri,  appena  I'ebbero  in  loro  mano,  si  misero  a 
lavorarla  con  alacrita  straordinaria,  dando  incremento 
all'agricoltura  ed  ai  traffici.  Insegnarono  la  loro  lingua. 
DilFusero  le  loro  leggi.  Abbellirono  parecchie  borgate, 
trasformandole  in  citta.  Fondarono  Aquileia  (182-181 
avanti  Cristo)  sulla  riva  occidentale  dell'Isonzo,  in  una  bassa 
e  fertile  pianura,  e  la  fortificarono  **per  difenderla  dai 
barbari  che  abitavano  piii  su".  Opus  Romanorum  est 
Aquileia  munitum  adversus  supra  illam  hahitantes  barbaros. 

All'epoca  d'Augusto,  Aquileia  era  cinta  di  solide  mura 
per  un  circuito  di  oltre  22  chilometri;  aveva  un  Campidoglio, 

429 


430  PARTE   SECONDA 

un  tempio  a  Giove  Ottimo  Massimo  e  templi  e  Giunone,  ad 
Apollo,  al  dio  Isonzo,  al  dio  Beleno  e  un  acquedotto  e  fori, 
terme,  circhi,  teatri  e  piii  di  200,000  abitanti  (alcuni  storici 
dicono  500,000,  altri  un  milione).  Era  in  diretta  comunica- 
zione  con  Roma  per  mezzo  della  via  Emilia  (continuazione 
della  via  Flaminia),  e  col  mare  Adriatico  per  mezzo  di  canali 
navigabili  con  porto  a  Grado.  Era  la  base  militare  dei 
Romani  contro  i  bellici  popoli  del  Settentrione  a  dell'Oriente, 
tanto  che  Augusto  vi  fisso  il  suo  quartier  generale  nelle  im- 
prese  contro  i  Pannoni,  i  Germani,  gl'Illirici,  mentre  Giulio 
Cesare  vi  si  era  rifornito  di  truppe  nelle  guerre  contro  i  Reti 
e  gli  Elvezi,  com'egli  stesso  affermo  nei  suoi  Commentari. 
Era  un  centro  commerciale  di  primissimo  ordine,  dove 
affluivano  giornalmente,  da  ogni  parte  del  mondo,  marinai, 
mercanti,  schiavi  con  grani,  olii,  vini,  pellicce,  metalli  e 
altri  importanti  prodotti.  Era  la  sede  d'una  delle  tre 
tesorerie  d'ltalia,  dove  si  battevano  in  apposita  zecca  le 
monete  d'oro  imperiali:  Aquileiae  percussae  et  signatae;  un 
privilegio,  questo,  che  solo  Aquileia  —  ricca  d'ori,  d'ambre 
e  di  pietre  preziose  —  poteva  godere  dopo  Roma.  Era 
I'emporio  della  latinita.  Era  il  baluardo  rafFrenante  la 
cupida  irrequietezza  barbarica  al  di  la  delle  Alpi.  Ed  era 
anche  un  attraentissimo  luogo  di  villeggiatura,  dove  con- 
venivano  genti  d'ogni  paese,  perfino  dall'Africa.  Augusto 
e  sua  moglie  Livia,  e  poi  gl'imperatori  Tiberio,  Marco 
Aurelio,  Diocleziano  ed  altri,  non  disdegnarono  d'andarvi 
a  passare  Testate.  Augusto,  anzi,  durante  Tanno  12  avanti 
Cristo,  vi  ricevette  Erode  re  di  Giudea.  E  Costantino 
il  Grande  vi  sposo,  nel  307,  Fausta,  figlia  di  Massimiano 
e  sorella  di  Massenzio. 

L'IsTRiA  E  Trieste.  Non  meno  alacri  e  prodighi  i 
Romani  si  mostrarono  nellTstria  —  la  penisola  che  sporge 
all'estremo  nord  dell'Adriatico  e  che  va  dalle  foci  dellTsonzo 
all'insenatura  del  Quarnero  —  da  loro  conquistata  durante 
gli  anni  178-177  avanti  Cristo  ^     Vi  costruirono  cantieri, 

^  Tra  le  primitive  emigrazioni,  conosciute  col  nome  generico  di  Pelasgi,  che 
dall'Asia  si  riversarono  in  Europa,  una  corrente  abbastanza  numerosa  approdo 
alia  terra  che  oggi  si  chiama  Istria,  e  specialmente  nel  vasto  seno  che  si  stende 
davanti  a  Trieste.     Ai  Pelasgi  si  sovrapposero  piii  tardi  gli  Etruschi.     Finche 


L'ALTA   ORIGINE    (182   AV.  CRISTO)  431 

sicuri  punti  d'approdo,  fortezze.  Tracciarono,  com'essi 
soli  sapevano  tracciare,  vie  maestre  litorali  e  montuose 
conducenti  fin  nel  cuore  della  Carnia.  Riedificarono  parec- 
chie  citta  sullo  stile  architettonico  di  Roma.  A  Pola  eressero 
le  mura  di  cinta  con  porte  solidissime,  un  tempio  a  Diana 
e  un  tempio  ad  Augusto  con  colonnati  monumentali,  I'arco 
dei  Sergi,  numerosi  sepolcreti,  un  superbo  anfiteatro  di 
granito,  giudicato  inferiore  soltanto  al  Colosseo  di  Roma 
sia  per  vastita  (I'interno,  nella  sua  forma  elittica,  misurava 
140  metri  di  lunghezza  e  no  di  larghezza  e  poteva  contenere 
25,000  spettatori),  sia  per  la  maestosa  bellezza  artistica; 
ampliarono  e  fortificarono  il  porto,  facendone  una  base 
navale  di  prim'ordine  ^  A  Parenzo  {Parenthium)  eressero 
il  Campidoglio,  il  Foro,  i  templi  di  Marte  e  di  Nettuno  e  il 
recinto  dei  Comizi, 

Ma  a  Trieste  (Tergeste)  i  Romani  vollero  principalmente 
profondere  i  tesori  materiali  e  morali  di  cui  Roma  non  era 
mai  avara  con  i  popoli  ch'essa  sapeva  a  lei  devoti.  Vi 
costruirono  un  acquedotto,  le  mura  di  cinta,  il  Campidoglio, 
le  Terme,  I'Arena,  un  tempio  a  Giove  e  un  magnifico 
porto  militate,  il  piii  importante  dell'Adriatico,  quello  che 
doveva  servir  loro  di  base  nelle  comunicazioni  commerciali 
e  nelle  guerre  col  centro  d'Europa.^  Inscrissero  la  citta 
alia  tribii  Papinia;  la  considerarono  com'una  continuazione 

verso  il  508  avanti  Cristo  vi  giunse  dalle  foci  dell'Istro  (cosi  a  quei  tempi  si  chiamava 
il  Danubio)  e  dalla  Tracia  una  grossa  tribii  di  gente  grecanica,  la  quale  si  sostitui 
ai  primitivi  abitatori,  dando  alia  regione  il  noma  d'Istria  dal  gran  fiume  d'onde 
essa  tribu  proveniva. 

Questo  ci  assicura  la  tradizione. 

Piu  tardi  Strabone  e  Plinio  ci  designarono  chiaramente  i  popoli  che  abitarono 
la  regione  istriana  prima  dell'occupazione  romana.  Essi  furono  i  Celti,  i  Liburni, 
i  Carnii  e  i  Siapidi,  con  predominanza  della  razza  celtica. 

E  quindi  assodato  che  le  primitive  popolazioni  dell'Istria  erano  etnograficamente 
conformate,  come  gli  altri  popoli  d'ltalia,  da  schiatte  varie,  unite  piii  o  meno 
dall'affinita,  dalla  lunga  connivenza  e  dai  bisogni  comuni. 

Trieste  esisteva  prima  della  conquista  romana. 

^  Nelle  rivalita  tra  Cesare  e  Pompeo,  Pola  parteggio  per  Pompeo.  Cesare, 
irato,  voleva  distruggere  la  citta.  Ma  ne  fu  dissuaso  dalla  sua  gentile  figliuola 
Giulia.  A  memoria  e  a  riconoscenza  di  tale  atto,  Pola  fu  da  allora  in  poi  e  per 
molto  tempo  chiamata  Pietas  Giuliae. 

^  Nella  colonna  Traiana  a  Roma,  fra  i  tanti  bassorilievi  ve  ne  sono  due  che  rap- 
presentano  la  Trieste  dei  Romani  circondata  da  mura  solidissime,  con  le  rive 
guarnite,  col  porto  diviso  in  due  da  un  bel  molo,  all'estremita  del  quale  sorge  il  faro 
sopra  una  torre  alta  e  rotonda:  e  I'imperatore  Traiano  che  s'imbarca  per  Roma, 
reduce  da  una  vittoria  riportata  sui  Daci. 


432  PARTE   SECONDA 

della  provincia  veneta;  la  investirono  degli  stessi  diritti  di 
Roma,  "cosi  che  i  Triestini  poterono,  al  pari  dei  Romani, 
partecipare  alle  elezioni  dei  magistrati  della  Repubblica  e 
poi  deirimpero,  di  esserne  eletti  e  di  votare  leggi";  ne  fecero, 
insomma,  I'espressione  culminante  della  loro  energia  edifi- 
catrice  nell'Istria,  irradiante  su  vastissima  zona  la  fecondita 
della  sua  esistenza.^ 

Quando  Augusto  divise  I'ltalia  in  undid  regioni,  Trieste, 
ITstria  e  la  Venezia  formarono  la  decima  regione  italica: 
X  Regio  Italica.  E  le  milizie  triestine  furono  inscritte  nella 
decima  legione  ApoUinare.  Proprio  allora  la  citta  — 
grata  d'essere  stata  inalzata  dalle  vittrici  aquile  romane  ai 
piij  alti  fastigi  della  ricchezza,  della  cultura,  della  civilta: 
orgogliosa  d'avere  appartenuto  e  di  appartenere  come  parte 
integrante  alia  piii  forte  e  piii  illuminata  razza  del  mondo  — 
incise  nel  suo  stemma,  su  campo  purpureo,  I'alabarda  di  ferro 
pervenutale  da  Roma:  alabarda  simboleggiante  VAlma 
Mater  nel  suo  possente  fulgore  latino. 

Trentino.  II  Trentino  e  quell'incantevole  paesaggio 
montuoso  che  s'incunea  tra  il  Veneto  e  la  Lombardia,  divi- 
dendo  per  una  larghezza  di  oltre  lOO  chilometri  queste  due 
province  italiane.^  I  suoi  confini  girano  per  452  chilometri, 
dei  quali  136  lo  dividono  dal  Tirolo  tedesco,  138  dalla 
Lombardia  e  178  dal  Veneto.  Da  Bolzano  a  Riva  sul  lago 
di  Garda,  esso  e  percorso  dall'Adige,  il  rapido  e  impetuoso 
fiume  cantato  da  Virgilio  e  da  Dante,  sulle  cui  rive  sorge 
Trento  (Tridentum),  la  piii  importante  citta  del  Trentino. 

I  primi  abitatori  di  questa  regione  furono  gli  Etruschi, 
poi  i  Galli,  poi  i  Romani.  Dalla  fusione  appunto  della  razza 
quirita  con  la  razza  gallica  nacque  la  razza  itahca  propria- 
mente  detta. 

I  Romani,  dopo  ch'ebbero  ai  tempi  d'Augusto  assoggetta- 
to  il  Trentino,  si  misero  con  Icna  intensa  a  colonizzarlo, 

^  Giuli»  Cesare — che  piii  volte  c«mbatte  vittoriosamente  contro  le  orde 
teutoniche  irrompcnti  dalle  Alpi,  ricacciandola  sempre  alle  loro  sterili  lande — 
estese  e  porto  il  confine  d'ltalia  all'Arsia  sul  Quarnero.  Da  lui  appunto  la  catena 
di  montagne  che  serra  I'lstria  a  settentrione,  e  che  fu  testimone  delle  gesta  del  gran 
capitano,  prese  il  nome  d'Alpe  Giulia. 

^  In  seguito  al  trattato  di  Vienna  del  1815,  I'Austria  aggrego  il  Trentino  al 
Tirolo  tedesco,  e  d'allora  in  poi  lo  chiamo  Tirolo. 


L'ALTA   ORIGINE    (182   AV.  CRISTO)  433 

finche  riuscirono  a  diirgli  un  assetto  economico  e  civile  degno 
del  loro  imperio. 

Tutto  cio  e  storicamente  assodato.  Pur  nondimeno  la 
romanita  del  Trentino  fusempremessa  in  dubbio  dai  nemici 
dei  diritti  nazionali  italiani.  Ogni  dubbio,  pero,  dove  tacere 
di  fronte  a  un  fatto  inaspettato  accaduto  nel  secolo  scorso. 
II  29  aprile  1869  (e  questo  il  fatto)  due  contadini  italiani, 
scavando  in  un  campo  vicino  a  Cles  nel  Trentino,  trovarono 
una  tavola  di  bronzo  perfettamente  conservata,  contenente 
inciso  un  decreto  in  lingua  latina,  col  quale  Claudio,  impera- 
tore  romano  nelTanno  49  dell'era  cristiana,  risolveva  la 
disputa  che  da  lungo  tempo  esisteva  intorno  alia  nazionalita 
degli  abitanti  delle  vallate  dell'estremo  nord  delle  province 
di  Trento. 

Ecco  il  testo   del   decreto  tradotto  in  lingua  italiana: 

Marco  Giunio  Silano  e  Quinto  Sulpicio  Camerino,  Consoli.  A 
Baia  il  15  di  marzo,  in  un  editto  di  Tiberio  Claudio  Cesare  Augusto 
Germanico,  fu  proposto  quanto  segue: 

Tiberio  Claudio  Cesare  Augusto,  Pontefice  Massimo,  con  po- 
tere  di  Tribuno  per  la  sesta  volta,  Imperatore  per  la  undicesima 
volta,  Console  nominato  per  la  quarta  volta.  Padre  della  Patria, 
dichiara: 

Considerando  che,  proprio  sotto  il  governo  di  Tiberio  Cesare, 
mio  zio,  Pinario  Apollinara  fu  mandato  per  regolare  le  vecchie 
controversie,  delle  quali  la  mia  memoria  ritiene  solo  quelle  tra  i 
Commensi  e  i  Bergalei;  e  che  il  detto  Pinario  Apollinara,  per 
I'assenza  di  mio  zio  da  Roma,  ed  anche  piii  tardi  sotto  il  governo 
di  Caio  Caligola,  neglesse  di  riportare,  come  nessuno  domando  a 
lui  di  fare;  ed  essendomi  stato  conseguentemente  riferito  da 
Camurio  Statute  che  la  maggior  parte  delle  terre  e  foreste  abitate 
dai  suddetti  popoli  sono  sotto  il  mio  dominio:  lo  mandai  il  mio 
amico  Giulio  Planta,  perche,  con  I'aiuto  dei  miei  procuratori  e  delle 
persone  del  vicino  territorio,  investigasse  attentamente  tutte  le 
cose  e  rapportasse  a  me,  com'egli  efFettivamente  mi  rapporto  in  un 
apposito  memoriale  da  lui  preparato;  ed  lo  gli  diedi  I'autorita 
d'investigare  e  decidere  le  rimanenti  materie. 

Come  alia  legale  condizione  dei  Naumi,  Tuliassi  e  Sinduni, 
una  parte  d'essi  e  unita  con  i  Tridentini,  mentre  un'altra  non  e 
unita.  Sebbene  I'origine  di  questi  ultimi  non  sia  abbastanza 
chiara  per  determinare  se  essi  abbiano  la  cittadinanza  Romana, 


434  PARTE   SECONDA 

pure,  in  vista  del  fatto  che  essi  sono  cosi  misti  con  i  Tridentini  e 
godettero  il  diritto  di  cittadinanza  per  lungo  tempo,  e  che  essi  non 
potrebbero  essere  separati  da  quella  splendida  municipalita  senza 
gran  danno  della  medesima,  lo  permetto  ch'essi  rimangano  in 
possesso  del  diritto  ch'essi  per  lungo  tempo  credettero  di  possedere, 
e  questo  lo  faccio  volontariamente,  per  avere  udito  che,  della 
maggioranza  di  detto  popolo,  alcuni  furono  soldati  nel  mio  corpo 
di  guardia,  altri  furono  comandanti  di  truppe,  altri  furono  membri 
di  giurie  e  presero  parte  in  cause  trattate  a  Roma.  Questi  diritti 
lo  do  loro,  cosi  che  tutti  loro  possano,  come  cittadini  Romani 
presso  essi  stessi  e  con  i  Tridentini  o  altrove,  essere  considerati 
legali  e  conservare  i  nomi  da  loro  precedentemente  adottati  di 
cittadini  Romani. 

La  scoperta  d'un  si  prezioso  documento,  che  fu  subito 
battezzato  col  nome  di  Tavola  Clesiana,  riempi  di  giubilo  i 
Trentini,  glTtaliani  tutti.  E  da  ogni  parte  del  mondo 
giunsero  congratulazioni  al  governo  d'ltalia.  Solo  dall'Au- 
stria  e  dalla  Germania  giunsero  parole  d'incredulita  e 
dispetto.  Ma  esse  non  potevano  scuotere  in  verun  modo  il 
bronzeo  contenuto  della  verita.  Si  che  gli  autori  di  sifFatte 
parole  dovettero  finite  col  riconoscere  anch'essi  I'auten- 
ticita  della  Tavola  Clesiana;  ma  si  vendicarono,  insinuando 
che  il  luogo  della  scoperta  era  stato  abitato  sempre  da 
popoli  di  razza  teutonica,  non  mai  da  popoli  di  razza  latina. 

I  Trentini  continuarono  i  loro  scavi.  E  trovarono  ben 
presto  un'immensa  quantita  di  ossa  e  teschi  umani,  insieme 
con  lance,  spade,  giavelletti,  monete  romane,  ecc. 

L'insigne  storico  e  archeologo  tedesco  Teodoro  Mommsen 
corse  a  Cles  per  investigate.  Vi  corsero  anche  molti  altri 
professori  tedeschi,  alio  scopo  di  vedere  se,  per  mezzo  dei 
nuovi  oggetti  rinvenuti,  "si  potevano  distruggere  le  prove 
messe  in  luce  dalla  Tavola  Clesiana^'. 

Dopo  attento  e  minuzioso  esame,  risulto  chiarissima- 
mente  che  le  ossa  e  i  teschi  con  le  lance,  le  spade,  i  giavelletti, 
le  monete,  ecc.  erano  appartenuti  senz'alcun  dubbio  a 
individui  di  pura  razza  latina  e  non  teutonica. 

II  Mommsen,  che  s'intendeva  di  cose  romane  antiche 
meglio  di  qualsiasi  altro  studioso  del  suo  tempo,  pubblico  il 
risultato  delle  sue  accurate  e  autorevoli  investigazioni  in  un 
apposito  opuscolo,  nel  quale  concluse  che  tutti  i  fatti  pro- 


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L'ALTA   ORIGINE    (182   AV.  CRISTO)  435 

vavano  pienamente  e  solennemente  che  la  regione  di  Trento 
"e  italiana  e  appartenne  all'Italia". 

GFinsinuatori  dovettero  ingoiar  la  pillola  e  turarsi  la 
bocca. 

Dalmazia  *.  Una  contesa  tra  i  Dalmati  e  alcuni 
popoli  (Lissani  e  Daorsi)  alleati  di  Roma  provoco  per  la 
prima  volta  I'intervento  dei  Romani  negli  afFari  della  Dal- 
mazia. Un  forte  esercito  romano,  comandato  dal  console 
Marcio  Figulo,  shared  nella  detta  regione  I'anno  156  avanti 
Cristo,  assedio  la  capitale  ch'era  allora  Dalminio,  I'espugno 
e  costrinse  i  Dalmati  a  una  pace  onerosa. 

Ma  assai  piii  tardi  Roma  pote  soggiogare  definitiva- 
mente  la  Dalmazia,  fiera  quanto  mai  della  propria  liberta,  e 
tramutarla,  da  terra  barbarica  e  povera  qual'era,  in  paese 
civile  e  ricco. 

Sulle  coste  dalmate  i  porti  come  Zara,  Salona  presso 
Spalato,  Ragusa  e  Antivari  ricevettero  un  potentissimo 
impulso,  e  insieme  con  i  porti  di  Fiume,  Trieste,  Pola, 
Aquileia,  Ravenna,  Rimini,  Ancona,  Bari,  Brindisi  e 
Durazzo,  tutti  importantissimi,  fecero  del  mare  Adriatico 
un  gran  lago  romano  fiorente  di  vita  e  di  commerci. 

La  romanizzazione  della  Dalmazia  fu  tanto  profonda  e 
salda,  che  Diocleziano,  allorquando,  stanco  di  mente  e  di 
corpo  per  le  gravi  cure  di  Stato  e  gli  acciacchi,  abdico 
airimpero  nel  305,  non  prefer!  altro  luogo  di  riposo  che 
Salona,  dove  si  ritiro  e  visse,  occupato  nella  poetica  e 
deliziosa  coltivazione  dei  suoi  splendidi  giardini,  fino  al  313. 

E  Giulio  Nipote,  quando  nel  478  fu  deposto  da  Oreste 
(il  padre  di  Romolo  Augusto),  non  seppe  far  di  meglio  che 
rifugiarsi  nella  Dalmazia,  da  dove  Roma  imperiale  mando 
I'ultimo  guizzo  di  luce  sul  mondo. 

Cos!  il  dominio  di  Roma,  dapprima  temuto  e  osteggiato, 
fini  col  diventare  —  grazie  alia  saggezza  con  cui  fu  eserci- 
tato  —  I'eta  delForo  degl'Istriani,  dei  Triestini,  dei  Trentini, 
dei  Dalmati,  di  tutti  i  popoli  che  oggi  sono  al  confine  orien- 
tale  d'ltalia. 

*  La  regione  litorale  a  est  del  mare  Adriatico. 


436  PARTE   SECONDA 

E  il  nome  sacro  dell'Urbe,  generatore  di  luce  a  di  calore 
al  pari  del  Sole,  sebbene  macchiato  dalle  colpe  dei  tiranni, 
fu  dai  detti  popoli  amato,  difeso,  benedetto,  inciso  gloriosa- 
mente  nelle  pagine  della  loro  storia. 


II 

Le  invasioni  barbariche  in  Italia.  Attila,  Hagellum 
Dei,  distrugge  (anno  452)  la  bella  citta  d'Aquileia  fondata 
dai  Romani  fin  dal  182-181  avanti  Cristo.  In  un  comizio 
presieduto  dall'imperatore  Carlo  Magno,  gl'Italiani  del- 
I'lstria  protestano  contro  I'immigrazione  slava  (anno  804). 
La  Republica  dei  dogi  libera  I'Adriatico  dai  corsari 
stranieri.  Lo  sposalizio  di  Venezia  col  mare.  La 
spontanea  sudditanza  della  Dalmazia  (anno  999). 
Fedele  per  otto  secoli.  "L'onoratissima  sepoltura " 
dello  stendardo  di  San  Marco. 

Con  la  morte  dell'imperatore  romano  Marco  Aurelio, 
avvenuta  a  Vindobona  (Vienna)  I'anno  i8o,  tramonto 
per  sempre  I'eta  dell'oro  nelle  region!  del  confine  orientale 
d'ltalia.  L'Impero  romano  caduto  in  balia  di  soldati 
accecati  dalle  piii  basse  e  sfrenate  passioni,  degenero; 
perdette  I'antico  vigore,  I'antico  prestigio,  I'antico  splendore; 
rovino.  E  allora  i  barbari  (Goti,  Vandali,  Svevi,  Borgo- 
gnoni,  Unni)  —  le  teste  ornate  con  corna  di  buoi,  le  spalle 
e  i  petti  coperti  con  pelli  d'animali  feroci  —  che  il  possente 
gladius  romano  aveva  tenuto  per  secoli  in  soggezione,  si 
rovesciarono  —  assetati  di  vendetta,  avidi  di  preda  e  di 
dominio  —  dall'Alpi:  e,  facendo  strage  di  campi,  di  citta, 
di  popoli,  stremarono  I'ltalia;  I'avvilirono;  la  ridussero  a 
durissima  servitCi;  la  sprofondarono  in  quell'abisso  tenebroso 
che  fu  poi  chiamato  Medio  Evo. 

La  prima  furia  barbarica  colpi  naturalmente  le  regioni 
del  confine  orientale:  il  Trentino,  il  Friuli,  I'lstria,  la 
Dalmazia.  Ma  queste  non  si  fecero  ingoiare  tanto  facil- 
mente;  opposero,  ai  brutali  invasori,  una  resistenza  quanto 
mai  tenace;  difesero  con  supremo  ardimento,  con  supremo 


LE   INVASIONI   BARBARICHE  437 

eroismo,  la  propria  italianita,  germe  iniziale  di  quell'irre- 
dentismo  che  doveva,  insieme  con  altre  cause,  determinare 
I'intervento  dell'Italia  (maggio  191 5)  nel  piu  grande  conflitto 
delle  nazioni,  e  rinnovare  cosi  (circolo  fatale  delle  alterne 
vicende  umane!)  le  orrende  tragedie  che  si  svolsero,  nel 
passato,  tra  gli  stessi  popoli  e  sulle  stesse  Alpi. 

Basta  ricordare  Aquileia  assediata  dagli  Unni.  Essa  lotto 
strenuamente  contro  i  nemici,  respingendoli  piii  volte. 
Per  punirla  appunto  dello  straordinario  valore  dimostrato, 
Att'i\3.f  flage Hum  Deiy  dopo  che  con  impetuosi  e  rabbiosi  assalti 
riusci  a  prenderla,  vi  trucido  i  cittadini,  compresi  i  vecchi, 
le  donne,  i  fanciulli;  la  saccheggio,  I'incendio;  fece  sparire 
dalla  faccia  della  terra  (anno  452),  come  sotto  torrenti  di 
lava,  la  metropoli  piena  di  forza  e  di  bellezza  che  i  Romani 
avevano  eretto  con  tanta  sapienza,  con  tanto  amore. 

I  superstiti  d'Aquileia,  nonche  quelli  delle  altre  citta 
di  confine  distrutte  da  Attila,  si  rifugiarono  presso  la 
isoletta  del  vicino  estuario,  e  ivi  fondarono  a  poco  a  poco 
la  citta  che  doveva,  per  virtii  di  governanti,  diventare  nei 
secoli  successivi  la  regina  dell'Adriatico:    Venezia.^ 

E  quando  non  poterono  con  I'armi,  le  regioni  del  confine 
orientale  d'ltalia  sostennero  la  loro  nazionalita  con  altri 
mezzi.  L'anno  568  cominciarono  a  calare  in  Italia  i  Longo- 
bardi  (gente  germanica)  comandati  dal  loro  re  Alboino.  I 
nuovi  barbari,  al  pari  dei  precedenti,  non  fecero  che  opera 
di  distruzione  e  di  morte. 

Gl'Italiani  del  confine  orientale,  costretti  ad  abban- 
donare  i  loro  paesi  interni  continuamente  messi  a  ferro  ed 
a  fuoco  dai  selvaggi  invasori,  si  ridussero  al  mare,  il  quale 
apriva  loro,  se  non  altro,  una  via  di  scampo.  Ed  ivi  si 
dedicarono  alia  pesca  e  alia  navigazione. 

^  Piu  tardi  Aquileia  risorse  e  ridivento  potente  in  grazia  del  suo  patriarcato, 
uno  dei  maggiori  principati  teocratico-militari  del  Medio  Evo.  La  sua  Cliiesa, 
dopo  quella  di  Roma,  fu  la  piu  illustre  della  Cristianita.  E  la  Corte  dei  patriarchi 
d'Aquileia,  i  quali  prestavano  agl'iiTiperaton  che  dominavano  I'ltalia  un  semplice 
omaggio  feudale,  fu  delle  piu  splendide  e  celebrate  di  quell'eta.  II  secolo  XIII 
segno  I'apice  della  potenza  patriarcale.  Ma  durante  il  1420  Venezia,  rimasta 
padrona  del  Friuli,  soppresse  quella  potenza  teocratico-feudale,  e  il  vescovo  vene- 
ziano  ottenne  egli  stesso  da  Roma  il  titolo  di  patriarca  d'Aquileia  con  giurisdizione 
su  quella  diocesi. 


438  PARTE   SECONDA 

Ma  rimperatore  Carlo  Magno  scaccio  i  Longobardi 
dairitalia  e,  coH'intento,  forse  lodevole,  di  ripopolare  le 
terre  interne  dell'Istria  lasciate  deserte  dagl'Italiani, 
commise  I'errore  di  chiamarvi  alcune  tribu  slave  che  da 
tempo  le  appetivano. 

Gl'Istriani  non  videro  di  buon  occhio  un  tale  atto. 
Lo  credettoro  nocivo  alia  loro  compagine  etnica  e  alia 
futura  ricostituzione  della  loro  unita  politica.  Eppero 
s'agitarono,  protestarono  altamente  in  un  solenne  comizio 
da  loro  tenuto  presso  il  flume  Risano,  sotto  la  presidenza 
dello  stesso  Carlo  Magno  (anno  804).  Ed  ebbero  la  virtii 
di  far  si  che  il  potentissimo  imperatore  dei  Franchi  si  con- 
vincesse  dell'errore  commesso,  sospendesse  immediatamente 
la  gia  avviata  colonizzazione  slava  neiristria,e  vi  ravvivasse, 
invece,  le  piii  utili  istituzionl  romane,  adattandole  alle  mu- 
tate condizioni  dei  tempi. 

E  quando  videro  che  Venezia  seguiva  le  virili  tradizioni 
di  Roma,  meglio  delle  altre  repubbliche  italiche  contempo- 
ranee,  le  regioni  del  confine  orientale  d'ltalia,  che  non  ave- 
vano  mai  tollerato  volontariamente  la  mala  signoria  dei 
barbari,  non  esitarono  a  passare  sotto  la  protezione  del 
governo  dei  dogi.  Basta  ricordare  la  Dalmazia.  I  pirati 
narentani,  slavi  e  croati  infestavano  da  un  pezzo  I'Adriatico, 
assaltando,  assassinando,  rapinando.  E  non  contenti  di 
cio,  essi  erano  riusciti,  col  terrore,  ad  imporre  gravi  tributi 
agli  abitatori  delle  coste  dalmatiche  e  perfino  agli  stessi 
Veneziani. 

I  Dalmati  implorarono  I'aiuto  della  Repubblica,  che 
altra  volta  li  aveva  anche  difesi  contro  la  prepotenza 
degli  stranieri.  Per  fortuna  era  allora  doge  un  uomo  straor- 
dinariamente  gagliardo  risoluto  magnanimo,  "amalgama 
dinamico  e  vibrante  di  tutte  le  energie  venete":  Pietro  II 
Orseolo,  figlio  di  quel  Pietro  Orseolo,  santificato  poi  dalla 
Chiesa  cattolica,  che  aveva  cominciato  a  proprie  spese  e 
portato  a  buon  punto  la  costruzione  della  monumentale 
chiesa   di  San  Marco. 

L'Orseolo,  ascoltati  e  confortati  gli  ambasciatori  dal- 
mati, disse  ai  Veneziani  con  accento  fermo  che,  per  cancellare 


LE   INVASIONI   BARBARICHE  439 

rignominia  a  cui  la  Repubblica  era  da  tanto  tempo  soggetta, 
per  ridonare  la  sicurezza  ai  fratelli  continuamente  ta- 
glieggiati  dai  corsari,  bisognava  fare  la  guerra. 

I  Veneziani,  commossi,  assentirono:  e  diedero  ampia 
llberta  d'azione  al  loro  doge. 

II  giorno  deH'Ascensione  dell'anno  999  una  flotta  for- 
midabilmente  armata  salpava  da  Venezia  al  comando  di 
Pietro  II  Orseolo. 

I  corsari,  intanto,  instavano  piu  che  mai  per  la  riscossione 
del  solito  tributo. 

II  doge  fece  risponder  loro  che  sarebbe  andato  di  persona 
a  portarglielo. 

Vi  ando,  infatti.  Ma,  invece  del  tributo  pecuniario, 
egli  porto  ai  nemici  la  ruggente  forza  dell'alato  leone  di 
San  Marco. 

Si  combatterono  grandi  battaglie  navali,  specialmente  a 
Curzola  e  a  Lagosta.  I  corsari  slavi  del  golfo  di  Narente 
opposero,  piii  di  tutti,  una  resistenza  accanitissima.  Ma  a 
nulla  valse.  I  loro  navigli  furono  dai  Veneziani  incendiati. 
I  corsari  stessi  furono  parte  uccisi,  parte  inseguiti  nel  con- 
tinente  e  ricacciati  e  dispersi  oltre  i  confini. 

L'Adriatico  fu  cosi  liberato  dalle  piraterie  e  dai  terrore 
dei  barbari. 

I  Veneziani  accolsero  in  trionfo  il  doge  vincitore,  e  gli 
conferirono  il  titolo  di  "Duca  della  Dalmazia".  E  a 
ricordanza  dell'alta  impresa  compiuta,  celebrarono  lo  sposa- 
lizio  simbolico  di  Venezia  col  mare.  II  doge,  imbarcato 
con  gli  altri  supremi  magistrati  della  Repubblica  sul  dorato 
Bucintoro  sfarzosamente  ornato,  getto  un  anello  benedetto 
nel  mare  e  pronunzio  queste  significative  parole:  Desponsa- 
mus  te,  mare  nostro,  in  signum  veri  perpetuique  domi7iii;  in 
segno  del  vero  e  perpetuo  dominio  che  la  Repubblica  aveva 
ormai  acquistato  sul  mare  Adriatico,  il  quale  fu,  d'allora  in 
poi,  chiamato  Golfo  di  Venezia.^ 

La  Dalmazia,  dai  canto  suo,  esultante  e  riconoscente, 
ricompenso  la  sorella  liberatrice  facendole  **spontaneo 
omaggio  di  sudditanza",   giurandole  ubbidienza   e  fedelta 

*  La  festa  dello  sposalizio  di  Venezia  col  mare  si   celebro  anche  nei  secoli  suc- 
cessivi  in  ogni  giorno  deH'Ascensione. 


440  PARTE   SECONDA 

"in  eterno".  Rimase  ella  infatti  contenta  e  felice  sotto 
il  mite  governo  di  Venezia,  prima  per  quattro  secoli  interi, 
poi,  dopo  una  breve  involontaria  interruzione,  per  altri 
377  anni  (in  tutto  otto  secoli  circa!).  E  vi  sarebbe  rimasta 
davvero  "in  eterno",  se  il  trattato  di  Campoformio,  stipu- 
lato  il  i6  ottobre  1795  tra  Napoleone  I  e  Francesco  II 
imperatore  d'Austria,  non  avesse  traditorescamente  colpita 
a  morte  anche  la  Repubblica  dei  dogi,  sacrificandola  alle 
oblique  cupidige  degli  Asburgo. 

II  dolore  provato  dai  Dalmati  per  sifFatto  trattato  non  si 
puo  descrivere.  A  Zara,  capitale  della  Dalmazia,  le  bandiere 
venete  furono  portate  sull'altare  maggiore  della  chiesa, 
"ed  ivi,  prima  dagli  ufficiali,  poi  dai  soldati,  quindi  dal 
popolo,  furono  baciate  e  talmente  asperse  di  lagrime,  che 
restarono  tutte  inumidite". 

E  a  Perasto  lo  stendardo  della  Repubblica  di  San 
Marco,  come  una  reliquia  sacra,  fu  dai  cittadini  posto  sotto 
I'altar  maggiore  della  chiesa,  mentre  il  comandante  delle 
milizie,  rivolto  alio  stendardo  stesso,  diceva  in  dolce  dialetto 
veneziano  queste  toccanti  parole  di  devozione: 

Per  577  anni  la  nostra  fede,  el  nostra  valor  id  sempre  custodio 
per  mar  dove  n'  a  chiamd  i  to  nemici.  Per^'j'j  anni  le  nostre  sostanze, 
el  nostro  sangue,  le  nostre  vite  xe  stade  sempre  per  ti,  e  felicissimi 
s'avemo  reputd.  Ti  con  nu,  nu  con  ti,  semo  stai  sempre  vittoriosiy 
sempre  illustri.  Za  che  non  ne  resta  altro  de  far  per  ti,  il  nostro  cor 
sia  I'onoratissima  to  sepoltura,  e  el  piu  grande,  el  piu  vero  elogio  le 
nostre  lagrime!  Per  377  anni  la  nostra  fede  e  il  nostro  valore  ti 
hanno  sempre  custodito  per  mare,  dove  ci  hanno  chiamato  i  tuoi 
nemici.  Per  377  anni  le  nostre  sostanze,  il  nostro  sangue,  le 
nostre  vite  sono  state  sempre  per  te,  e  felicissimi  ci  dobbiamo 
reputare.  Tu  con  noi,  noi  con  te,  siamo  stati  sempre  vittoriosi, 
sempre  illustri.  Giacche  non  ci  resta  altro  da  fare  per  te,  il  nostro 
cuore  sia  I'onoratissima  tua  sepoltura,  e  il  piu  grande,  il  piii  vero 
elogio  sieno  le  nostre  lagrime! 

Anche  le  isole  del  QuarneroS  conquistate  dal  doge  Pietro 

^  II  golfo  del  Quarnero  e  quel  largo  braccio  di  mare  Adriatico  che  s'insinua  tra 
la  costa  orientale  della  penisola  istriana  e  il  litorale  croato.  Esso — dalla  insena- 
tura  di  Porto  Re  alle  alrtire  di  Meia  e  di  Tcrsato,  fino  a  Fiiime — e  Italia  e  segna  il 
confine  geografico  d'ltalia.  Le  sue  isole  furono  anche  in  potere  dei  Romani. 
Ai  tempi  di  Giiilio  Cesare  esse  erano  inscritte  alia  Liburnia  che  faceva  parte  del- 
I'llliria. 


I   COMUNI   E   BARBAROSSA  441 

II  Orseolo,  rimasero  sempre  sotto  il  governo  di  Venezia 
(eccetto  il  periodo  dal  1378  al  1409  in  cui  esse  furono  con  la 
Dalmazia  cedute  transitoriamente  aH'Ungheria).  Vi  rima- 
sero fino  alia  caduta  della  Repubblica,  con  la  quale  furono 
consegnate  all'Austria  in  forza  del  suddetto  trattato  di 
Campoformio  riconfermato  dal  Congresso  di  Vienna  del 
1815. 

Ill 

I  Comuni.  Federico  Barbarossa  imperatore  di  Ger- 
mania  scende  in  Italia  I'anno  1154  e  massacra,  saccheg- 
gia,  incendia;  cattura  il  celebre  riformatore  Amaldo  da 
Brescia  e  lo  consegna  al  papa  Adriano  IV,  il  quale  I'arde 
vivo.  La  compiacente  Dieta  di  Roncaglia.  Milano, 
Crema  e  Piacenza  si  ribellano.  II  Barbarossa  si  vendica 
mostruosamente :  assedia  Crema,  e  non  potendo  vin- 
cerla  con  I'armi,  lega  ad  alcune  torri  mobili  i  fanciulli 
cremaschi  e  milanesi  ch'egli  tiene  in  ostaggio,  e  li  espo- 
ne  ai  colpi  degli  assediati.  L'amor  di  patria  puo  piu 
dell'amore  paterno  sugl'Italiani.  La  distruzione  di 
Crema  e  di  Milano.  La  Lega  Veronese.  Un  papa 
energico.  La  Lega  Lombarda.  L'arcivescovo  Cristiano 
di  Magonza,  plenipotenziario  del  Barbarossa  in  Italia, 
assedia  Ancona  e  riduce  i  difensori  a  cibarsi  d'ortiche  e 
cuoio.  L'eroismo  delle  donne  anconitane.  L'unione 
del  Comuni  italiani  genera  I'epopea.  II  Carroccio. 
La  Compagnia  della  Morte.  II  Barbarossa  e  terribil- 
mente  sconfitto  dagl'Italiani  a  Legnano  (1176);  e  scon- 
fitto  anche  per  mare  dalla  flotta  unita  di  Venezia  e  di 
Trieste;  deve  baciare  il  piede  al  suo  piu  fiero  nemico 
(papa  Alessandro  III) ;  deve  implorare  la  pace  e  abban- 
donare  per  sempre  I'ltalia  senza  averla  potuta  soggiogare. 

E  quando  i  Comuni  d'ltalia  tentarono  di  ricostituire  a 
unita  e  indipendenza  la  patria  invasa  e  devastata  ancora 
una  volta  dai  Teutoni,  le  regioni  del  confine  orientale  non  si 
limitarono  soltanto  a  manifestazioni  di  solidarieta  pura- 
mente  spirituale,  ma  si  slanciarono  con  fede  e  ardore  sul 
campo  dell'azione,  dove  piii  sovrastava  il  pericolo,  dando 


442  PARTE   SECONDA 

il  loro  contributo  di  pensiero  e  di  sangue  alia  causa  nazionale. 
Basta  ricordare  Trieste. 

E  noto  che  sulle  rovine  del  vecchio  edificio  feudale  in 
Italia  sorse  il  governo  comunale  autonomo,  ossia  il  reggi- 
mento  libero  delle  citta,  con  una  magistratura  suprema  di 
tre,  sei  o  dodici  consoli;  con  un  consiglio  minore  di  notabili, 
detto  di  credenza,  che  deliberava  delle  cose  ordinarie;  con 
un'assemblea  generale  di  tutti  i  cittadini,  la  quale  deli- 
berava delle  cose  piii  importanti  (votare  leggi,  stipulate 
trattati  d'alleanza,  dichiarare  guerra,  concludere  pace, 
battere  moneta). 

Federico  Barbarossa  imperatore  di  Germania,  deciso 
di  ridurre  ITtalia  all'antica  obbedienza  teutonica,  I'invase 
durante  I'anno  1154  con  un  grosso  esercito;  devasto  cam- 
pi;  incendio  villaggi  e  citta,  tra  cui  Chieri  ed  Asti;  as- 
sedio  Tortona  e  le  ingiunse  di  rompere  immediatamente 
I'alleanza  ch'essa  aveva  con  Milano.  La  nobile  cittadetta 
respinse  il  disonorante  comando.  II  Barbarossa  I'assalto: 
e,  dopo  due  mesi  d'aspra  lotta,  I'espugno,  la  saccheggio,  la 
distrusse.  Compiute  sifFatte  prodezze,  se  n'ando  a  Pavia, 
dove  si  fece  incoronare  re  dTtalia;  poi,  invitato  da  Adriano 
IV,  prese  la  via  dellTtalia  Meridionale,  alio  scopo  d'esten- 
dere  anche  laggiii  il  suo  dominio  e,  nello  stesso  tempo, 
catturare  Arnaldo  da  Brescia  —  un  terribile  nemico  della 
Chiesa  cattolica  di  quei  tempi  —  e  consegnarlo  al  detto 
pontefice. 

Era  Arnaldo  da  Brescia  un  monaco  dalla  mente  ispirata 
e  severa,  che  vagheggiava  il  rinnovamento  religioso  e 
politico  del  genere  umano,  ponendo  per  base  la  verita  e  la 
morale  in  un  senso  positivo  e  sano.  Non  riconosceva  il 
battesimo  dei  fanciulli,  le  preghiere  dei  defunti,  il  sacrifizio 
della  messa.  Predicando  con  ardente  infrenabile  foga  contro 
il  potere  temporale  dei  papi  e  contro  i  corrotti  costumi  degli 
ecclesiastici,  era  riuscito  ad  acquistarsi  il  favore  e  I'amore 
del  popolo;  a  scacciare,  successivamente,  i  papi  Lucio  II 
ed  Eugenio  III;  a  fondare  in  Roma  una  repubblica  laico- 
democratica  con  un  senato.  Pero,  dopo  dieci  anni  di  potere, 
Adriano  IV  —  papa  astuto,  audace,  senza  scrupoli  —  I'at- 
tacco;  localunnio;  loscomunico  insieme  con  quelli  che  mag- 


I   COMUNI   E   BARBAROSSA  443 

giormente  lo  sostenevano;  riempi  di  tanto  terrore  la  citta  di 
Roma,  che  il  generoso  novatore  fu  ripudiato,  espulso,  perse- 
guitato. 

II  Barbarossa  lo  trovo  rifugiato  in  un  castello  della 
Campania;  lo  strappo  a  viva  forza  dalle  mani  di  chi  I'ospi- 
tava;  lo  trascino  in  catene  a  Roma  ai  piedi  d'Adriano  IV. 
E  costui,  da  buon  vicario  di  Cristo,  lo  condanno  al  rogo; 
fece  gittare  le  ceneri  del  martire  nel  Tevere;  ricompenso 
il  Barbarossa  del  servizio  reso  alia  Chiesa,  cingendogli 
con  gran  pompa  la  corona  imperiale  nel  Vaticano. 

II  popolo  romano  si  sdegno  a  tanta  nequizia:  e  insorse: 
ed  obbligo  il  Barbarossa  a  partire  precipitosamente  per  la 
Germania. 

II  tiranno  si  vendico  deH'umiliazione  patita,  mettendo 
a  ferro  e  foco  I'innocente  citta  di  Spoleto. 

Ripiombo  in  Italia  tre  anni  dopo,  sempre  assetato  di 
sangue  e  di  dominio;  espugno  Brescia;  poi,  con  un  esercito 
di  100,000  fanti  e  15,000  cavalieri,  marcio  su  Milano  per 
punirla  d'avere  riedificato  Tortona;  per  punirla,  sopratutto, 
dello  spirito  ribelle  ch'essa  troppo  tenacemente  dimostrava 
contro  la  signoria  teutonica. 

La  metropoli  lombarda  sostenne  leoninamente  I'urto 
nemico,  e  resiste  finche  ebbe  viveri.  Quando  questi  le 
mancarono,  essa  s'arrese,  ma  non  a  discrezione,  sibbene  a 
patti  onorevoli  (1158). 

II  Barbarossa  allora  convoco  a  Roncaglia,  nel  Piacen- 
tino,  una  compiacente  Dieta,  dalla  quale  fece  sentenziare 
che  le  citta  d'ltalia  rette  a  Comune  dovevano,  al  pari  di 
tutte  le  altre,  dipendere  amministrativamente  e  giudizia- 
riamente  da  un  rappresentante  imperiale  detto  Podestd. 

Milano,  Crema,  Piacenza  fremettero;  protestarono; 
dissero  chiaro  e  tondo  ch'esse  non  si  sarebbero  mai  piegate 
a  sifFatta  imposizione. 

II  Barbarossa  monto  in  bestia.  Gli  latrarono  nella 
superba  anima  i  piii  truci  propositi  di  vendetta.  Si  scaglio, 
alia  testa  d'un  poderoso  esercito,  contro  Crema  ch'era  la 
pill  debole.  Ma  fu  respinto.  Allora  ricorse  a  uno  strata- 
gemma  terribile.  Fece  costruire  alcune  torri  mobili  di 
legno;  nell'interno  d'esse  apposto  i  suoi  piii  feroci  soldati 


444  PARTE   SECONDA 

armati  fino  ai  denti;  all'esterno  lego  molti  fanciulli  di 
Crema  e  di  Alilano  ch'egli  teneva  in  ostaggio.  Cos!  cariche, 
accosto  le  scellerate  torri  alle  mura,  sperando  che  gli  asse- 
diati,  per  non  uccidere  i  propri  figli,  si  sarebbero  astenuti  da 
ogni  ulteriore  resistenza.  Invece  successe  tutto  il  contrario. 
Gli  assediati,  massimamertte  i  padri,  continuarono  a  difen- 
dersi.  E,  tempestando  a  un  tempo  le  loro  adorate  creature 
e  I'odiato  nemico,  gridavano  con  fede  di  neofiti:  "Fortunati 
coloro  che  muoiono  per  la  patria!" 

Ben  sei  mesi  —  dal  luglio  1159  al  gennaio  1160  —  duro 
la  tragica  lotta.  Alia  fine  —  tagliati  gli  acquedotti,  mancati 
i  viveri,  spento  il  fiore  dei  cittadini  —  Crema  fu  costretta 
a  cedere.  II  Tedesco  la  premio  dell'eroismo  dimostrato, 
saccheggiandola   e   incendiandola. 

Nonostante  lo  scempio  di  Crema,  Milano  persiste 
nella  sua  attitudine  ribelle.  II  Barbarossa,  che  gia  aveva 
ricevuto  rinforzi  dalla  Germania,  I'assalto  con  impeto  ferino. 
Ma  non  gli  valse.  L'assalto  piii  volte.  Ma  i  suoi  conati 
si  fransero  sempre  come  onde  di  mare  in  burrasca  contro 
una  costiera.  Allora  capi  che  soltanto  con  la  fame  avrebbe 
potuto  vincere  i  Milanesi.  Chiese  altri  rinforzi.  Li  ottenne. 
Assedio  la  citta.  Questa  resiste  due  lunghissimi  anni. 
Poi,  stretta  dal  sempre  crescente  numero  di  nemici,  esausta 
dalla  mancanza  di  viveri,  s'arrese  (marzo  1162).  II  Teutone 
la  tratto  ferocissimamente;  la  distrusse;  la  semino  di  sale: 
segno  ch'essa  non  poteva  piii  risorgere!  Indi  se  ne  torno 
in  Germania  per  ricevervi  e  godere  gli  onori  del  trionfo. 

L'atroce  fine  di  Milano,  pero,  commosse  profondamente 
le  altre  citta  d'ltalia;  le  impensieri;  le  convinse  che,  per  la 
salvezza'Lcomune,  bisognava  urgentemente  e  saldamente 
unirsi. 

Le  prime  ad  allearsi  tra  loro,  dopo  avere  scacciato  dalle 
rispettive  sedi  le  guarnigioni  e  i  ministri  imperiali,  furono 
Verona,  Vicenza,   Padova  e  Treviso.     Lega   Veronese. 

II  Barbarossa  ripiombo  com'un  falco  su  Verona,  Ma 
trovo  duro:  tanto  duro,  ch'egli  stimo  prudente  rivolarsene 
immediatamente  in  Germania  per  rifornirsi  d'altri  uomini 

(1 164). 

Intanto  nel  11 59  era  morto  Adriano  IV.     II  Barbarossa 


I   COMUNI   E   BARBAROSSA  445 

— trescando,  corrompendo,  minacciando,  intimidendo — era 
riuscito  a  far  eleggere  dai  suoi  cardinali  un  antipapa  a  lui 
ligio  (Vittore  IV)  e,  morto  cestui,  Pasquale  III,  animo  vile 
e  servo  al  pari  dell'altro. 

I  cardinali  indipendenti,  invece,  avevano  votato  per  il 
Bandinelli  di  Siena  (Alessandro  III),  uomo  sagace  ed 
energico,  favorevole  alia  causa  dei  Comuni.  Questo  papa 
scomunico  da  Anagni  il  Barbarossa;  poi  s'accinse  a  combat- 
terlo  a  tutt'oltranza,  unendosi  —  insieme  con  Venezia, 
Bergamo,  Brescia,  Mantova  e  Ferrara  —  alia  Lega  Veronese^ 
la  quale  da  quel  momento  fu  chiamata  Lega  Lombarda. 

I  rappresentanti  delle  citta  alleate,  nonche  i  profughi 
milanesi,  s'incontrarono  il  7  aprile  1167  nel  convento  di 
Pontida  situato  tra  Bergamo  e  Lecco.  Ivi  si  strinsero  \& 
destre;  si  guardarono  negli  occhi;  si  lessero  nei  cuori;  fusero 
le  loro  volonta  in  una  sola  volonta;  giurarono  di  difendere, 
fraternamente  compatti  fino  alia  morte,  la  liberta  della 
patria  continuamente  insidiata,  conculcata,  vilipesa  dalla 
barbarica  prepotenza  straniera. 

Al  memorabile  convegno  parteciparono  anche — con  la 
stessa  fede,  con  lo  stesso  ardore  degli  altri — i  rappresentanti 
di  Trieste.  E,  in  progresso  di  tempo,  vi  aderirono  Piacenza, 
Parma,  Modena,  Bologna  Reggio,  Novara,  Vercelli,  Como, 
Asti,  Tortona,  Ravenna,  Rimini,  Imola,  Forli. 

La  Lega  Lombarda  si  mise  subito  al  lavoro:  riedifico 
Milano,  contro  il  divieto  del  Barbarossa;  poi,  in  contrapposi- 
zione  di  Pavia  e  del  marchese  di  Monferrato  rimasti  par- 
tigiani  del  tiranno,  fondarono  tra  il  Tanaro  e  la  Bormida 
una  citta,  alia  quale  posero  il  nome  d'Alessandria,  in  onore 
d'Alessandro  III  che  aveva  promosso  e  sosteneva  e  dirigeva 
sapientemente  e  gagliardamente  la  Lega. 

In  questo  mentre,  I'arcivescovo  Cristiano  di  Magonza, 
"legato  plenipotenziario"  del  Barbarossa  in  Italia,  cerco 
di  sottomettere  Ancona  che  s'era  ribellata  al  giogo  teutonico. 
La  nobile  citta  dell'Adriatico  fu  assediata  per  mare  e  per 
terra;  fu  attaccata  e  bersagliata  giorno  e  notte;  ma  si  difese 
con  sublime  eroismo,  anche  quando  i  suoi  figli  furono  ridotti 
dalla  crudelta  nemica  a  cibarsi  di  ortiche  bollite  e  cuoio 
ammollito  nell'aceto. 


446  PARTE   SECONDA 

Qualche  episodic. 

Una  giovane  madre,  col  bambino  al  petto,  visto  presso  le 
mura  un  guerriero  disteso  a  terra  boccheggiante  per  fame, 
s'accosto  e  gli  disse:  "Non  mangio  da  piii  giorni;  non  ho 
pill  latte  nemmeno  per  il  mio  piccino;  ma  se  una  goccia 
ancora  ne  resta  nel  mio  seno,  prendila,  e  tua!"  —  Le  soa- 
vissime  parole  ebbero  un  prodigioso  efFetto.  II  guerriero  si 
rianimo,  si  rizzo,  sorrise  alia  generosa  donna,  corse  dove  piii 
ferveva  la  mischia,  affronto  beato  la  morte. 

Un  violentissimo  attacco  minacciava  di  subissare  la 
citta.  I  difensori  si  battevano  col  consueto  valore,  ma  non 
s'illudevano  sul  funesto  pericolo  che  sovrastava  la  loro 
patria.  Allora  una  donna  di  nome  Stamura,  afferrato  un 
tizzone  ardente,  si  slancio  in  mezzo  a  un  nembo  di  strali 
contro  le  macchine  nemiche,  e  le  incendio. 

Sopraggiunse  un  soccorso  di  Lombardi  e  Romagnoli. 
I  Tedeschi  dovettero  fuggire.  Ancona  ebbe  salva  la  propria 
liberta.     (1174). 

II  Barbarossa,  infastidito  dalla  piega  che  prendevano  a 
suo  danno  le  cose,  si  mise  alia  testa  d'un  altro  colossale 
esercito,  e  ridiscese  in  Italia  per  i  valichi  del  Moncenisio, 
deciso  a  farla  finita  una  buona  volta  con  le  velleita  libertarie 
e  unitarie  degl'Italiani. 

In  primo  luogo  egli  arse  Susa,  poi  soggiogo  Torino  ed 
Asti;  poi  marcio  contro  Alessandria.  Questa  citta,  pur  non 
avendo  che  primitive  fortificazioni  composte  di  terra  e 
paglia,  tenne  testa  agli  assalti  nemici  per  ben  quattro  mesi. 
Alia  fine  gli  assediati  seppero  che  i  soccorsi  dei  collegati 
stavano  per  arrivare.  Pieni  d'esultanza,  essi  fecero  di 
notte,  al  buio,  un'improvvisa  sortita:  piombarono  sui 
nemici:  ne  accopparono  un  gran  numero:  costrinsero  gli 
altri  a  ritirarsi  disordinatamente  (1175). 

II  Barbarossa  s'impressiono.  Capi  che  I'impresa  alia 
quale  s'era  accinto  presentava  gravi  difficolta.  Tento 
patteggiare  con  la  Lega.  Ma  riuscirono  infruttuose  le  sue 
trattative.  Allora  aspetto  che  gli  giungessero  dalla  Ger- 
mania  nuovi  rinforzi.  E,  quando  li  ebbe,  mosse  risoluto 
contro  Milano. 


I   COMUNI   E   BARBAROSSA  447 

I  collegati  non  gli  fecero  compire  il  viaggio.  Andarono  ad 
incontrarlo  lungo  la  via,  seguiti  dal  Carroccio.^ 

Era  questo,  secondo  la  descrizione  lasciataci  da  Lodovico 
Antonio  Muratori  nei  suoi  Annali  d'ltalia,  un  gran  carro 
a  quattro  ruote,  assai  piii  alto  dell'ordinario,  con  una 
piattaforma  assai  piii  vasta  di  quella  dei  carri  comuni, 
dipinto  tutto  in  colore  vermiglio  fiammante.  Nel  mezzo 
sorgeva  un  altare  ricoperto  d'un  ricchissimo  tappeto  rosso 
di  dimensioni  tali,  che  ricadeva  dalla  piattaforma  sui  lati, 
fino  a  toccare  le  ruote.  Nel  mezzo  dell'altare  s'inalzava 
un'antenna  dello  stesso  color  rosso,  dalla  quale  sventolava, 
mantenutovi  da  corde  dorate  e  di  gran  costo,  il  gonfalone 
di  Milano  con  la  croce  rossa  in  campo  bianco.  A  meta 
dell'antenna  pendeva  un  immenso  crocifisso  e  una  campana 
per  dare  gli  ordini. 

II  carro  era  tirato  da  quattro  paia  di  buoi  d'imponente 
statura,  tutti  di  dimensioni  e  di  colore  uguali,  coperti  di 
ricchissime  gualdrappe,  rosse  per  i  buoi  di  destra,  bianche 
per  i  buoi  di  sinistra.  Esso  era  la  sede  mobile  del  comando 
generale.  AH'intorno  doveva  rimanere  compatta  la  fanteria 
contro  la  cavalleria  nemica. 

Caduto  il  Carroccioy  eran  perduti  la  guerra  e  I'onore. 
I  Milanesi  avevano  percio  formato,  a  estrema  difesa  di 
questo  loro  sacro  propugnacolo,  due  compagnie  di  giovani, 
scelti  tra  i  piu  vigorosi  e  virtuosi  cittadini  (una  di  300, 
I'altra  di  900),  armati  d'usbergo,  azza  e  pugnale.  Quella 
dei  900  —  comandata  da  Alberto  da  Giussano  indossante 
la  corazza  e  portante  la  spada  con  cintura  di  cuoio  dorato 
ofFertagli  dal  popolo,  giusta  la  tradizione  —  si  chiamava  la 
Compagnia  della  Morte,  per  avere  i  guerrieri  che  la  compone- 
vano,  all'atto  della  partenza,  giurato  di  vincere  o  morire. 

Anche  i  300  avevano  giurato  di  difendere  il  Carroccio  e 
lasciarsi  uccidere  tutti,  piuttosto  che  abbandonarlo. 

II  giorno  di  sabato  29  maggio  1176  I'esercito  del  Barba- 
rossa  e  quello  della  Lega  Lojnbarda  si  trovarono  faccia  a 
faccia  presso  il  castello  di  Legnano,  tra  I'OIona  e  il  Ticino, 
a  circa  venti  miglia  da  Milano.    Al  primo  scontro,  la  caval- 

^  Ariberto  da  Intimiano  vescovo  di  Milano  e  supremo  magistrate  del  Comune 
nel  1038  ideo  e  costrui  per  la  prima  volta  il  Carroccio. 


448  PARTE   SECONDA 

leria  milanese  fu  respinta;  la  cavalleria  tedesca  galoppo 
verso  il  Carroccio.  I  difensori  di  questo  si  gettarono  in 
ginocchio;  invocarono  Dio  e  sant'Ambrogio  (il  patrono  di 
Milano);  si  rialzarono  di  slancio;  si  piantarono  saldamente 
come  giganti;  sostennero  formidabilmente  I'urto  nemico; 
picchiaron  sodo;  spaccaron  teste  di  cavalli  e  di  cavalieri. 
Ma  il  loro  eroismo  stava  per  essere  soprafFatto  dal  numero 
enorme  dei  nemici.  II  Carroccio  —  simbolo  di  patria,  di 
liberta,  di  gloria  —  correva  serio  pericolo. 

AUora  la  CompagJiia  della  Morte,  ripetendo  ad  alta  voce 
il  giuramento  di  vincere  o  morire,  s'avvento  con  impeto 
ruggente  travolgente  tremendo  nel  piu  folto  della  mischia: 
e  macello  tutti  i  Tedeschi  che  incontro;  atterro  lo  stendardo 
imperiale;  sgomino  I'intero  es'ercito  nemico. 

La  sopraggiunta  cavalleria  della  Lega  diede  il  colpo  di 
grazia,  inseguendo  con  le  spade  alle  reni  i  vinti  per  ben 
otto  miglia. 

II  Barbarossa,  che  aveva  pugnato  personalmente  tra  le 
prime  file,  rimase  sepolto  insieme  col  suo  cavallo  sotto  un 
monte  di  cadaveri.^  Fu  creduto  morto.  Ma  due  giorni 
dopo,  egli  comparve  a  Pavia,  solo,  senz'elmo,  senza  spada, 
tutto  lordo  di  polvere,  accigliato,  silenzioso. 

La  battaglia  di  Legnano  fu  la  piii  potente,  la  piii  bella 
affermazione  d'italianita  e  di  concordia  fatta  dagl'Italiani 
nel  Medio  Evo. 

La  citta  di  Trieste,  fedele  al  giuramento  profFerito  dai 
suoi  rappresentanti  a  Pontida,  non  solo  vi  contribui  degna- 
mente  col  valore  dei  suoi  figli,  ma  fece  di  piu.  S'uni  a 
Venezia  per  battere  anche  per  mare  il  nemico.  II  giorno 
dell'Ascensione  del  1177,  infatti,  la  flotta  associata,  composta 
di  50  legni  tra  galee  veneziane  e  triestine,  comandata  dal 
doge  Sebastiano  Ziani,  afFronto  presso  Salvore  (un  pro- 
montorio  a  poca  distanza  da  Trieste)  la  flotta  imperiale 
forte  di  75  galee:  e,  dopo  aspra  battaglia,  la  sconfisse, 
riuscendo  a  catturare  perfino  la  nave  ammiraglia,  sulla 
quale  si  trovava  lo  stesso  figlio  del  Barbarossa:   Ottone. 

II  tiranno  tedesco  dove  affrettarsi  a  baciare  il  piede  ad 
Alessandro  III. 

^  Alcuni  storici  dicono  ch'egli  sia  fuggito  codardamente. 


TRIESTE   DAL   1183   AL   1800  449 

Soltanto  allora  egli  pote  ottenere  dalla  Lega  una  tregua 
di  sei  anni,  firmata  a  Venezia  durante  il  1177. 

Tento  piu  tardi  (il  lupo  perde  il  pelo,  non  mai  il  vizio) 
con  ogni  arte,  con  ogni  sforzo,  di  rifarsi  deirumiliazione 
patita;  ma  non  vi  riusci.  Per  esempio:  con  un  editto  del 
1 1 82,  egli  ingiunse  alia  citta  di  Trento,  che  si  reggeva  a 
Comune,  di  non  eleggere  piii  i  suoi  magistrati-consoli,  di 
cessare  da  ogni  atto  di  sovranita,  di  sottostare  a  un  vicario 
imperiale.  Ma  Trento  non  obbedi  e  continue  a  reggersi 
con  la  propria  indipendenza. 

Perduta  ogni  speranza  di  soggiogare  ITtalia,  il  Barba- 
rossa,  appena  spirata  la  tregua  accordatagli,  si  rassegno  a 
concludere  con  glTtaliani  una  pace  definitiva,  firmata  a 
Costanza,  citta  della  Germania,  I'anno  1183. 


IV 

I  Triestini  per  I'indipendenza  municipale  della  loro 
citta  e  per  il  mantenimento  della  loro  italianita  (dalla 
pace  di  Costanza  del  1183  in  poi).  Contro  i  vescovi- 
baroni  (1295-1349).  Contro  Venezia  (1368-1381).  La 
"  dedizione  "  all' Austria  (1382).  II  partito  anti-austria- 
co,  le  sue  ribellioni,  il  suo  martirologio.  "  L'orgoglio 
della  discendenza  romana  "  (dal  Quattrocento  al  Sette- 
cento). 

E  nelle  vicende  che  succedettero  alle  guerre  contro  il 
Barbarossa,  le  regioni  del  confine  orientale  d'ltalia  non 
tralasciarono  mai  di  lottare  per  la  loro  indipendenza  e  per 
la  loro  italianita.  Basta  ricordare  ancora  Trieste,  che  fu 
ed  e  la  citta  raccogliente  in  se,  meglio  d'ogni  altra  citta 
italiana  irredenta,  quasi  tutte  le  tradizioni  storiche,  quasi 
tutte  le  idealita  politiche  delle  dette  regioni. 

Trieste,  quando  entro  nella  Lega  Lomharda^  era  gover- 
nata  da  un  vescovo-barone  dipendente  dal  patriarcato 
d'Aquileia.  Ma  col  trattato  di  Costanza  del  1183,  essa 
ottenne,  come  le  altre  citta  della  Lega  Lomharday  I'autonomia 
della  propria  amministrazione,  il  diritto  d'eleggere  i  propri 


450  PARTE   SECONDA 

magistrati,  nonche  quelle  di  stringere  alleanze,  dichiarare 
guerra  e  trattare  pace. 

Con  tutto  cio,  non  prima  del  1295  Trieste  pote  acqui- 
stare  una  vera  e  propria  indipendenza  municipale.  Ed  ecco 
come.  II  vescovo-barone  Brisa  aveva  urgente  bisogno  di 
denaro  per  pagare  i  debiti  nei  quali  era  afFogato.  I  Triestini, 
ch'erano  ricchi,  ne  profittarono.  E  offrirono  al  vescovo- 
barone  indebitato  i  mezzi  di  levarlo  d'impiccio. 

L'offerta  fu  accettata.  Si  chiamarono  i  notari  e  si 
rogo  un  atto  col  quale  il  vescovo-barone  Brisa  rinunziava 
"per  se  e  per  tutti  i  suoi  successori"  ai  diritti  di  signoria 
su  Trieste. 

Da  quel  momento  il  potere  sovrano  della  citta  passo 
realmente  nelle  mani  dei  cittadini.  Fu  eletto  il  primo 
podesta  —  il  capo  del  "libero  Stato  di  Trieste"  —  Enrico 
della  Torre  appartenente  alia  famiglia  Torriani  di  Milano 
stabilitasi  da  lungo  tempo  nellTstria. 

II  della  Torre  promulgo  subito  gli  statuti  a  somiglianza 
degli  altri  Comuni  d'ltalia;  cinse  la  citta  di  solide  mura  per 
premunirla  dalle  insidie  di  fuori;  sistemo  gli  affari  interni; 
diede  incoraggiamento  a  ogni  buona  iniziativa,  per  cui 
sorsero  molti  edifizi,  societa  letterarie,  collegiate  d'arti 
e  mestieri.     E  s'irrobustirono  sempre  piia  le  virtii  civiche. 

Un  si  rapido  sviluppo  morale  e  materiale  doveva  natu- 
ralmente  destare  le  invidie  e  le  cupidige  dei  nemici. 

Nel  1 3 13  un  Marco  Ranfo,  gia  vassallo  vescovile,  ordi 
una  congiura  per  rovesciare  il  potere  popolare  e  ristabilire 
quello  baronale  dei  vescovi.  I  Triestini  se  n'accorsero  in 
tempo  e,  al  suono  deWarrengo,  assaltarono  la  casa  del 
Ranfo,  la  rasero  al  suolo,  giustiziarono  il  traditore  e  i  suoi 
complici. 

Nel  1349  il  vescovo  Antonio  Negri,  uomo  violent©  e 
attaccabrighe  quanto  mai,  asservito  a  Carlo  IV,  riaccese 
la  questione,  reclamando  il  dominio  baronale  della  citta. 
I  Triestini  gli  risposero  armandosi.  II  vescovo  li  scomunico. 
I  Triestini  decretarono  una  specie  di  boicottaggio  contro  il 
vescovo  e  contro  il  capitolo  della  cattedrale;  poi  ricorsero 
agli  arbitri.     E  questi  diedero  ragione  al  Comune. 

Nell'estate  del  1368  una  galea  veneta  ancorata  nel  porto 


TRIESTE   DAL    1183   AL   1800  451 

di  Trieste  catturava  un  legno  mercantile  triestino,  il  quale 
s'era  rifiutato  di  pagare  la  tassa  di  libero  transito  nel- 
TAdriatico  "ch'era  mare  di  proprieta  della  Repubblica  di 
San  Marco".  I  Triestini  assaltarono  la  galea  e  massacra- 
rono  il  capitano  e  I'equipaggio. 

Venezia  mando  subito  una  flotta  e  un  esercito  per  vendi- 
care  I'offesa.  Dopo  un  "faticoso  assedio",  Trieste  dove 
arrendersi.  Ma  insorse  I'anno  dopo.  Nuovo  assedio  da 
parte  dei  Veneziani. 

I  Triestini,  non  sapendo  a  qual  santo  votarsi  per  salvare 
I'indipendenza  della  loro  citta,  invocarono  I'aiuto  di  Leo- 
poldo  III  duca  d'Austria.  Costui  accorse  con  un  esercito 
di  i2,ooo  uomini.  Ma  fu  sonoramente  battuto  dai  Vene- 
ziani. E  quando,  con  forze  superiori,  egli  s'accingeva  alia 
rivincita,  i  Veneziani  lo  calmarono,  dandogli  75,000  zecchini 
d'oro  (un  milione  di  lire  circa)  "per  il  disturbo  del  viaggio 
e  per  le  legnate  prese". 

Trieste  fu  abbandonata  al  suo  destino. 

Essa  tento  —  cinque  anni  piii  tardi  con  I'aiuto  dei 
Genovesi,  nel  1379  con  I'aiuto  del  Comune  d'Udine,  nel 
1380  un'altra  volta  con  I'aiuto  dei  Genovesi  —  di  sottrarsi 
al  dominio  della  Serenissima.     Ma  non  vi  riusci. 

Finalmente  tra  le  due  sorelle  belligeranti  s'intromise 
come  paciere  Amedeo  VI  duca  di  Savoia,  detto  il  Conte 
Verde.  Costui,  con  un  lodo  emanato  il  24  agosto  1381, 
decise  che,  per  evitare  ulteriori  contese,  "Venezia  doveva 
rinunziare  a  ogni  pretesa  sulla  citta  di  Trieste  e  sue  dipen- 
denze".     Venezia  rinunzio. 

Ma  tale  soluzione,  per  quanto  favorevole,  non  tran- 
quillizzo  i  Triestini.  Essi  credettero  necessario  premunirsi 
contro  i  pericoli  futuri,  assicurandosi  la  protezione  d'un 
potentato  che  fosse  in  grado  di  difenderli  validamente  in 
ogni  evenienza,  cioe  contro  chiunque  avesse  osato  di  riatten- 
tare  alia  loro  indipendenza  municipale.  E  non  avevano 
torto,  se  si  consider!  che  Trieste,  in  quel  secolo,  non  era 
stata  lasciata  un  sol  momento  in  pace.  Si  rivolsero  alle 
Repubbliche  italiane.  Ma  non  ottennero  che  rifiuti.  Allora 
si  videro  costretti  a  rivolgersi  agli  stranieri.  Altri  Comuni 
dTtalia  non  avevano  fatto  lo  stesso?     Si  guardarono  intorno. 


452  PARTE   SECONDA 

La  scelta  non  poteva  che  cadere  sopra  un  vicino.  A  setten- 
trione  del  territorio  di  Trieste  confinava  il  territorio  dei 
duchi  d'Austria.  A  costoro,  specialmente,  poteva  pre- 
mere  I'amicizia  di  Trieste,  dal  cui  porto  essi  potevano  facil- 
mente  avviare  correnti  prosperose  di  commercio  neH'interno 
dei  loro  paesi.  Questa  considerazione,  piii  che  altro,  spinse 
i  Triestini  a  fare  il  memorabile  passo  che  poi  i  nemici  del- 
I'unita  italiana  chiamarono  "la  dedizione  all'Austria". 

Nel  1382  i  Triestini  mandarono  ambasciatori  a  Gratz,  per 
offrire  "in  protezione  e  tutela"  il  Comune  al  duca  Leopoldo. 
Costui  non  si  fece  pregare.  Accetto.  Ma  dove  giurare 
"per  se  e  per  i  suoi  eredi"  di  rispettare  il  governo  municipale 
di  Trieste  e  tutti  i  diritti  di  signoria  acquisiti  dal  popolo, 
principalmente  quello  di  dichiarare  guerra  e  concludere 
pace;  di  non  annettere  la  citta  agli  Stati  ducali  "e  di  non 
darla  in  feudo,  ne  venderla  ad  alcuno". 

Una  "dedizione"  molto  limitata,  come  si  vede.  Lo 
dimostrarono,  piij  tardi,  le  condanne  che  i  magistrati  del 
Comune  inflissero  ai  cittadini  i  quali,  contro  le  sentenze 
dei  giudici  municipali,  s'appellarono  aU'autorita  imperiale", 
ed  ai  cittadini  i  quali  congiurarono  in  favore  dell'impera- 
tore.^  Lo  dimostro,  sopratutto,  il  partito  anti-austriaco 
sorto  in  Trieste  dopo  che  il  governo  della  citta  cadde,  per 
intrighi  e  violenze,  nelle  mani  dei  sostenitori  del  duca: 
partito  che  non  manco  d'avere  il  suo  martirologio.  Nel 
1424,  infatti,  furono  impiccati  Donato  Scorpion  e  Nicolo 
Urigio,  mentre  altri  Triestini,  tra  i  quali  Giulio  Orefice, 
furono  condannati  al  carcere,  perche  trovati  rei  d'avere 
agitato  il  popolo  contro  la  signoria  austriaca.  E  nel  1443 
il  triestino  Giulio  Cancellieri,  capo  d'un'  altra  sollevazione 
contro  I'Austria,  fu  prima  trascinato  a  coda  di  cavallo  per 
le  vie  della  citta  e  poi  impiccato  alia  presenza  dei  suoi 
congiunti. 

Ma  tante  persecuzioni  e  coercizioni  cruente  non  fecero 
che  ingrossare  sempre  piii  il  partito  anti-austriaco  a  Trieste. 
Tanto  vero  ch'esso,  nel  1467,  capitanato  dal  tribuno  popo- 

^  Lo  dimostro  perfino  il  libro  primo  dello  Statuto  riformato  nel  1550  da  Ferdi- 
nand© I  (fratello  di  Carlo  V)  re  dei  Romani,  dove  la  citta  di  Trieste  fu  ufficialmente 
chiamata  Repubblica. 


TRIESTE   DAL   1183   AL   1800  453 

lare  Antonio  Bonomo,  riusci  a  riconquistare  rammini- 
strazione  comunale,  a  scacciare  dalla  citta  i  partigiani  degli 
stranieri  e  ristabilirvi  la  liberta. 

L'imperatore  Federico  III  duca  d'Austria  non  sofFri  un 
siffatto  colpo.  Egli  mando  immediatamente  un  suo  com- 
missario  —  Nicolo  Lusgar  (qualche  storico  dice  Luogar) 
capitano  croato  del  Vipacco  —  alia  testa  di  mille  mercenari 
tedeschi,  per  rimettere  le  cose  a  posto. 

II  Lusgar  e  i  suoi  armigeri  penetrarono  di  nottetempo  in 
Trieste,  assaltarono  e  saccheggiarono  le  case,  fecero  prigio- 
nieri  i  migliori  cittadini  e  li  rinchiusero  nel  castello  di 
Duino.  Poi,  con  ogni  sorta  di  violenze,  riuscirono  a  strappar 
loro  una  lettera  diretta  all'imperatore,  "con  la  quale  alcuni 
Triestini  dichiaravano  di  voler  rinunziare  ai  diritti  garan- 
titi  alia  citta  dal  patto  di  dedizione". 

Ma  il  15  agosto  1468  s'udi  improvvisamente  suonare  la 
campana  deWarrengo.  Era  un  segnale  convenuto.  II 
popolo,  infiammato  e  capitanato  ancora  una  volta  dal  suo 
tribuno  Antonio  Bonomo,  insorse;  mise  in  fuga  il  commissario 
e  i  mercenari  ch'erano  con  lui;  impicco  15  magistrati  au- 
striacanti  ai  merli  del  palazzo  municipale;  die  alle  fiamme  le 
case  dei  patrizi  imperialisti;  riproclamo  solennemente 
I'indipendenza  di  Trieste. 

L'imperatore  monto  su  tutte  le  furie;  digrigno  i  denti; 
strinse  i  pugni;  affido  alio  stesso  Lusgar  un  nuovo  esercito, 
con  ordine  di  punire  senza  pieta  ne  misericordia  la  citta 
ribelle. 

II  Bonomo  e  il  popolo  si  difesero  disperatamente.  Ma, 
alia  fine,  i  soldatacci  tedeschi,  bene  addestrati  alle  armi, 
ebbero  il  sopravvento:  irruppero  nella  citta;  la  saccheggia- 
rono per  tre  giorni  continui;  poi  I'incendiarono.  Molti 
cittadini,  tra  i  quali  lo  stesso  Bonomo,  riuscirono  a  fuggire 
parte  nellTstria,  parte  a  Venezia.  E  quelli  che  non  poterono 
fuggire,   furono   presi,   incatenati,  tormentati,   impiccati. 

Cosi  I'ordine  imperiale  fu  eseguito  appuntino;  tanto 
appuntino,  che  la  cronaca  registro  quell'anno,  cioe  il  1468, 
"come  I'anno  della  distruzione  di  Trieste". 

Pur  nondimeno  Sua  Maesta,  quando  piii  tardi  (1470)  si 
benigno  di  visitare  in  forma  ufficiale  la  citta  da  lui  sotto- 


454  PARTE   SECONDA 

messa  con  la  forza  bruta,  crede  prudente  di  esiliare  altrl 
300  cittadini  e  incamerarne  i  beni. 

11  partito  anti-austriaco  a  Trieste  fu  in  tal  modo  ridotto 
ai  minimi  termini;  fu  quasi  interamente  distrutto.  Ma 
risorse  a  grado  a  grado.  E  furono  frequenti  le  risse  "tra 
i  cittadini  e  i  milites  theutonici".  E  alle  ordinarie  pane 
corporali  si  dovettero  aggiungere  pane  pecuniarie  per  colore 
che  "sparlavano  contro  la  signoria  austriaca". 

E  quando,  dal  1485  in  poi,  Federico  III  tento  piii  volte 
d'annettere  Trieste  all'impero,  i  Triestini  s'opposero  sempre 
recisamente,  *'ricordando  che  la  loro  citta  era  italiana". 

E  nel  1508  in  un  pubblico  comizio,  mentre  un  vecchio 
arringava  i  cittadini  sostenendo  che  sarebbe  stato  molto 
meglio  per  Trieste  di  passare  sotto  la  dominazione  di 
Venezia,  la  folia  getto  le  bandiere  imperiali  "nel  fango  del 
fossato  delle  mura". 

E  anche  dopo  che  Carlo  V  assegno  nel  1522  la  citta  a  suo 
fratello  Ferdinando,  i  Triestini  non  dimenticarono  mai  di 
sentirsi  e  riaffermarsi  italiani.  Per  esempio:  la  cancelleria 
imperiale  durante  il  1523  invio  al  Comune  di  Trieste  un 
atto  scritto  in  lingua  tedesca.  II  Comune  lo  respinse, 
rispondendo  con  fiera  semplicita:  Cu7n  latini  simus  linguam 
ignoramus  theutonicam.  E  avendo  nel  1524  la  cancelleria 
imperiale  "rinnovato  I'offesa",  il  Comune  di  Trieste,  re- 
spingendo  un'altra  volta  I'atto,  replied  con  meravigliosa  di- 
gnita  italica:  Quia  civitas  tergestma  est  in  finihus  et  limitihus 
Italiae,  omnes  civis  et  ibidem  oriundi  habent  proprium  sermo- 
nem  et  idioma  italicum. 

Fatti  superbi  ma  ultimi  della  vigorosa  anima  comunale. 
Trieste  cadde  dalla  sua  nobilta,  insieme  con  gli  altri  Comuni 
dTtalia. 

Solo  due  cose  i  Triestini  custodirono  con  tenace  gelosia: 
le  tradizioni  della  loro  origine  romana  e  la  loro  autonomia 
comunale.  Da  ogni  imperatore,  essi  pretesero  sempre  la 
conferma  giurata  dei  loro  antichi  privilegi.  Nel  1564  si 
rifiutarono  di  riformare  gli  statuti  municipali,  come  voleva 
imporre  I'arciduca  Carlo.  Nel  1660  salutarono  come  ospite, 
non  come  signore,  I'imperatore  Leopoldo  I  andato  a  Trieste, 
e  designarono  la  comunita   romanamente:    Senatus  Popu- 


TRIESTE   DAL   1183  AL   1800  455 

lusque  Tergestinus.  L'Ughelli,  il  quale  visito  Trieste  nel 
XVII  secolo,  rilevo  che  i  Triestini  "si  compiacevano  di 
vantarsi  progenie  dei  Romani".  E  lo  storico  Scussa,  se 
ricorda  che  il  Comune  di  Trieste  aveva  deciso  di  tenere  la 
cronaca  degli  avvenimenti:  se  ricorda  che  al  capitano  della 
citta  si  dava  per  segno  del  comando  una  mazza:  se  ricorda 
che  in  certe  gare  si  davano  alcune  balestre  in  premio  ai 
vincitori,  dice  sempre  che  si  faceva  tutto  cio  "a  uso  dei 
Romani,  imitatori  dei  quali,  come  di  loro  sangue  discendenti, 
si  ritenevano  i  Triestini".  Nel  i688  il  Comune  raccolse 
nella  piazza  grande  le  antichita  romane  minori,  "perche 
testimoniassero  con  onore  dell'origine  della  citta".  Nel 
1694  lo  stesso  Comune  decreto  la  stampa  di  quella  Storia 
di  Trieste  di  Ireneo  della  Croce,  che  e  una  continua  e  vi- 
brante  esaltazione  della  romanita  di  Trieste.  E  non  poche 
aristocratiche  famiglie  triestine  del  suddetto  periodo  di  tempo 
usarono  mettere  nei  loro  stemmi  la  frase  de  stirpe  quiritdy 
per  magnificare  con  essa  la  loro  presunta  origine  romana. 
Finance  nel  1727,  ossia  dieci  anni  dopo  che  Carlo  VI  im- 
peratore  d'Austria,  approfittando  del  decadimento  di  Venezia, 
aveva  dichiarato  Trieste  "porto  franco",  financo  allora  i 
patrizi  triestini,  mandando  un  atto  al  governo  imperiale,  si 
vantarono  d'essere  discendenti  plurimis  ex  equestri  patricio 
ac  consulari  ordiiie  familiis  ad  has  extremas  oras  ex  Urhe 
emigratis. 

Dichiarata  porto  franco  nel  1717,  collegata  al  suo 
naturale  retroterra  con  vie  commerciali,  ravviata  alia  for- 
tuna  dei  grandi  traffici,  Trieste  non  tardo  a  diventare  un 
centro  d'immigrazione  intensa.  Vi  affluirono  migliaia 
'dTtaliani,  specialmente  dallTtalia  del  nord.  Vi  affluirono 
contemporaneamente  migliaia  di  Tedeschi,  Illirici,  Greci, 
Ebrei  abbastanza  intriganti  e  impertinenti,tanto  da  arro- 
garsi  ben  presto  il  diritto  —  spinti  e  protetti  in  cio  dal 
governo  austriaco  —  di  combattere  I'italianita  della  citta 
ospitale  non  solo  nello  spirito  e  nella  fisonomia,  ma  anche 
nel  nome. 

II  Comune  di  Trieste  resiste  prodigiosamente.    Costretto, 
per  esempio,  dopo  lunga  opposizione,  ad  accettare  la  nomina 


456  PARTE   SECONDA 

sovrana  d'uno  dei  suoi  giudici,  esso  protesto  scrivendo 
malinconicamente  aH'imperatore:  "Restera  solo  alia  citta 
il  deplorare  per  sempre  le  sue  disgrazie  a  causa  della  dero- 
gazione  delle  sue  leggi". 

Cosi  la  fine  del  Settecento  trovo  Trieste  ingombra  di 
stranieri,  immersa  negli  affari,  nuotante  in  un'opulenza 
borghese  priva  affatto  di  fierezza  politica,  e  vero;  ma  la 
trovo  benanco  e  sopratutto  italiana.  Italiani  il  municipio, 
le  scuole,  le  accademie,  i  teatri,  i  clubs.  Italiani  i  piii  emi- 
nenti  cittadini,  dei  quali  basta  ricordare,  nel  campo  del 
pensiero,  Gian  Rinaldo  Carli  nativo  di  Capodistria  ma 
triestino  d'adozione,  autore  della  celebre  lettera  Sulla 
Patria  degV  Italiani  che,  sol  cuo  appello  "diveniamo 
finalmente  italiani  per  non  cessare  d'essere  uomini",  espresse 
per  la  prima  volta  il  concetto  concreto  dell'unita  nazionale; 
e,  nel  campo  dell'azione,  la  famiglia  Piatti  immolatasi  nel 
1779  a  Napoli  per  la  gloria  di  quella  Repubblica  Partenopea, 
la  quale  fu  uno  dei  fulgidi  episodi  iniziali  del  Risorgimento 
Italiano.  Pietro,  il  padre  della  famiglia  Piatti,  e  il  figlio 
Antonio  morirono  da  forti  sul  patibolo;  la  madre  Andreana 
Prosdocimi  e  la  figlia  Elisabetta  furono  gettate  nel  carcere 
di  Santa  Maria  Apparente;  il  figlio  Giuseppe,  graziato 
perche  adolescente,  fu  rinchiuso  nel  carcere  di  Favignana; 
il  figlio  Pietro,  riuscito  a  fuggire,  mori  di  crepacuore  in  esilio 
dopo  pochi  giorni.  Primi  martiri,  primi  e  sacri  testimoni 
della  nuova  anima  italiana  di  Trieste! 


V 

Le  lotte  dell'italianita  sostenute  con  intensa  perse- 
veranza  dai  Triestini,  dagl'Istriani,  dai  Dalmati  e  dai 
Trentini  contro  1' Austria,  dai  trattato  di  Vienna  del  1815 
fino  alle  rivoluzioni  italiane  del  1848. 

Dopo  il  trattato  di  Vienna  del  181 5,  le  regioni  del  confine 
orientale  d'ltalia,  nonostante  il  dominio  politico  dell'Au- 
stria  e  gli  sforzi  fatti  dai  governo  austriaco  per  deturpare 
il   carattere   italiano   dei   cittadini,   si   mantennero   sempre 


GL'IRREDENTI   DAL    1815   AL    1848  457 

italiane  e  diedero  con  filiale  amore  uno  splendido  contributo 
di  pensiero,  di  denaro  e  di  sangue  alle  lotte  del  patrio  risorgi- 
mento. 

A  Trieste,  per  esempio,  trovarono  rifugio  non  pochi 
liberali  napoletani  del  1821. 

Dopo  il  1 82 1,  Vendite  carhoniche  (comitati  della  Carhone- 
ria)  s'agitarono  a  Trieste  e  nellTstria  e  con  tanto  fervore, 
da  far  proseliti  perfino  nel  clero.  Un  decreto  del  governo 
austriaco  del  20  agosto  1823  dava  appunto  al  clero  la  colpa 
"delle  trasgressioni  politiche  delle  popolazioni  istriane". 

Nel  1829  il  triestino  Domenico  Rossetti  —  poeta,  storico, 
archeologo,  anima  fiera  di  patrizio  d'antico  Comune  italico 
— fondava  a  Trieste  il  giornale  italiano  intitolato  V Archeo- 
grafo  Triestino,  e  con  esso  rinfacciava  aH'impero  austriaco 
la  inosservanza  dei  patti,  gli  contrastava  I'azione  snatura- 
trice  dell'italianita,  alimentava  la  protesta  dei  Triestini 
contro  le  illegalita  e  gli  abusi  governativi.  E  Pietro  Kandler 
esumava  la  nobilta  romana  di  Trieste,  la  magnificenza  ro- 
mana  di  Pola,  la  sopravvissuta  impronta  romana  di  Parenzo, 
la  potenza  romana  della  X  Regio  Italica,  il  vallo  romano  del- 
I'estremo  confine  orientale  dTtalia  dal  passo  di  Postumia  a 
Fiume,  e,  con  la  severa  eloquenza  della  storia,  riaffermava 
in  faccia  alio  straniero  la  profonda  italianita  della  terra  posta 
tra  le  Alpi  Giulie  e  il  mare. 

A  Trieste  nel  1833  fu  arrestato  il  capitano  di  mare 
Giuseppe  Sgarzolo,  "sotto  I'accusa  d'avere  accolto,  a  bordo 
del  suo  bastimento  Spartano,  segrete  riunioni  di  cospiratori 
italiani  e  di  avere  tramato  contro  la  vita  di  Metternich". 

A  Trieste,  tra  il  1834  e  il  1836,  fu  fondata  da  un  gruppo 
di  capitalisti  in  gran  parte  italiani  la  compagnia  del  Lloyd 
austro-ungarico.^ 

Intorno  alio  stesso  tempo  fu  fondato,  anche  a  Trieste, 
dal    dottor   A    Madonizza    di    Capodistria    e    da    Giovanni 

^  II  primo  piroscafo  di  questa  Compagnia  salpo  il  i6  maggio  1837  per  Costanti- 
nopoli. 

Da  quel  giorno,  la  storia  del  Lloyd  austro-ungarico  non  segno  che  una  sequela  di 
crescenti  success!.  I  suoi  vapori  batterono  tutti  i  mari  del  mondo:  dal  Mediter- 
raneo  al  Pacifico,  dal  mar  Rosso  all'Atlantico. 

II  Lloyd  austro-ungarico  rimase  sempre  un'istituzione  italiana.  Italiani  inomi 
dei  suoi  cento  piroscafi,  italiano  il  suo  Consiglio  d'Amministrazione,  italiani  i  suoi 
impiegati,  italiani  i  suoi  marinari,  italiani  gli  operai  del  suo  splendido  arsenale, 


458  PARTE   SECONDA 

Orlandini  libraio  triestino,  un  altro  giornale  intitolato 
La  Favilla  col  motto  "Poca  favilla  gran  fiamma  seconda" 
(il  primo  numero  di  questo  giornale  usci  il  31  luglio  1836) 
che  divento  ben  presto  un  centro  animatore  d'italianita.^ 

Centinaia  di  Triestini  nel  1843  si  recarono  a  Venezia 
per  assistere  all'inaugurazione  della  ferrovia:  e  i  congressi, 
anche  quelli  scientifici,  ai  quali  essi  parteciparono,  si  tra- 
sformarono  in  entusiastiche  manifestazioni  d'italianita. 

A  Trieste  nel  1843  si  rappresentarono  il  Nahucco  e  i 
Lomhardiy  e  nel  1844  VErnani  (tre  opere  verdiane  di  pro- 
fondo  significato  patriottico),  provocando  frenetiche  dimo- 
strazioni  d'italianita. 

Nel  1844  la  propaganda  della  Giovine  Italia  a  Trieste  e 
neiristria  era  quanto  mai  attiva.  La  polizia  austriaca  dove 
andare  in  traccia  di  quattro  ardenti  emissari  della  detta 
societa:  G.  Berardi,  F.  Orioli,  R.  Carbonis,  G.  Grozet, 
accusati  di  "girovagare  sottO' different!  pretesti  di  commercio 
e  di  letteratura". 

Nello  stesso  anno  1844  i  fratelli  Attilio  ed  Emilio  Bandie- 
ra  disertarono  dalla  marina  austriaca,  della  quale  erano 
ufficiali,  e  andarono  in  Calabria  per  suggerimento  di  Mazzini 
ch'essi  adoravano,  alio  scopo  di  sollevare  quelle  popolazioni 
in  favore  della  causa  nazionale.  Ma  furono  traditi,  quindi 
presi  e  fucilati  dai  soldati  borbonici  a  Cosenza.  Trieste 
offri  anch'essa  un  martire  in  quella  patriottica  occasione: 
Giulio  Canal,  il  quale,  arrestato  dagli  Austriaci  come  com- 
plice del  nobile  tentative,  mori  nel  1845  in  carcere  a  causa 
dei  tormenti  fisici  e  morali  inflittigli. 

Nel  1846  si  rappresento  a  Trieste  un'altra  opera  verdiana 
di  chiaro  significato  patriottico  —  Y Attila  —  provocando 
nuove  frenetiche  dimostrazioni  d'italianita. 

Trieste  —  appena  seppe  che  Ferdinando  II  di  Borbone 
il  10  febbraio  1848  aveva  promulgate  la  Costituzione  nel 
Regno   delle    Due   Sicilie,   Costituzione   seguita   da    quelle 

^  Furono  collaboratori  de  La  Favilla:  prima  i  poeti  Francesco  Dall'Ongaro 
sacerdote  di  Mansue  (Oderzo),  Antonio  Gazzoletti  da  Nago  presso  Riva  di  Trento 
e  Antonio  Summa  (il  noto  librettista  di  Verdi)  della  Carnia;  poi  il  pubblicista  Paci- 
fico  Valussi  c  il  pittore  Giovanni  Kandler;  infine  la  novelliera  friulana  Caterina 
Percoto  e  Graziadio  Ascoli  da  Gorizia. 

L'Ascoli  divento  giottologo,  fonologo,  filologo  di  fama  mondiale  ed  anche  senatore 
del  Regno  d'ltalia  (1829-1907). 


GL'IRREDENTI   DAL   1815   AL   1848  459 

del  Granduca  di  Toscana,  di  Carlo  Alberto  e  di  Pio  IX  e  dai 
moti  rivoluzionari  di  Vienna  —  s'abbandono  a  straordinarie 
dimostrazioni  d'italianita.  La  folia,  capitanata  da  Leone 
Fortis  giornalista  e  drammaturgo  triestino  e  da  Federico 
Seismit-Doda  dalmataS  percorse  giubilante  le  vie  <lella 
citta,  inneggiando  alia  liberta,  bruciando  I'effige  del  principe 
Metternich  ministro  austriaco,  costringendo  il  tedesco 
Bruck  a  sputare  su  quell'effige  e  a  salutare  il  vessillo  italiano 
bianco,  rosso,  verde.  Nel  Teatro  Comunale  il  pubblico  saluto 
con  vivissimi  applausi  gli  artisti  presentatisi  sul  palcosce- 
nico  con  coccarde  tricolori  al  petto  e  agitando  una  grande 
bandiera  italiana  spiegata.  Al  Tergesteo,  sede  della  Camera 
di  Commercio,  la  folia,  durante  la  notte,  decreto  che  il 
giorno  seguente — 17  marzo  1848  —  fosse  festa  nazionale 
e  reclamo  per  il  detto  giorno  la  chiusura  dei  negozi,  degli 
uffici  governativi  e  della  Borsa.  Furono  cambiati  i  nomi  ai 
pubblici  ritrovi.  Per  esempio:  il  Teatro  Filodrammatico 
fu  chiamato  Teatro  Costituzionale,  I'Hotel  Metternich  fu 
chiamato  Albergo  Nazionale,  il  Caffe  Stella  Polare  fu 
chiamato  CafFe  Gioberti,  il  CaflFe  Tommasi  fu  chiamato 
CafFe  Tommaseo.  Fu  istituita  la  Guardia  nazionale.  Un 
gruppo  di  patrioti,  fattosi  dare  un  piroscafo  dal  Lloyd 
austro-ungaricOy  salpo  alia  volta  di  Venezia  per  portare  la 
fausta  novella  della  Costituzione  ai  fratelli  della  riva 
opposta.  In  un'assemblea  popolare  fu  dichiarato  "abusivo" 
I'aggregamento  del  181 5.  Una  Giunta  municipale  provvi- 
soria  protesto  contro  la  Dietadi  Francoforte  cheaveva  delibe- 
rato  I'annessione  di  Trieste  alia  Confederazione  Germanica, 
affermando  —  essa  Giunta  —  che  Trieste  era  citta  italiana; 
mando  un  indirizzo  di  simpatia  alia  rivoluzionaria  Costi- 
tuente  Viennese;  concreto  un  programma  col  quale  reclamo 
scuole  italiane,  il  riconoscimento  della  lingua  italiana  negli 
uffici  governativi,  la  istituzione  d'un'universita  o  almeno 
d'una  Facolta  Giuridica  italiana.  E  la  Societd  dei  Triestini 
chiese  che,  ripristinati  i  patti  del  1382,  Trieste,  non  potendo 
passare  all'Italia,  fosse  almeno  dichiarata  indipendente 
dalle  altre  province  soggette  all'Austria  e  avesse  uno  statute 

*  Federico  Seismit-Doda  da  Ragusa  (Dalmazia)   fu  due  volte  ministro  delle 
Finanze  del  Regno  d'ltalia  (1825-1893). 


460  PARTE   SECONDA 

proprio,  autorita  giudiziarie  propiie,  tutti  i  privilegi  d'una 
citta  perfettamente  autonoma  e  libera.  La  detta  societa, 
inoltre,  respinse  una  proposta  d'omaggio  aH'imperatore  e 
congiuro  di  bruciare  le  navi  austriache  ancorate  nel  porto 
di  Trieste. 

I  Lombardi  e  i  Veneti,  intanto,  facevano  la  rivoluzione. 
Alle  cinque  giornate  di  Milano  e  all'assedio  di  Venezia 

non  mancarono  glTtaliani  irredenti.  Basta  ricordare  per 
tutti  il  triestino  Giuseppe  Revere  poeta  e  drammaturgo 
insigne,  coUaboratore  deWItalia  del  Popolo  di  Mazzini, 
nelle  cui  colonne  Garibaldi  pubblico  i  suoi  primi  appelli 
alia  gioventii  italiana. 

E  basta  ricordare  il  seguente  episodic. 

II  governatore  austriaco  Pallfly,  scacciato  da  Venezia, 
fuggiva  verso  Trieste.  Durante  la  traversata,  il  vapore  sul 
quale  egli  si  trovava  s'incontro  con  un  legno  sul  quale  si 
trovava  Seismit-Doda  diretto  a  Venezia.  Ecco  come  lo 
stesso  Seismit-Doda  narro  I'incontro  in  una  pagina  vibrante 
d'italianita: 

I  piroscafi  si  erano  accostati.  Appena  si  pote  udire  la  voce, 
noi  domandammo:  Oual  nuove  di  Venezia?  Ci  fu  risposto  con 
una  sola  parola:  Repuhblica!  lo  ebbi  la  forza  di  urlare:  Viva  San 
Marco!  Ebbi  quella  forza  che  li  per  li  manco  ai  marinai,  i  quali 
caddero  a  terra  senza  voce,  piangendo  e  levando  le  braccia  a  Dio 
per  ringraziarlo  di  quella  notizia.  La  piii  parte  erano  Dalmati! 
Viva  San  Marco!  Viva  la  Repuhblica!  E  questi  gridi  erano  pu- 
gnalate  al  cuore  di  chi  assisteva  dall'altro  bastimento  alio  spetta- 
colo  della  nostra  gioia,  alia  frenesia  del  nostro  santo  entusiasmo. 

Quando  il  prioscafo  diretto  a  Trieste  ripiglio  la  sua  via,  lento 
e  silenzioso  come  un  corteggio  funebre,  quando  le  due  navi,  sim- 
boleggianti  la  morte  e  la  vita,  si  staccarono,  un  tiro  di  fucile  sul 
nostro  bordo  saluto  pel  primo  la  Repubblica  Veneta.  Dopo 
cinquant'anni  la  bandiera  di  San  Marco  tornava  a  sventolare 
sull'Adriatico,  e  gli  evviva  repubblicani  risuonavano  nell'aria. 
Quel  colpo,  o  Veneziani,  partiva  da  un  fucile  dalmata,  era  sparato 
da  un  Dalmata!  Avvenimento  degno  di  memoria  duratura,  se  si 
pensi  che  gli  ultimi  tiri  di  saluto  alia  morente  Repubblica  di  San 
Marco,  cinquant'anni  prima,  si  erano  fatti  dai  Dalmati  davanti 
alia  Piazzetta,  quando  fu  d'uopo  a  Venezia  di  cacciarli  a  viva  forza 
e   piangenti,   per  non   averli    difensori   ultimi   e  disperati  contro 


GL'IRREDENTI   DAL   1815   AL   1848  461 

I'Austria.  Veneziani,  come  foste  fratelli  ai  Dalmati  nei  giorni 
della  gloria  vostra,  siatelo  anche  oggi  che  la  nuove  era  promette 
glorie  maggiori  a  noi  tutti!  I  Dalmati  ve  ne  ricambieranno  d'in- 
vincibile  amore.  Perche  da  cinquant'anni,  sappiatelo  adesso 
pubblicamente,  da  cinquant'anni,  in  un'ignorata  chiesetta  della 
Dalmazia  stanno  sepolte  le  bandiere  della  Repubblica,  alle  quali  i 
Dalmati  piangendo  resero  nel  1797  i  funebri  onori.  Se  alle  ban- 
diere la  terra,  agli  afFetti  nostri  per  voi  fu  sacrario  il  cuore.  lo  mi 
sento  Italiano,  come  Dalmata  nacqui.  Nell'afFetto  che  a  un 
grande  mio  compatriota  e  maestro  —  a  Niccolo  Tommaseo — voi 
dimostrate,  io  vedo  la  caparra  d'un'indissolubile  unione  dell'Italia 
con  la  Dalmazia. 

L'Hagenaer,  deputato  triestino  alia  Costituente  di 
Vienna,  esclamava:    '*Io  sono  deputato  d'ltalia!" 

Un  giornalista  tedesco,  sempre  nel  1848,  alludendo  alia 
forma  geografica  dell'Italia,  asseriva  malignamente  ch'egli 
non  sapeva  come  fosse  fatto  uno  stivale.  Gliel'insegno 
La  Gazzettadi  Trieste  con  un  pepatoarticolo, nel  quale  I'autore 
dimostro  tra  I'altro  che  "I'lstria  era  appunto  il  tirante  dello 
stivale  italiano,  come  bene  aveva  compreso  Metternich 
che,  per  infilare  tale  stivale,  quel  tirante  s'era  prima  assi- 
curato". 

Dopo  Curtatone  e  MontanaraS  //  Giornale  di  Trieste 
osava  scrivere: 

A  placare  i  mani  di  Curtatone  e  Montanara,  altro  non  resta 
che  spingere  I'iride  italiana  dal  Ticino  al  Mincio,  dal  Piave  al- 
risonzo,  fin  dove  stende  la  sua  curva  ultima  il  sorriso  del  cielo 
d'ltalia. 

Ed  esprimendo  i  sentiment!  della  parte  piii  vibrante  dei 
Triestini,  lo  stesso  giornale  soggiungeva: 

L'unico  nemico  che  abbia  oggi  (1848)  I'ltalia  e  il  Tedesco. 
Non  parlo  d'individui  e  nemmeno  di  popoli,  ma  di  quall'atteggia- 
mento  che  alia  gente  germanica  e  suggerito  dagli  antichi  interessi 
e  dalla  moderna  ambizione.     Ma  che  importa  se  la  Germania  non 

*A  Curtatone  e  a  Montanara  (provincia  di  Mantova)  il  29  maggio  1848  si 
scontrarono  40,000  Austrian  comandati  da  Radetzky  con  6,500  studenti  in  maggior 
parte  toscani,  napoletani,  modenesi,  reggiani  e  non  pochi  triestini  e  trentini.  Dopo 
un  fiero  combattimento  di  sei  ore,  i  giovani  italiani,  che  s'erano  battuti  come  leoni, 
furono  accerchiati,  soverchiati  e  fatti  prigionieri,  mentre  lasciavano  numerosi 
morti  e  feriti  sul  terreno. 


462  PARTE   SECONDA 

vuole  la  vittoria  della  causa  italiana?  Chi  pensa  a  questo?  Vo- 
gliono  glTtaliani,  I'hanno  giurato,  e  qui  e  tutto.  La  Germania 
protesti;  ai  campagnoli  bavarici  faccia  indossare  le  assise  militari 
deU'Austria  e  passare  le  Alpi.  LTtalia  dara  piamente  sepoltura 
anche  ad  essi. 

//  CostituzionaUy  organo  liberale  dei  Triestini,  rivolgeva, 
sempre  nel  1848,  al  popolo  di  Trieste  il  seguente  appello: 

II  volere  essere  in  niun  tempo  altri  da  quelli  che  Iddio  ci  ha 
fatti,  cioe  a  dire  Italiani,  sarebbe  delitto  in  faccia  alio  stesso  Dio, 
delitto  in  faccia  ai  nostri  poveri  morti  che  credettero  vivere, 
credettero  morire  italiani;  delitto,  o  Popolo,  in  faccia  ai  nostri 
figliuoli  a  cui  dobbiamo  illesa  e  bella  e  accresciuta  lasciare  I'eredita 
che  abbiamo  nascendo  ricevuta.  Se  niuna  terra  ebbe  ed  ha 
tuttavia  piu  sve;nture,  quale  altra  mai  illuminata  dal  sole  ha  anche 
un  pill  bel  nome,  piij  glorie,  piu  splendido  e  piu  maestoso  passato 
della  terra  a  cui,  stretta  da  vincoli  intessuti  dalla  mano  di  Dio, 
appartiene  questa  terra  tua? 

Altre  manifestazioni  pubbliche,  comprovanti  il  senti- 
mento  di  Trieste  nel  1848,  furono  capitanate  dal  capodi- 
striano  Nicolo  de  Rin  e  dal  triestino  Costantino  Cumano 
uomini  di  tenace  fede  italiana  fieramente  avversi  al  dominio 
austriaco,  dal  giovane  ardentissimo  Francesco  Hermet  e 
dal  giornalista  Giulio  Solitro.  Si  tento  perfino  d'inalzare 
il  tricolore  italiano  sul  Castello.  Vi  furono  scontri  di 
carattere  anti-austriaco  tra  soldati  e  cittadini.  Vi  furono 
moltissime  zufFe  tra  mazziniani  o  liberali  da  una  parte  "e 
poliziotti  misti  a  plebaglia  straniera  assoldata"  dall'altra, 
con  molti  feriti  e  molti  morti.  Alcuni  Triestini,  giunti  a 
bordo  di  piccoli  legni  da  Venezia  a  Trieste,  furono  massacra- 
ti  dai  soldati  austriaci,  perche  alio  sbarco  gridarono:  "Viva 
la  Repubblica  di  Venezia  e  di  Trieste!" 

Cosi  il  movimento  nazionale  s'andava  sempre  piii 
accentuando  nelle  regioni  italiane  soggette  all'Austria.  II 
governo  austriaco  ne  era  preoccupatissimo.  Per  riparare, 
s'affretto  ad  "importare",  nelle  dette  regioni,  numerosi 
stranieri  *'caninamente  famelici  e  fidi".  Ne  importo  piii 
di  15,000  (tedeschi  e  slavi)  soltanto  a  Trieste  nel  1848, 
e   ad   essi   diede  subito  ogni   sorta   di  protezione  e   affido. 


GL'IRREDENTI   DAL   1815   AL   1848  463 

con   una  sfacciataggine   da  sbalordire,   i   piu  importanti  e 
lucrosi  impieghi  cittadini. 

Un  giornale  locale  saluto  i  nuovi  arrivati  con  queste 
ingenue  ma  significative  parole; 

Viva  a  tutti!  Pensate  solo  che  questa  (la  citta  di  Trieste) 
e  terra  italiana;  italiano  il  lieto  mare  che  la  confina;  italiano 
I'animo  nostro.  Serbate  in  cuore  il  sacro  tesoro  dei  vostri  afFetti 
nativi  che  noi  rispettiamo  e  ammiriamo.  Ma  voi,  frattanto, 
rispettate  il  nostro  amore  per  I'ltalia,  perche  noi  siamo  e  saremo 
sempre  italiani. 

//  Costituzionale  fu  piii  esplicito.  Esso  accuso  il  govern© 
austriaco  "di  essersi  fatto  avvocato  dello  Slavismo  in 
Trieste,  dopo  avere  favorito  il  Germanismo". 

E  La  Gazzetta  di  Trieste  corroboro  I'accusa,  scrivendo 
amaramente: 

Ai  cittadini  che  resta?  Invasi  da  altri  che  essi  i  pubblici 
uffici,  le  pubbliche  scuole;  signoreggiato  il  libero  pensiero  da 
un'altra  lingua  che  la  loro;  pasciuti  degli  odori  che  escono  dalla 
cucina  altrui,  sono  essi  soli  —  i  Triestini  —  i  forestieri  nella  loro 
citta.  Addio  signori  che  noi  ospitammo,  che  i  nostri  padri  ac- 
colsero  con  tanta,  con  troppa  fiducial  Prometteteci  almeno,  o 
signori  stranieri,  che  un  giorno  avremo  un  piccolo  posto  nel  nostro 
cimitero. 

Quale  solida  base  di  verita  avessero  le  afFermazioni  dei 
giornali  triestini  del  1848,  lo  dimostrarono  due  postumi 
documenti,  cioe:  un  memoriale  mandato  a  nome  di  Trieste 
nel  1859  al  Congresso  di  Parigi,  e  un  opuscolo  del  Valussi 
e  di  Costantino  Ressmann  (altro  triestino,  piii  tardi  amba- 
sciatore  dTtalia  a  Costantinopoli  e  a  Parigi)  pubblicato  nel 
1 861  e  diflFuso  per  tutta  I'Europa. 

Diceva  il  primo: 

L' Austria,  con  I'intrusione  in  Trieste  dei  Tedeschi  e  altri 
stranieri  a  lei  dediti  in  tutte  le  cariche,  in  tutti  gli  uffici,  sin  nei 
seggi  del  nostro  municipio,  ordina  e  disordina  a  suo  talento  ogni 
nostro  interesse,  secondo  i  suoi  fini,  e  con  scuole  tedesche  e  preti 
slavi  e  impiegati  d'ogni  stirpe,  tenta  imbastardire  e  farci  dimen- 
ticare  la  nostra  nazionalita  italiana. 

Diceva  il  secondo: 


464  PARTE   SECONDA 

Nel  1848  e  in  appresso,  veggendo  che  la  natura  insegnava 
ai  Triestini  di  essere  Italiani,  si  fece  dai  partigiani  dell'Austria  un 
grande  sforzo  contro  tutto  cio  che  era  italiano.  Si  spesero  im- 
mense somme  per  corrompere  la  plebe,  facendo  da  facchini  prezzo- 
lati  perseguitare  tutti  quelli  che  si  pensava  dovessero  parteggiare 
per  ritalia.  Le  denunzie,  le  perquisizioni,  le  persecuzioni  per- 
sonali,  i  carceramenti,  i  processi,  gli  sfratti  arbitrari,  le  violenze 
d'ogni  sorta  al  sentimento  italiano  formano  la  storia  di  questi 
ultimi  13  anni. 

Ma  non  solo  a  Trieste,  anche  nelle  altre  terre  irredente, 
la  lotta  dell'italianita  nel  1848  assunse  vaste  proporzioni. 

In  parecchie  citta  della  Dalmazia  si  formo  la  Guardia 
civica.  A  Spalato  il  popolo  libero  dal  carcere  Antonio 
Baiamonti  e  Pietro  Savo,  due  ardenti  propugnatori  della 
causa  italiana. 

A  Trento  (19  marzo  1848)  il  popolo  insorse,  inalbero  la 
bandiera  tricolore,  sfido  le  fucilate  del  picchetto  austriaco 
di  guardia,  distrusse  gli  uffici  delle  Finanze,  corse  al  palazzo 
municipale  e  impose  che  partisse  subito  per  Vienna  un'appo- 
sita  commissione  coll'incarico  di  domandare  rimmediata 
separazione  del  Trentino  dal  Tirolo  tedesco  e  I'aggrega- 
zione  di  esso  al  Lombardo-Veneto.  L'indomani,  20  marzo 
1848,  il  municipio  di  Trento  istitui  anch'esso  la  Guardia 
nazionale  e  rivolse  alia  cittadinanza  un  appello  patriottico 
nel  quale  s'esprimeva  I'augurio  che  I'esempio  di  Trento 
fosse  seguito  dall'intero  Trentino.  Ad  Ala,  infatti,  a  Rovere- 
to,  a  Riva,  in  altre  citta,  nelle  vallate,  dappertutto,  gli 
abitanti  del  Trentino  issarono  la  bandiera  italiana  e  si 
fregiarono  i  petti  con  coccarde  tricolori. 

II  4  aprile  1848  Niccolo  Tommaseo  dirigeva  alia  popola- 
zioni  del  Trentino  un  manifesto  patriottico,  incitandole  a 
combattere  e  vincere  nel  nome  d'ltalia. 

II  6  dello  stesso  mese  il  generale  Allemandi  lanciava  da 
Brescia  un  proclama  col  quale  incitava  i  fratelli  trentini 
a  unirsi  ai  volontari  per  scacciare  lo  straniero  dall'I- 
talia. 

E  i  giovani  trentini  non  rimasero  sordi:  formarono  una 
Legione  Trentina,  un  corpo  di  Franchi  Cacciatori  e  un  altro 
di  Guide  del  Tirolo,  e  corsero  generosamente  a  difendere  la 


GL'IRREDENTI   DAL   1815   AL   1848  465 

patria,   cantando   un   inno   scritto   appositamente   per  loro 
dal    poeta   trentino   Antonio   Gazzoletti. 

Le  trombe  squillano, 
pronto  e  il  fucile, 
la  patria  misera 
ci  chiama  a  se. 

Di  Carlo  Alberto 
seguiam  le  file. 
Morte  ai  Tedeschi! 
Evviva  il  Re! 

II  governo  austriaco,  intanto,  proclamava  lo  state 
d'assedio  a  Trento;  intimava  ai  cittadini,  pena  la  vita,  di 
consegnare  le  armi  al  Castello;  inibiva  loro  di  radunarsi 
in  piii  di  due  per  le  vie;  aboliva  la  Guardia  nazionale; 
arrestava  i  piii  eminenti  patrioti,  tra  i  quali  Gaetano  Manci, 
Matteo  Thum,  Giuseppe  Testi,  Pietro  Sizzo. 

Per  tutta  risposta,  il  Gazzoletti,  Angelo  Ducati,  Sigi- 
smondo  Manci,  Giovanni  Danielli,  Lorenzo  Festi  e  Giam- 
battista  Zenelli  trentini,  andavano  a  Valleggio  e  presenta- 
vano  a  Carlo  Alberto  un  indirizzo  col  quale  il  Trentino 
dichiarava  d'aderire  alia  fusione  col  Piemonte.  Un'identica 
domanda  la  presentavano  a  Carlo  Alberto  anche  i  trentini 
Vittore  Ricci  e  Giovanni  Rizzi. 

II  15  aprile  1848  ci  fu  uno  scontro  a  Castel  Toblino  tra 
Italiani  ed  Austriaci.  Rimasero  prigionieri  degli  Austriaci 
ventuno  volontari  italiani  tutti  giovani.  Condotti  a  Trento, 
essi  furono  presentati  al  comandante  austriaco  della  guarni- 
gione,  colonnello  Zobel,  il  quale  disse  loro  cipigliosamente  di 
prepararsi  senz'altro  a  morire. 

Gl'infelici  passarono  la  notte  esposti  all'aria  aperta,  su  poca 
paglia,  nella  fossa  del  Castello.  Due  monaci  francescani  li  con- 
fortavano  pietosamente.  Al  rullo  prolungato  del  tamburo,  una 
squadra  di  soldati  austriaci  si  present©  aU'imboccatura  della  fossa. 
Le  vittime  furono  divise  in  due  drappelli.  Poi  si  comincio  I'esecu- 
zione.  Sotto  gli  occhi  dei  compagni  si  prese  a  bendare  i  giovani 
del  primo  drappello;  ma  i  generosi,  strappate  le  bende,  le  gettarono 
lontano,  gridando:  Viva  V Italia!  Ci  fu  una  salva  .  .  .,  di  li  a 
pochi  minuti  un'altra  .   .   .,  e  tutto  fu  consumato! 


466  PARTE   SECONDA 

I  prigionieri  presi  dai  soldati  austriaci  il  29  maggio  1848 
nelle  battaglie  di  Curtatone  e  Montanara,  furono  condotti 
anch'essi  oltre  le  Alpi,  attraverso  il  Trentino. 

Le  popolazioni  irredente  fecero  di  tutto  perche  nelle  soste 
del  passaggio  fossero  alleviate  le  sofFerenze  di  quegl'infelici. 
Dalle  finestre  di  Trento  —  gremite  di  persone  piangenti  e 
gridanti  Jddio,  Jratelli  iialianil  —  piovevano  quattrini  e 
pane.  Lungo  le  vie,  chi  diede  cibo,  chi  vino,  chi  acquavite, 
chi  tabacco.  Fu  una  gara  d'ospitalita  veramente  fraterna. 
Fu  una  commovente  affermazione  d'italianita,  tanto  piii 
significativa,  in  quanto  si  videro  i  soldati  austriaci  fremere 
di  rabbia. 

A  Bolzano  i  prigionieri  ebbero  ancora  cordiali  accoglienze, 
e  cosi  a  Bressanone,  fino  al  Brennero,  culmine  delle  Alpi 
Retiche  alto  2,022  metri. 

In  quel  punto  —  cosi  il  Tarugi,  uno  dei  prigionieri  —  vi  e  un 
termine;  su  quel  termine  tutti  scrivemmo  il  nostro  noma  e  lo 
baciammo  con  entusiasmo,  come  per  dire  addio  all'Italia  neH'atto 
di  mettere  il  piede  su  terra  straniera,  o  perche  ci  accarezzasse  in 
cuore  la  speranza  che  un  giorno  la  nostra  patria  avrebbe  raggiunto 
quel  suo  confine  naturale. 

Nello  stesso  mese  di  maggio  del  1848  i  Trentini  furono 
invitati  dal  governo  austriaco  a  partecipare  alle  discussioni 
della  Dieta  del  Tirolo.  Essi  opposero  un  energico  rifiuto, 
considerando  la  loro  partecipazione  come  dannosa  alia 
popolazione  del  Trentino  e  in  aperta  contradizione  coi  diritti 
di  nazionalita  e  di  lingua  che  dalla  Costituzione  erano  a 
loro  garantiti.  Inviarono,  al  contrario,  deputati  al  Parla- 
mento  germanico  per  propugnare  in  quell'Assemblea  i 
diritti  italiani.  Caratteristico  e  oltremodo  coraggioso  fu 
il  discorso  del  deputato  da  Siessen,  che  spezzo  I'ultima 
lancia  dell'italianita  nella  seduta  del  31   giugno  1848. 

Riporto  qui  qualche  brano  del  detto  discorso: 

Vorrei  solo  sapere  —  disse  I'oratore  —  se  il  Tirolo  italiano 
si  chiama  Tirolo  italiano  perche  abitato  da  Tedeschi!  Vorrei 
sapere  se  le  quattro  cuoche,  gli  ostieri,  gl'impiegati  tedeschi  che  vi 
abitano  si  debbano  chiamare  I'elemento  tedesco!  Se  volete  fare 
un'enumerazione,  io  vi  assicuro  che  troverete  a  Milano  e  a  Roma 


GL'IRREDENTI   NEL   1848   E    1849  467 

piu  elemento  tedesco  che  a  Rovereto;  e  in  questo  caso,  andate: 
fate  entrare  anche  Roma  e  Milano  nella  Confederazione  germanica. 
Ci  fu  detto  inoltre,  o  signori,  che  i  deputati  tirolesi  italiani,  con  la 
loro  comparsa  in  questo  luogo,  hanno  riconosciuto  in  via  di  fatto  di 
appartenere  di  buon  diritto  alia  Germania.  Certo  che  essi  rico- 
noscono  il  fatto  di  questa  unionc;  ma  e  appunto  I'unione  di  diritto 
ch'essi  vorrebbero  vedere  sciolta;  e  per  ottenere  questo,  dovevano 
venire  qui.  Se  si  fossero  rifiutati  di  scegliere  deputati,  chi  avrebbe 
qui  difesa  la  causa  della  loro  nazionalita?  Voi  avete  inteso  che 
I'oratore  Prato  si  esprimeva  con  difficolta.  Ora  io  vi  chieggo: 
se  gl'Italiani  del  Tirolo  meridionale  avessero  potuto  scegliere 
persone  che  tutte  sapessero  parlare  correttamente  il  tedesco,  non 
le  avrebbero  essi  scelte?  II  fatto  sta  che  non  ne  hanno,  ne  possono 
trovarne,  appunto  perche  sono  Italiani.  Ci  fu  detto  che  questa 
Assemblea  nazionale  dev'essere  un'Assemblea  tedesca  e  non 
italiana.  Sia  pure.  Ma  se  essa  dev'essere  un'Assemblea  tedesca, 
non  costringete  gl'Italiani  a  mandare  qui  deputati  italiani. 
Lasciate  che  li  mandino  altrove,  a  una  Dieta  italiana,  cioe  verso 
quel  punto  dove  son  chiamati  dalle  loro  simoatie,  verso  la  loro 
patria  italiana. 

Infine  i  Trentini  inviarono  a  Vienna  i  loro  deputati 
col  mandate  di  propugnare  la  separazione  del  Trentino 
dal  Tirolo,  e  nello  stesso  tempo  indirizzarono  alia  Costi- 
tuente  una  petizione  con  46,000  firme,  nella  quale  chiede- 
vano  "che  sia  pronunziata  la  separazione  amministrativa 
e  parlamentare  dei  Circoli  di  Trento  e  Rovereto  dalla 
parte  tedesca  della  provincia  del  Tirolo,  e  che  tra  loro  siano 
organizzati  ed  equamente  distribuiti  tutti  i  poteri,  in  base 
al  nuovo  sistema  della  nazionalita". 

VI 

I  Trentini,  i  Triestini,  gl'Istriani  e  i  Dalmati  per  la 
Repubblica  Romana  retta  dai  triunviri  Mazzini,  Saffi 
e  Armellini  e  difesa  da  Garibaldi  contro  il  papa,  e  per  la 
Repubblica  di  Venezia  retta  da  Manin  e  dal  Toinmaseo 
e  difesa  da  Guglielmo  Pepe  contro  1' Austria  (1849). 

Numerosi  furono  i  Trentini,  i  Triestini,  gl'Istriani  e  i 
Dalmati  accorsi  nel  1849  alia  difesa  di  Roma  "per  sigillare 
col   sangue  —  come   disse  Guerrazzi  —  il  patto  di  famiglia 


468  PARTE   SECONDA 

che  lega  tutti  gl'Italiani  intorno  alia  citta  eterna".  Basta 
dire  che  dei  4CK)  difensori  caduti  nella  memorabile  battaglia 
del  29  giugno  1849  —  rultima  che  Garibaldi  combatte 
per  la  vita  e  per  I'onore  della  Repubblica  Romana  retta 
dai  triunviri  Mazzini,  Saffi  e  Armellini  —  50  erano  trentini 
e  triestini. 

E  trentini,  triestini,  istriani,  dalmati  furono  in  gran  parte 
i  volontari  che,  dopo  I'epica  lotta  e  la  gloriosa  sconfitta, 
seguirono  I'Eroe  nella  sua  dolorosa  ritirita,  sulla  spinosa 
via  del  patrio  ideale.  Trentini:  Edoardo  Negri,  Francesco 
Mattedi,  Pietro  Bertelli,  Achille  Bevilacqua,  Pietro  Cavali, 
don  Pietro  Casanova,  I'ingegnere  Carlo  Marzari,  Domenico 
Dicio,  i  fratelli  Pilade  e  Narciso  Bronzetti.^  Triestini: 
il  poeta  Giuseppe  Revere^  Filippo  Zamboni^  Giacomo  Vene- 
zian\  Sansone  Levi  "amicissimo  di  Garibaldi",  Giovanni 
Bruflrel. 

Ancora  piii  numerosi  furono  i  Trentini,  i  Triestini, 
gl'Istriani  e  i  Dalmati  accorsi,  dopo  la  caduta  della  Repub- 
blica Romana,  alia  difesa  della  Repubblica  di  Venezia 
retta  da  Manin  e  dal  Tommaseo. 

Si  formo  per  quell'occasione  una  speciale  Legione 
dalmato-istriana. 

E  da  tutta  la  sponda  orientale  —  cosi  il  giovane  triestino  At- 
tilio  Tamaro  —  fu  portato  un  tribute  di  sangue  e  d'ingegno,  di 
energia  e  di  eroismo  alia  risorta  Repubblica  di  San  Marco.  Ma 
nessun  episodic  incarno  in  una  linea  tanto  semplice  e  tanto 
rappresentativa  quello  accorrere  di  popoli  adriatici  verso  il  rina- 
scente  splendore  di  San  Marco,  quanto  il  seguente,  ch'io  stesso 
sent!  raccontare  con  profonda  commozione. 

Appena  incominciata  la  lotta  tra  la  Repubblica  e  Radetzky, 
si  presentarono  al  doge  Daniele  Manin  due  giovani  dalmati,  e  uno 

^  Vedere  I'elenco  complete  nel  volume  //  Trentino  nel  Risorgimento  del  dottor 
Levio  Marchetri. 

''  Fu  degli  ultimi — col  dottor  Saglioso,  con  Francesco  DaU'Ongaro  e  Aurelio 
Saffi  —  a  lasciare  Roma. 

^  Lo  Zamboni  e  Pietro'Pieri,  rimasti  ultimi  sul  campo  di  battaglia,  salvarono  la 
bandiera  che  poi  consegnarono  al  Municipio  di  Roma  capitale  d'ltalia  dopo  il 
1870.  Alio  Zamboni  scrisse  Garibaldi:  "Voi  la  salvaste  la  bandiera  della  gio- 
ventu  italiana  con  pericolo  della  vita  vostra  preziosa". 

*  II  Venezian,  battutosi  valorosamente,  riporto  ferite  gravi.  Cesso  di  vivere 
il  2  luglio  1849  nelle  braccia  dell'amico  e  concittadino  Revere.  La  povera  madre, 
accorsa  frettolosa,  lo  trovo  cadavere;  poco  dopo  mori  anch'essa  di  dolore. 


GL'IRREDENTI   NEL   1848   E    1849  469 

di  loro  gli  disse  in  pretto  dialetto  veneziano:  Nostra  pare  ne  ga 
mandd  a  difender  San  Marco.  El  ne  ga  dito  che  7  ga  inteso  che  el 
Leon  de  San  Marco  se  xe  risveglid,  e  che  de  tre  fioi  do  el  li  manda  a 
lu.  El  ne  ga  dito  che  saludemo  el  Doxe  e  che  ghe  dixemo  che  se  no  '/ 
fusse  troppo  vecio  el  sarave  vignu  anca  lui  a  basarghe  la  man  e  a 
difenderlo!  Nostro  padre  ci  ha  mandato  a  difendere  San  Marco. 
Egli  ci  ha  detto  di  avere  inteso  che  il  Leone  di  San  Marco  s'e 
risvegliato,  e  che  di  tre  figlioli  due  li  manda  a  lui.  Egli  ci  ha  detto: 
Salutatemi  il  Doge  e  ditegli  che  se  non  fossi  troppo  vecchio,  sarei 
venuto  anch'io  a  baciargli  lamano  e  a  difenderlo. 

I  due  giovani  presero  parte  all'assedio,  compiendo  pro- 
digi  di  valore. 

Dei  volontari  trentini,  basta  ricordare  il  capitano  Federi- 
co  Martini,  Giovan  Battista  Adami,  Domenico  Bonetti, 
Bartolomeo  Malfatti  e  Tommaso  Sar  (questi  due  ultimi, 
ricordati  nei  documenti  dell'epoca  per  I'intrepidezza  dimo- 
strata  "nei  momenti  piii  ardui").  E  dei  triestini:  Leone 
Fortis,  Giovanni  Orlandini  (I'antico  editore  de  La  Favilla 
di  Trieste  e  auditore  maggiore  del  Governo  provvisorio  di 
Venezia),  Filippo  Coen,  Francesco  Erberti,  Costantino 
Cijmano,  Samuele  Romanin  (insegnante  alia  patriottica  cat- 
tedra  di  Storia  Veneta  istituita  dalla  nuova  Repubblica), 
Francesco  Poropat,  Arturo  Zanetti,  Pietro  Romano,  Fran- 
cesco Herbert  e  il  pittore  Giuseppe  Gattesi.  Degl'istriani: 
Nicolo  Vergottini,  il  capitano  Marcantonio  Borisi  che  in 
un'arditissima  sortita  da  Mestre  prese  parecchi  cannoni 
agli  Austriaci,  Alessandro  Almerigotti,  Alessandro  Godina, 
Giuseppe  Dragicchio,  Giuseppe  Rubinisch,  Pietro  Scar- 
boncich,  Luigi  Ritozzo,  i  fratelli  Giovanni  e  Lodovico  Alme- 
rigotti e  Giovanni  Bevilacqua  (quest'ultimo  si  batte  come 
un  leone  sotto  il  forte  Montedoro,  tre  volte  a  Campalto  e 
pill  di  venti  volte  su  zattere).  E  dei  dalmati:  Seismit- 
Doda  e  il  piu  illustre  di  tutti  —  Niccolo  Tommaseo — ch'era 
allora  ministro  della  pubblica  istruzione  nella  Repubblica 
di  San  Marco. 


470  PARTE   SECONDA 


VII 

I  Trentini,  i  Triestini,  gl'Istriani  e  i  Dalmati  per  la 
loro  italianita  dal  1850  al  1858.  II  lor  filiale  contributo 
di  sangue  alia  seconda  guerra  di  liberazione  dell'Italia 
contro  1' Austria  (1859). 

La  lotta  deU'italianita,  dopo  il  1849,  continuo  con  lo 
stesso  fervore  di  prima  nel  Trentino,  a  Trieste,  nellTstria 
e  nella  Dalmazia,  nonostante  le  severe  misure  preventive 
e  repressive  della  polizia  austriaca. 

Nel  1850,  per  esempio,  ando  a  Trieste  Giuseppe  Verdi. 
II  grande  maestro  fu  accolto  con  gioia  e  con  feste  dai  citta- 
dini. 

Nello  stesso  anno  vi  ando,  invece,  I'imperatore  Francesco 
Giuseppe.  "Ma  I'accoglienza  —  scrisse  il  console  sardo 
al  suo  governo  —  che  il  monarca  austro-ungarico  riceve 
fu  freddissima,  per  non  dire  glaciale*  non  si  senti  un  solo 
evviva  in  tutta  la  giornata". 

II  30  agosto  1 85 1  I'imperiale  e  reale  rappresentante  del 
governo  austriaco  a  Gorizia,  preoccupato  della  caratteri- 
stica  foggia  di  vestire  dei  patrioti  italiani,  foggia  troppo 
significativa,  pubblicava  la  seguente  **Notificazione"  che 
e  un  gioiello  di  tirannia  e  d'amenita  a  un  tempo: 

II  portare  vestiti  che  per  la  loro  singolarita  si  distinguono  in 
modo  sorprendente  daH'ordinario  costume  del  paese  e  che,  nella 
loro  singolarita  appunto,  portano  I'impronta  di  una  provocante 
arroganza,  non  sono  da  tollerarsi.  Annovero  pure  tra  simili 
distintivi  i  cappelH  bruni  di  ala  larga  che  da  poco  anche  in  questo 
paese  della  corona  presero  piede  e  spesso  vengono  portati  unita- 
mente  ad  un  vestito  di  colore  eguale.  Sono  intimamente  convinto 
che  dagli  abitanti  delle  unite  contee  principesche  di  Gorizia  e 
Gradisca  questi  e  simili  distintivi  non  vengono  portati  che  per 
mania  d'imitazione,'^ed  e  percio  che  vorrei  vedere  allontanato  tutto 
cid  che  potrebbe  dar  motivo  di  sospettare  sul  retto  contegno  di 
questa  popolazione.  Invito  quindi  gli  abitanti  delle  contee  di 
Gorizia  e  Gradisca  a  non  usare  simili  vestiti  ed  altri  segni  distin- 
tivi, e  a  riguardare  questo  mio  eccitamento  per  un'amichevole 
ammonizione,   onde   non   essere   costretto   a   dover  imputare   al 


GL'IRREDENTI   DAL   1850  AL   1859  471 

contravventore  della  medesima  una  tendenza  perversa,  che  da  me 
verrebbe  soppressa  con  vigore  e  irremissibilmente  punita. 

I  plu  ardenti  patriot!,  stanchi  di  tante  vessazioni,  decisero 
di  preparare  un  moto  rivoluzionario.  Esso  doveva  scoppiare 
a  Trieste  il  i°  marzo  1853,  e  da  Trieste  doveva  estendersi 
nelle  altre  citta  irredente.  Ma  il  governo  austriaco,  che 
non  dormiva,  seppe  la  cosa  e  s'affretto  a  provvedere, 
ingrossando  le  file  delle  spie,  aumentando  le  guarnigioni, 
consegnando  i  soldati  nelle  caserme,  raddoppiando  i  posti 
di  guardia,  sguinzagliando  pattuglie  di  ferocissimi  birri  a 
destra  e  a  sinistra,  procedendo  a  perquisizioni  e  ad  arresti, 
esiliando  (il  giovane  dalmata  Carlo  Boscovich,  per  esempio, 
dove  andarsene  in  Piemonte),  sopprimendo  giornali  (furono 
soppressi  tra  gli  altri  //  Giornale  di  Gorizia  fondato  a  Gorizia 
da  Carlo  Favetti  e  L'Eco  dell'Isonzo  di  Gradisca  diretto 
da  Federico  Comelli),  condannando  distinti  cittadini  a 
duro  carcere  (Giuseppe  Grioli,  "per  la  propaganda  liberale 
da  lui  fatta  in  Dalmazia",  fu  condannato  a  12  anni  di  lavori 
forzati). 

Nel  1856  Antonio  Gazzoletti  e  parecchi  altri  Italian! 
irredenti,  neirimminenza  del  Congresso  di  Parigi,  pensa- 
rono  di  richiamare  per  mezzo  di  Cavour  I'attenzione  del 
Congresso  stesso  sul  Trentino,  alio  scopo  di  ottenere  il 
distacco  di  detta  regione  dalla  Confederazione  Germanica. 
Uno  d'essi  ando  appositamente  a  Torino  a  conferire  col 
ministro.  E  questi  rispose  esprimendo  la  propria  simpatia 
per  i  Trentini  e  assicurando  ch'egli  non  si  sarebbe  lasciata 
sfuggire  I'occasione  di  parlare  nel  Congresso  a  favore  delle 
loro  aspirazioni  nazionali.  Demetrio  Livaditi  fondava  il 
periodico  La  Ciarla  a  Trieste,  dove  gia  si  pubblicavano  // 
Pungolo  e  Quel  che  si  vede  e  quel  che  non  si  vede.  E  in  tutt'e 
tre  i  giornali  scrissero  per  la  causa  nazionale,  tra  gli  altri, 
il  poeta  Arnaldo  Fusinato  e  Leone  Fortis.  Contro  il  Fortis 
fu  anzi  spiccato  mandato  di  cattura,  e  i  giornali  furono 
poco  dopo  soppressi.  NellTstria  fu  pubblicato  //  Popolano 
d'Istria  da  Michele  Facchinetti  autore  d'una  Preghiera 
Nazionale  (imparata  a  memoria  dagli  abitanti  dell'intera 
regione)   che  finiva  cosi:    *'Fate  dunque,  o  Signore,  ch'io 


472  PARTE   SECONDA 

ami  la  mia  nazionalita,  e  I'amore  e  la  stima  per  essa  sieno 
motivo  ad  amare  e  stimare  le  altre  in  un  vincolo  di  pace  e 
di  felicita".  E  il  Tommaseo  scriveva  lettere  e  volumi,  in 
cui  fortemente  vibrava  il  cuore  della  Dalmazia  per  I'ltalia. 

Si  giunse  cosi  fino  al  1859. 

In  quell'anno  I'Austria  attacco  il  piccolo  Piemonte  che 
s'era  gia  alleato  con  la  Francia.  Al  cominciamento  della 
guerra,  si  videro  accorrere  in  Italia  volontari  da  Trieste, 
dallTstria/  dal  Friuli;  si  vide  accorrere  in  difesa  della 
patria  la  piii  bella  gioventii  trentina,  nonostante  le  baionette 
austriache  assiepate  sui  confini,  nonostante  i  pericoli 
d'ogni  sorta. 

II  governo  di  Vienna,  in  data  7  giugno  1859,  invano 
decretava  a  nome  deH'imperatore  che,  per  la  seconda  leva, 
il  contingente  del  Circolo  di  Trento  "doveva  essere  di  1,000 
uomini".  I  giovani  gli  sfuggivano  e  correvano  con  in- 
frenabile  slancio  ad  arrolarsi  sotto  le  bandiere  di  Vittorio 
Emanuele  II  e  di  Garibaldi. 

Oltre  a  cio,  una  deputazione  trentina  si  presentava  al 
campo  e  consegnava  alio  stesso  Vittorio  Emanuele  II  un 
indirizzo  cosi  concepito: 

Adesso  che  a  fianco  del  generoso  vostro  alleato,  I'imperatore 
dei  Francesi,  per  una  via  seminata  ad  ogni  passo  di  vittorie  e 
benedizioni,  vi  inoltrate  trionfalmente  per  le  province  italiane 
redente  nel  vostro  nome,  permettete,  o  Sire,  che  anche  glTtaliani 
della  provincia  di  Trento  vengano  per  mezzo  nostro  innanzi  a  voi 
a  ripetere  che  la  Croce  di  Savoia  non  e  meno  invocata  tra  i  loro 
monti  di  quello  che  lo  sia  nelle  altre  parti  dell'Alta  Italia;  che  nella 
provincia  di  Trento  siete  pure  aspettato  e  sospirato  liberatore  e  re. 
Noi  non  ci  nascondiamo,  o  Sire,  la  gravita  delle  circostanze  ecce- 
zionali  in  cui  versa  il  nostro  paese  di  fronte  alia  gloriosa  vostra 
impresa;  ma  appunto  perche  infeudati  mostruosamente  alia 
Germania,  noi  sentiamo  con  piu  calore  d'essere  italiani  e  stretta- 
mente  legati  alia  causa  dei  nostri  fratelli,  da  voi  con  tanta  lealta 
e  valore  propugnata.  II  cielo,  o  Sire,  non  cessi  un  istante  di  pro- 
sperare  le  vostre  armi;  e  possano  I'esultanza  e  la  gloria  che,  com- 
piuta  la  grande  impresa,  circonderanno  il  vostro  trono,  non  essere 

*  II  professore  Antonio  Coiz  narivo  di  Faedils  (Friuli),  che  si  trovava  ad  inse- 
gnare  nell'Istria,  corse  con  tutti  i  suoi  allievi  istriani  ad  arrolarsi  in  Italia.  E  il  ricco 
goriziano  Francesco  Verzegnasse  a  Torino  mise  tutto  se  stesso  e  le  sue  sostanze  a 
disposizione  dei  volontari. 


GL'IRREDENTI   DAL    1850  AL   1859  473 

contristate  dal  pianto  di  Italian!  curvi  ancora  sotto  il  peso  del- 
I'oppressione  straniera. 

E,  quasi  contemporaneamente,  le  donne  dell'Istria 
mandavano  a  Vittorio  Emanuele  II  la  bandiera  per  il  370 
reggimento  fanteria  e  un  indirizzo  nel  quale  dicevano: 

Sono  le  donne  dell'Istria,  le  quali,  pegno  di  loro  lagrime,  vi 
mandano  e  ofFrono  questo  stendardo,  questo  labaro  di  certa  salute, 
ricordando  che  I'lstria  hi  sempre  italiana,  da  quando  Roma  antica 
le  affidava  la  guardia  del  varco  piu  geloso  d'ltalia. 

Nella  vittoriosa  campagna,  i  volontari  delle  regioni 
italiane  irredente  si  fecero  non  poco  onore.  Basta  ricordare, 
per  tutti,  i  trentini  Leopoldo  Martini  tenente  dei  bersaglieri 
e  Narciso  Bronzetti  garibaldino. 

II  Martini  cadde  a  San  Martino  (24  giugno  1859)  mentre 
impavido  guidava  la  sua  compagnia  di  bersaglieri  al- 
I'assalto. 

E  Narciso  Bronzetti,  capitano  della  terza  compagnia 
del  primo  reggimento  Cacciatori,  dopo  avere  valorosamente 
combattuto  a  fianco  del  Duce  a  Varese  e  a  San  Fermo, 
I'S  giugno  1859  con  soli  94  volontari  mise  in  fuga  presso 
Seriate  1,500  soldati  austriaci.  "Con  uomini  di  tanta  pro- 
dezza  —  scriveva  subito  Garibaldi  —  si  puo  tentare  ogni 
impresa!     L'ltalia   deve   ricordarli   eternamente". 

Nel  combattimento  di  Treponti,  poi  (15  giugno  1859), 
il  Bronzetti  compi  gesta  degne  d'epopea.  Una  prima  palla 
austriaca  lo  colpi  gravemente  al  braccio  destro,  facendogli 
cader  di  mano  la  spada.  II  valoroso  la  raccatto  con  la 
sinistra,  I'agito  in  alto  quanto  pote,  gridando  avanti\  —  E 
continuo  a  pugnare. 

Avanti!     Avanti! 
Gridava  il  forte,  e  rotto  il  destro  braccio 
Da  una  palla,  con  I'altro  alzo  la  spada, 
E  avanti;  e  un'altra  palla  anche  il  sinistro 
Gli  ruppe,  e  avanti!  E  cosi  tutto  sangue 
Correa  contro  il  nemico. 

Finche  una  terza  palla  lo  colpi  mortalmente  al  fianco. 

Insin  che  il  fianco 
Gli  trapasso  una  terza,  e  pur  due  passi 


474  PARTE  SECONDA 

Far  voile,  e  avanti,  avanti  sempre! 
Gridava  ai  suoi  cadendo. 

Allora  fu  portato  aH'ambulanza  e  poco  dopo  a  Brescia  in 
casa  del  suo  amico  Basilio  Maffezzoli.  Ivi  il  maggiore 
Ferrari  gli  porto  una  medaglia  d'argento  al  valor  militare. 
"Garibaldi  —  disse  il  portatore  a  Narciso  ,Bronzetti  —  ti 
manda  questo  segno  d'onore  per  il  fatto  di  Seriate,  riser- 
vandosi  di  darti  condegna  ricompensa  per  quello  di  ieri". 

L'eroe  trentino  sorrise,  accosto  la  medaglia  alle  labbra, 
la  bacio  e  spiro,  mentre  il  maggiore  Ferrari  gli  leggeva  una 
lettera  che  lo  stesso  Garibaldi  gli  aveva  mandato  insieme 
con  la  medaglia. 

Carissimo  Bronzetti, 

Voi  siete  certamente  al  disopra  di  qualunque  elogio,  e  avete 
giustamente  meritato  il  nome  di  prode  dei  prodi  della  nostra 
colonna.  II  vostro  coraggio  supero  la  gravita  delle  vostre  ferite, 
e  voi  sarete  reso  ai  vostri  compagni  d'arme. 

Accogliete  un  fraterno  abbraccio  dal  vostro  amico 

Giuseppe  Garibaldi. 

A  guerra  finita,  nonostante  la  croce  militare  di  Savoia  e 
la  nomina  a  maggiore  decretate  alia  memoria  di  Bronzetti, 
Garibaldi,  in  un  indirizzo  ai  Trentini,  si  faceva  interprete 
della  gratitudine  nazionale  verso  quei  generosi,  scrivendo 
loro: 

Furono  centinaia  e  centinaia  i  concittadini  di  Bronzetti  che 
si  distinsero  nella  sacra  guerra,  ed  una  parola  non  s'e  alzata  per 
segnalarli  alia  gratitudine  nazionale.  Valga  la  mia  debole  voce 
a  supplire  in  parte  all'involontario  oblio  e  a  ricordare  dei  piu 
nobili  e  generosi  della  famiglia  italiana,  su  cui  posano  merita- 
mente  le  nostre  speranze  di  redenzione. 

I  Trentini  risposero  all'Eroe: 

Per  quanto  un  paese  italiano  ancora  oppresso  dallo  straniero 
puo  esultare,  il  Trentino  esulta  per  quello  che  avete  detto  in 
favor  suo,  e  con  quanto  v'ha  di  piu  nobile  nell'anima,  vi  ringrazia 
e  vi  benedice  dal  fondo  delle  sue  sciagure.  II  sangue  versato  e 
gli  amari  disinganni  e  tutti  i  dolori  patiti,  gli  paiono  piii  sopporta- 
bile  cosa,  poiche  gli  valsero  il  vostro  encomio,  la  vostra  racco- 
mandazione. 


GL'IRREDENTI  NEL  1860  475 

II  municipio  di  Trento,  inoltre,  e  i  municipi  delle  altre 
citta  del  Trentino  (Rovereto,  Ala,  Tione,  Condino,  Levico, 
Strigno)  reclamarono  a  Vienna  la  loro  aggregazione  al 
Veneto,  "aggregazione  richiesta  dal  sentimento  nazionale 
del  Trentino  e  dai  suoi  bisogni  e  interessi".  Con  tale  passo, 
i  Trentini  miravano  a  condividere  le  sorti  del  Veneto,  "quan- 
do  questo  sarebbe  stato  unito  all'Italia". 

E  alia  fine  dell'anno  (dicembre  1859)  anche  i  Triestini 
redassero  un  memoriale,  che  poi  fu  presentato  al  Congresso 
Europeo,  col  quale  chiesero  che  Trieste,  "impregiudicati 
i  diritti  unitari,  fosse  dichiarata  citta  libera,  facente  parte 
della  Confederazione  italiana,  come  pareva  dovesse  essere 
del  Veneto". 

VIII 

I  Trentini,  i  Triestini  e  gl'Istriani  nella  spedizione  dei 
Mille.  II  lor  filiale  contributo  di  sangue  all'intera 
guerra  del  i860  per  la  liberazione  dell'Italia  Meridionale 
e  dell'Italia  Centrale.  La  feroce  reazione  degli  Austriaci. 
Le  somme  di  denaro  raccolte  dagl'Istriani  per  la  causa 
nazionale.  La  bandiera  italiana  delle  donne  triestine  a 
Garibaldi  (i860). 

Garibaldi,  nel  preparare  la  spedizione  dei  Mille,  apriva 
una  sottoscrizione  nazionale  per  un  milione  di  fucili.  A 
Trieste,  nel  Trentino,  nel  Friuli  orientale,  nellTstria,  come 
in  tutto  il  resto  d'ltalia,  la  notizia  di  tale  fatto  suscito  un 
entusiasmo  straordinario.  Nei  caffe,  nelle  farmacie,  in 
ogni  pubblico  ritrovo,  nelle  case  private,  non  si  parlava 
d'altro  e  apertamente.  In  talune  citta  dellTstria  fu  perfino 
issata  la  bandiera  italiana.  Sui  muri  apparvero  iscrizioni 
inneggianti  a  Garibaldi  e  a  Vittorio  Emanuele  II  e  impre- 
canti  al  governo  austriaco  e  alle  sue  spie. 

La  polizia,  fremente,  ricomincio  a  perquisire  a  repri- 
mere.  A  Trieste,  presso  un  certo  Brul,  essa  sequestro  piii 
di  3,000  fucili  e  represse  violentemente  una  dimostrazione 
anti-austriaca.  A  Gorizia,  per  tema  di  dimostrazioni 
italiane,  proibi  la  passeggiata  al  Corso.  Furono  messe  in 
istato  d'assedio  parecchie  citta.     Furono  sequestrati  i  beni 


476  PARTE   SECONDA 

dei  cittadini  trentini  e  istriani  emigrati  in  Italia.  Un 
autografo  imperiale  comando  alle  sentinelle  di  pattuglia 
sui  confini  di  fare  "il  piii  esteso  uso  delle  armi  contro  le 
persone  che  tentassero  di  varcarlo". 

Ma  nonostante  tutto,  i  Trentini  riuscirono  ad  afFermare 
i  loro  sentimenti  con  un'espressione  plebiscitaria  ricompen- 
diata  in  questa  concisa  formula:  "I  sottoscritti  dichiarano 
essere  desiderio  e  voto  generale  del  paese  I'annessione  di 
questo  al  regno  costituzionale  di  Vittorio  Emanuele  II". 
NeU'Istria  pote  girare  una  poesia  popolare  con  la  quale  si 
mettevano  in  ridicolo  il  Borbone  e  la  corte  di  Vienna.  E 
fucili  ne  furono  mandati  non  pochi  in  Italia. 

AU'alba  del  6  maggio  i860,  sui  piroscafi  Piemonte  e 
Lombardo,  salpati  dal  fatale  scoglio  di  Quarto,  vi  erano  coi 
Mille  di  Garibaldi  i  trentini  Antonio  Armani,  Oreste  Bara- 
tieri,  Ergisto  Bezzi,  Tomaso  Bolcego,  Domenico  Toller 
detto  Giacomo  Costa,  Giovanni  Dalla  Costa,  Antonio 
Fattori,  Giuseppe  Fontana,  Enrico  Isnenghi,  Giuseppe 
Leonardi,  Filippo  Manci,  Quirino  Moiola,  Pietro  Martori, 
Anselmo  Sterchele,  Filippo  Tranquillini,  Camillo  Zancani 
e  Attilio  Zanotti  (i  trentini  Enoch  Bezzi,  fratello  d'Ergisto, 
il  conte  Francesco  Martini  e  Luigi  Marcabruni,  non  avendo 
fatto  in  tempo  a  imbarcarsi  a  Quarto,  raggiunsero  Garibaldi 
a  Milazzo),  Francesco  Bidischini  del  Friuli  Goriziano, 
Marziano  Ciotti  di  Gradisca  ed  altri.  A  Trieste  fu  arrestato 
un  intero  comitato  d'arrolamento.  E  a  causa  appunto  del 
rigore  spiegato  dal  governo  austriaco,  si  dove  se  molti 
Triestini  non  poterono  raggiungere  la  gloriosa  spedizione. 

Giuseppe  Fontana  e  Camillo  Zancani  della  quinta 
compagnia,  Filippo  Manci,  Filippo  Tranquillini  ed  Ergisto 
Bezzi  detti  i  tre  moschettieri,  furono  i  primi  alia  memorabile 
salita  del  colle  di  Calatafimi  e  poi  all'assalto  di  Palermo. 
Ed  Enrico  Isnenghi  e  Giuseppe  Leonardi,  sebbene  feriti, 
continuarono  a  combattere  leoninamente  sulle  barricate  di 
quest'ultima  citta. 

II   garibaldino   Giuseppe   Cesare   Abba  '   tratteggio   da 

•  L'Abba  fu  uno  dei  piu  eroici  volontari  dei  Mille,  poi  illustratore  incomparabile 
della  leggendaria  spedizione,  aiifore  di  parecchie  altre  opere  storiche,  educatore 
insigne.  Silenzioso  e  modesto,  visse  in  poverta  decorosa,  non  facendo  mai  pompa 
dei  servigi  resi  alia  Patria.  Fu  nominate  senatore  del  Regno  il  6  giugno  1910. 
Mori  cinque  mesi  dopo  (1838-1910). 


GL'IRREDENTI   NEL   1860  477 

par  suo  il  profilo  di  parecchi  suoi  commilitoni  trentini. 
Lo  Zancani:  "con  le  tempie  gia  grige,  e  di  cui  le  rughe  pro- 
fonde  dalle  nari  agli  angoli  della  boca  dicevano  ch'egli 
sapeva  il  dolore  da  un  pezzo,  ma  che  pure  aveva  I'aria  quasi 
lieta  e  pareva  dicesse  continuamente  a  se  stesso:  allegri 
e  avantiV*  —  Lo  Zanotti:  "sempre  giovane  e  bello,  sempre 
largo  del  suo  gran  cuore". —  L'Isnenghi:  "semplice  come 
acqua  d'altissima  vena,  umile  in  tutto  come  un  fraticello 
di  quelli  a  cui  san  Francesco  diceva  per  via  le  sue  soavi  cose". 
—  II  Tranquillini:  "fiore  di  gioia  e  di  cortesia  da  stare  in 
un  canto  di  gesta". —  II  Manci:  "cosi  verginale  nella 
finezza  del  viso,  che,  se  non  fosse  stata  la  prestante  persona, 
si  sarebbe  detto  ch'era  una  donzella  in  uniforme  garibaldina; 
e  cosi  amante  del  pericolo,  che  per  un  rischio  in  cui  ci  fosse 
stato  da  contendersi  il  posto,  era  capace  di  corrucciarsi 
col  piii  caro  degli  amici". —  Ergisto  Bezzi:  ''pareva  il 
Ferruccio  staccatosi  da  una  tela  del  500  per  venir  vivo  a 
vedere  che  cosa  sapessimo  fare  noi,  dopo  avere  tanto  can- 
tato  col  Mameli  d'avere  il  suo  cuore  (il  cuore  del  Ferruccio), 
d'avere  la  sua  mano  (la  mano  del  Ferruccio),  e  che  merite- 
rebbe  da  solo  (il  Bezzi)  che  giustizia  di  popoli  desse  all'Italia 
la  terra  di  Trento  dov'e  Cusiana,  il  borghetto  in  cui  egli 
(il  Bezzi)  nacque". 

Molti  altri  Trentini  raggiunsero  Garibaldi  in  Sicilia,  e 
lo  seguirono  in  tutta  la  campagna  dell'Italia  Meridionale 
fino  a  che  il  Borbone  non  fu  interamente  sconfitto.  Basta 
ricordare  Pilade  Bronzetti,  fratello  di  Narciso  "il  prode 
dei  prodi".  Nella  sanguinosissima  mischia  corpo  a  corpo 
che  segui  a  Milazzo  il  20  luglio  i860  tra  Garibaldini  e 
Borbonici,  Pilade  Bronzetti,  che  aveva  il  grado  di  maggiore, 
prese  tre  pezzi  d'artiglieria  al  nemico.  E  piii  tardi  a  Castel 
Morone  con  soli  270  uomini  respinse  per  undici  ore  di 
seguito  gli  assalti  di  ben  4,000  Borbonici,  finche,  ferito  di 
baionetta  e  colpito  da  una  palla  al  petto,  cadde,  brandendo 
la  spada,  per  non  piii  rialzarsi. 

Sdegnoso 
d'ogni  resa,  Leonida  novello, 
ruotando  a  cerchio  la  fraterna  spada, 
lanciavasi  a  morir  per  mezzo  i  mucchi 
dei  fraterni  cadaveri. 


478  PARTE   SECONDA 

Garibaldi,  annunziando  il  fatto  nell'Ordine  del  giorno 
alle  sue  legioni,   disse: 

A  Castel  Morone,  Pilade  Bronzetti,  emulo  degno  del  fratello, 
vi  ripeteva  uno  di  quei  fatti  che  la  storia  porta  certamente  accanto 
a  quelli  compiuti  dai  Leonida  e  dai  Fabi. 

E  nelle  sue  Memories  I'Eroe  soggiunse: 

Accanto  alle  immortali  famiglie  del  Cairoli  e  dei  De  Benedetti 
e  a  tante  altre  per  cui  veste  lutto  I'ltalia,  poniamo  quella  dei  Bron- 
zetti. II  maggiore  dei  fratelli  cadde  contro  gli  Austriaci  a  Tre- 
ponti;  il  secondo  cadde  non  meno  eroicamente  a  Castel  Morone. 
Resta  un  terzo  ai  vecchi  genitori,  e  anche  questo,  col  consenso  de- 
gl'incomparabili  vegliardi,  e  pronto  a  dar  la  sua  vita  all'Italia. 

Nella  liberazione  d'Ancona  si  distinsero  non  poco  i 
trentini  Leopoldo  Tonini  e  il  capitano  Venturi.  Quest'ul- 
timo  s'adopero  attivamente  per  promovere  un'insurre- 
zione  nello  Stato  Romano  soggetto  al  pontefice. 

Insomma  i  Trentini  pugnarono  dovunque  nel  i860: 
nelle  file  dell'esercito  piemontese,  come  nelle  file  degli 
eserciti  dell'  Italia  Centrale  e  dellTtalia  Meridionale. 
Non  ci  fu  brigata  in  cui  non  se  ne  sia  contato  piii  d'uno. 
Se  ne  trovarono  22  nella  brigata  Modena,  29  nella  brigata 
Reggio,  loi  nella  brigata  Bologna,  quasi  100  nel  battaglione 
Vignola  e  120  nell'esercito  meridionale.  Circa  500  in 
tutto.  Furono  ben  poche  le  province  italiane  che  poterono 
contarne  altrettanti.  Prendendo  per  base  la  proporzione 
della  leva  ordinaria  ch'era  allora  in  Italia  del  25  per  mille, 
il  Trentino,  con  una  popolazione  di  330,000  abitanti,  avrebbe 
dovuto  fornire  825  soldati.  Ne  form  invece  500,  ossia  due 
terzi  del  contingente  ordinario.  Ma  bisogna  considerare 
ch'esso  —  il  Trentino  —  dove  pur  sostenere  il  peso  delle 
leve  austriache  forzate. 

Anche  il  contingente  dato  dai  Trentino  alia  legione  dei 
Mille  fu  oltremodo  lusinghiero.  Nella  proporzione  di  mille 
sopra  25  milioni  d'abitanti  (tanti  ne  contava  ITtalia  nel 
i860),  il  Trentino,  in  ragione  della  sua  popolazione,  avrebbe 
dovuto  dare  13  uomini  circa.     Ne  diede  invece  17. 

Benche  in  numero  minore,  i  Triestini  e  glTstriani  corsero 
anch'essi  ad  arrolarsi  sotto  le  bandiere  italiane  nel  i860,  e  si 


GL'IRREDENTI   NEL   1860  479 

distinsero  per  eroismo  al  pari  degli  altri  fratelli  irredenti. 
AH'assalto  di  Perugia,  per  esempio,  una  compagnia  composta 
tutta  di  Triestini  e  Istriani  contribui  efficacemente  (i8 
settembre  i860)  a  far  prigioniero  I'intero  presidio  papalino 
composto  di  ben  8,000  mercenari  irlandesi. 

Inoltre,  furono  raccolte  grandi  somme  di  denaro  in 
mezzo  alle  popolazioni  delle  regioni  irredente  per  la  guerra 
italiana   del    i860  contro  I'Austria. 

Rimettendo  appunto  una  di  tali  somme,  il  comitato 
triestino  per  i  soccorsi  a  Garibaldi  scriveva  al  comitato 
di  Milano: 

Trieste  ebbe  generose  vittime  nel  1849  a  Roma;  ha  i  suoi  figli 
quest'anno  (1860)  nell'esercito  del  magnanimo  Re  Galantuomo  e 
sotto  le  bandiere  dell'invitto  Garibaldi.  Ma  non  cessara  di  fare 
ancora,  per  quanto  sara  possibile  eludere  la  irrequieta  vigilanza  dei 
satrapi  austriaci. 

Cera  davvero  la  vigilanza.  E  di  che  sorta!  Michele 
Buono,  organizzatore  d'un  comitato  segreto  d'arrolamento 
a  Trieste,  veniva  condannato  a  morte  (pena  commutatagli 
poi  in  20  anni  di  lavori  forzati).  Un  marinaio  di  Pola,  a  cui 
in  piazza  proruppe  irresistibile  il  grido  di  Fiva  V Italia\  fu 
istantaneamente  ammazzato  a  sciabolate  da  un  ufficiale 
austriaco.  A  Pirano  I'operaio  Mistare,  per  avere  pronun- 
ziato  parole  di  simpatia  all'indirizzo  dellTtalia,  fu  da  una 
sentinella  austriaca  freddato  con  una  fucilata  alia  testa. 
Le  famiglie  dei  disertori  erano  vessate  nel  peggiore  dei  modi. 
11  governo  austriaco  le  costrinse  perfino  a  rimborsare  il 
prezzo  delle  divise  militari.  E  promise  vistosi  premi  pecu- 
niari  a  tutti  quei  soldati  "che  avessero  denunziato  gl'inci- 
tatori  alia  diserzione  e  coloro  che  avessero  tenuto  discorsi 
ostili  al  governo  medesimo".  Nel  Trentino  il  commissario 
austriaco  conte  Hohenwarth  diramava  una  circolare  con  la 
quale  ordinava  alle  autorita  governative  "di  energica- 
mente  opporsi  alle  idee  di  separazione  del  Trentino  dal 
Tirolo  che  avevano  gia  messo  nel  paese  radici  cosi  profonde"; 
minacciava  "esser  ben  deciso  a  reprimere  inflessibilmente 
ogni  dimostrazione  d'italianita  da  qualunque  parte  venisse; 
destituiva  Gaetano   Manci   podesta   di  Trento;   destituiva 


480  PARTE   SECONDA 

anche  il  podesta  di  Rovereto  e  i  podesta  d'altre  citta  irre- 
dente,  e  li  sostituiva  con  commissari  politici  fidi  al  governo 
di  Vienna;  faceva  eseguire  le  solite  requisizioni  d'armi,  le 
persecuzioni,  le  proscrizioni,  le  bastonate,  ecc.  Molti 
cospicui  cittadini  —  quali  ad  esempio  I'ottantenne  Tito 
De  Bassetti,  nonche  Giovanni  De  Pretis  e  Antonio  Marsili 
—  furono  arrestati  a  capriccio,  maltrattati  ed  esiliati. 

Ma  tanta  rabbia  repressiva  non  valse  a  frenare  I'irrom- 
pente  sentimento  d'italianita  che  animava  le  popolazioni 
del  confine  orientale  d'ltalia. 

II  comitato  nazionale  dellTstria,  mandando  a  Milano 
(sempre  nel  i860)  una  somma  di  denaro  raccolta  per  la 
causa  italiana,  scriveva: 

LTstria,  povera  di  tutto,  fuorche  di  generoso  sentire  e  d'amore 
sviscerato  per  la  comune  madre  Italia,  non  puo  che  una  tenue 
somma  offrire;  ma  la  conforta  il  pensiero  che  ITtalia  sapra,  meglio 
che  all'ofFerta,  avere  riguardo  al  coraggio  con  cui  essa  fu  raggra- 
nellata  sotto  la  pressura  della  polizia  austriaca,  e  al  cuore  con  che 
essa  —  ITstria  —  la  porta  suU'altare  della  Patria.  Dite  al  prode 
Garibaldi  che  ITstria  non  fu  mai  ne  sara  mai  timida  di  sacrifici 
per  la  fausta  causa  nazionale.  Ma  ditegli  pure  che  quel  giorno 
ch'egli  potra  libera  far  sventolare  I'itala  bandiera  sulle  adriatiche 
sponde,  I'lstria  risorgera  con  giubilo  a  rafforzare  di  marinai  la 
patria  armata  e  dei  piu  coraggiosi  suoi  figli  il  patrio  esercito. 
Vedranno  allora  le  province  sorelle  dTtalia  se  ITstria  — che  I'Au- 
stria  tanto  oppresse  per  toglierle  lingua  ed  affetti  e  per  ispe- 
gnerne,  se  fosse  stato  possibile,  il  nazionale  sentimento  —  sia 
indegna  di  loro.  Per  ora  non  le  e  dato  che,  nel  segreto  dell'anima 
e  fra  le  torture,  di  proferire  gli  adorati  nomi  dTtalia,  di  Vittorio 
Emanuele  II  e  di  Garibaldi;  ma  allora  questa  voce  segreta,  nello 
slancio  di  centinaia  di  migliaia  di  cuori,  si  cambiera  in  altissimo 
grido  che,  echeggiato  dalle  nostre  colline,  si  propaghera  per  la 
marina  fino  alia  spiaggia  opposta  deU'Adriatico  golfo. 

E  le  donne  triestine,  mandando  a  Garibaldi  (sempre 
nel  i860)  una  bandiera  italiana  fatta  da  loro,  scrivevano: 

II  dispotismo  austriaco,  se  trovo  del  proprio  conto,  una  volta, 
di  migliorare  le  condizioni  materiali  di  Trieste  aprendo  la  citta 
aH'immigrazione  ed  ai  traffici,  nelle  troppo  decantate  prerogative 
nascondeva    un   mortifero   veleno,   vero   premio   alia    spontanea 


GL'IRREDENTI   NEL   I860  481 

dedizione!  Poiche,  dopo  averla  asservita  in  onta  ai  piu  solenni 
patti,  adopero  per  anni  e  anni  ogni  arte  e  prepotenza  alio  scopo  di 
spegnere  le  natural!  aspirazioni  di  civile  e  morale  progresso  e 
rapirle  costumi  e  linguaggio.  Non  ne  voile  risparmiato  I'onore,  e 
la  chiamo  fedelissima.  Menzogna,  o  Generale!  Perche  ne  le 
soverchierie  dei  dominatori,  ne  gli  aulici  decreti,  ne  la  vilta  dei 
degeneri  patrizi,  valsero  a  snaturare  il  nostro  popolo  che  e  rimasto 
italiano  e  che  ora  piii  che  mai  ha  la  coscienza  deirimprescrittibile 
suo  diritto  di  appartenere  all'italica  famiglia.  E  la  bandiera  che 
noi,  donne  triestine,  vi  mandiamo  in  dono,  vi  sia  debole  pegno  del 
sentimento  nazionale  che  rianima  i  nostri  mariti  e  i  nostri  figli. 
Aggraditela,  o  Generale,  e  accordatele  Tonore  di  guidare  con  essa 
alcune  delle  vostre  intrepide  legioni  nelle  future  battaglie  del- 
I'indipendenza  nazionale  e  della  liberta  comune,  col  grido  di 
Fiva  r Italia!     Viva  Vittorio  Emanuele  II! 

E  il  comitato  triestino-istriano,  facendo  quasi  un  bilancio 
alia  fine  del  i860,  diceva  in  un  apposito  proclama: 

Moiti  dei  nostri  figli  hanno  sparso  il  loro  sangue  sui  campi 
gloriosi  di  Calatafimi  e  di  Castelfidardo;  molti  altri  gemono  nelle 
carceri  austriache  o  vanno  esulando. 

E    Carlo    Ferrari    soggiungeva    poco    dopo: 

Trieste  a  envoye  des  sommes  considerables  au  comite  garihaldien. 
Une  bonne  partie  des  ses  enfants  etaii  avec  les  vainquers  de  Palerme 
et  de  Milazzo.  Les  dames  triestines  out  brode  des  drapeaux,  envoye 
des  adresses  aux  soldats  de  Vindependance  italienne. 

Infine  il  giornalista  triestino  Pacifico  Valussi  ricordo  uno 
dei  tanti  episodi  mostranti  lo  spirito  d'italianita  da  cui 
erano  infiammati  le  popolazioni  del  confine  orientale 
d'ltalia  nel  i860. 

Fu  un  tempo  —  cosi  egli  scrisse  —  in  cui  un  bravo  Goriziano 
mi  porto  una  somma  di  denaro  che  i  suoi  compatrioti  volevano 
spendere  per  la  patria  italiana.  Era  il  momento  in  cui  la  flotta 
borbonica  era  stata  catturata  da  Garibaldi  e  consegnata  all'ammi- 
raglio  Persano,  ma  che  veniva  abbandonata  dai  marinai.  Da 
alcuni  Triestini,  Istriani  e  Friulani  si  fece  un  fondo  per  attirare 
marinai  dell'Istria,  del  Veneto  e  della  Dalmazia  per  la  nuova  flotta 
italiana;  e  ci  si  riusci;  e  Cavour  gradi  il  dono  e  intese  molto  bene 
il  doppio  vantaggio  del  togliere  i  marinai  all'Austria  e  farli  propri. 


482  PARTE   SECONDA 

Ora  dico  qui  ai  patrioti  goriziani,  che  quella  somma,  deposltata 
fiduciosamente  nelle  mie  mani,  ando  ad  arricchire  quel  fondo. 


IX 

Le  lotte  dell'italianita  sostenute  con  indomabile 
fierezza  dai  Trentini,  dai  Triestini,  dagl'Istriani  e  dai 
Dalmati  contro  1' Austria  dai  1861  al  1865. 

II  6  giugno  i86i  moriva  Cavour.  Le  popolazioni  del 
confine  orientale  d'ltalia  manifestarono  il  loro  cordoglio 
in  forme  diverse  (chiusura  di  negozi,  astensione  dai  teatri 
e  dalle  feste,  ecc),  nonostante  le  misure  di  precauzione 
prese  dalla  feroce  polizia  austriaca  per  impedire  o  almeno 
celare  tali  manifestazioni. 

Dal  i86i  al  1865  ci  fu  tregua  d'armi  in  Italia,  ma  non 
sospensione  di  lotta  per  la  causa  nazionale.  II  Trentino 
non  voile  saperne  di  restare  unito  al  Tirolo  tedesco.  Quando 
si  fecero  nel  1861  le  elezioni  per  la  Dieta  di  Innsbruck,  a 
Trento  andarono  a  votare  soltanto  un  cittadino  e  27  impie- 
gati  del  governo  austriaco;  a  Rovereto  7  cittadini  e  70 
impiegati;  a  Riva  2  cittadini  e  16  impiegati.  Nelle  altre 
citta  neppure  gl'impiegati  si  mossero.  Nel  tempo  stesso 
gli  elettori  di  Trento  sottoscrivevano  la  dichiarazione 
di  astenersi  dalle  elezioni,  "nella  certezza  di  rispondere  in 
tal  modo  al  sentimento  universale  del  paese".  Dichiara- 
zioni  analoghe  furono  sottoscritte  dagli  elettori  di  parecchie 
altre  localita.  E  dei  deputati  eletti,  i  due  che  si  recarono 
alia  Dieta  proposer©  subito  la  separazione  del  Trentino  dai 
Tirolo.  Gli  astenuti  indirizzarono  alia  Dieta  stessa  il  voto 
che,  "pill  della  loro  parola,  potesse  essere  eloquente  il 
generale  silenzio,  e  che  la  solenne  manifestazione  della 
volonta  popolare  non  avesse  a  rimanere  lungamente  incom- 
presa". 

Proprio  nelle  elezioni  del  1861  il  partito  liberale  italiano 
a  Trieste  conquisto  con  grandissima  maggioranza  i  pubblici 
poteri  (Congresso  municipale  e  Dieta  provinciale).  E 
d'allora    in    poi    li    tenne    sempre   vittoriosamente,  *'come 


GL'IRREDENTI   DAL   1861   AL   1865  483 

conseguenza  della  sua  ottima  e  patriottica  amministra- 
zione". 

Nello  stesso  anno  i86i  la  Dieta  dell'Istria,  invitata  dal 
governo  austiiaco  ad  eleggere  i  suoi  rappresentanti  al 
Parlamento  di  Vienna,  metteva  nell'urna  le  schede  con  la 
parola  nessuno. 

Dopo  un  anno  il  governo  austriaco  riconvoco  i  comizi 
elettorali  nel  Trentino.  Gli  elettori  andarono  a  votare  in 
massa,  facendo  trionfare  i  capi  del  partito  italiano  autonomo. 
Questi  s'afFrettarono  a  indirizzare  un  memoriale  alia  Dieta 
per  dichiarare  ch'essi  non  sarebbero  intervenuti  alia  sessione, 
e  un  memoriale  al  Consiglio  dell'Impero  per  chiedere  il 
distacco  del  Trentino  dal  Tirolo. 

L'8  giugno  1862  gli  emigrati  istriani  e  triestini  manda- 
vano  in  dono  a  Garibaldi  alcune  carte  geografiche  e  idrogra- 
fiche  del  mare  Adriatico  e  della  costa  orientale  dell'Adria- 
tico,  con  questa  lettera: 

Generale!  L'Istria  e  Trieste  anelano  di  essere  sottratte  al 
giogo  straniero.  Dio  voglia  che  anche  il  piccolo  presente  che  i 
lore  figli  vi  ofFrono,  vi  giovi,  e  presto,  a  far  paghi  i  loro  voti. 

Garibaldi,  in  data  10  giugno  1862,  rispondeva: 

10  so  che  I'Istria  e  Trieste  anelano  a  frangere  le  catene  con  cui 
le  avvince  I'odiata  signoria  straniera;  so  che  afFrettano  col  desiderio 
il  compimento  del  voto  di  essere  restituite  alia  madre  Italia.  lo 
ho  fede  non  sia  lontano  il  giorno  delle  ultime  vittorie,  da  cui  sara 
suggellato  il  completo  riscatto  nazionale. 

11  16  agosto  1862  le  popolazioni  del  Trentino,  di  Trieste 
e  dell'Istria,  trasmettendo  una  cospicua  somma  di  denaro 
al  comitato  veneto  centrale  costituitosi  per  I'erezione  d'un 
monumento  a  Cavour  in  Torino,  scrivevano  al  presidente 
del  comitato  stesso: 

Noi  trasmettiamo  a  Vostra  Signoria  illustrissima  quest'ofFerta, 
pegno  del  sentimento  patriottico  che  anima  le  popolazioni  italiane 
stanziate  in  terra  ancora  straniera,  aspiranti  anch'esse  a  far  parte 
della  grande  famiglia  italiana  che,  dopo  tanti  secoli  di  sventure, 
tutta  vuole  raccogliersi  in  unita  sotto  lo  scettro  costituzionale  di 
re  Vittorio  Emanuele  II. 


484  PARTE   SECONDA 

L'li  novembre  1862,  dopo  un  processo  clamoroso  contro  il 
giornale  //  Tempo  di  Trieste,  che  dimostro  quanto  intelli- 
gente,  intensa  e  ardita  fosse  in  quell'anno  la  propaganda 
italiana  fra  i  Triestini,  furono  condannati  a  pene  non  lievi 
il  professore  Paolo  Tedeschi  e  Antonio  Antonaz  redattori 
del  giornale  stesso. 

Nei  primi  del  1863  il  gentile  poeta  Veronese  Aleardo 
Aleardi,  il  quale  per  incarico  di  Manin  aveva  nel  1848 
rappresentato  la  Repubblica  di  Venezia  a  Parigi,  con- 
segnava  a  Vittorio  Emanuele  II  un  albo  che  le  donne  istriane, 
trentine  e  venete  avevano  destinato  a  Maria  Pia,  figlia 
dello  stesso  Vittorio  Emanuele  II,  andata  sposa  a  Luigi  I 
re  del  Portogallo.  AU'atto  della  consegna,  il  poeta  pro- 
nunziava  queste  parole: 

Sanno  (le  donne  istriane,  trentine  e  venete)  che  quando  Iddio, 
nelle  passate  mischie,  sciava  dal  vostro  petto  animoso  le  palle, 
gli  era  per  serbarvi  alio  splendido  mandato  di  compiere  ITtalia. 
E  quando  poi  avverra  che  la  nostra  bandiera  sventoli  sulle  torri 
italiane  di  Trento,  e  dalle  italiane  colline  di  Pola  si  specchi  nel- 
TAdriatico  nostro,  allora  voi  potrete  dire  con  sublime  orgoglio, 
o  Sire,  al  vostro  figliuolo:  Umberto,  io  ti  ho  composto  la  piu  bella 
corona  d'Europa. 

Vittorio  Emanuele  II  accolse  benigno  e  incoraggiante  il 
dono  e   i   voti. 

Nei  primi  del  1863  il  governo  austriaco  respinse  la 
domanda  di  distacco  del  Trentino  dal  Tirolo  tedesco,  e 
intimo  ai  deputati  astensionisti  "che,  se  nel  giro  di  otto 
giorni,  essi  non  si  fossero  affrettati  ad  accettare  e  ad  eserci- 
tare  il  mandato  loro  affidato,  avrebbero  avuto  luogo  le 
nuove  elezioni".  I  deputati  non  si  presero  neppur  la 
briga  di  rispondere  all'intimazione  imperiale.  E  alle 
nuove  elezioni,  essi  furono  tutti  rieletti.  Allora  inviarono  le 
loro  dimissioni  alia  Dieta,  dichiarandosi  "lieti  d'avere 
potuto  offrire  ripetutamente  ai  loro  conterranei  I'occasione 
di  manifestare  ai  poteri  legislativi  dello  Stato,  in  via  legale 
e  costituzionale,  quale  fosse  la  tendenza  della  pubblica 
opinione,  quale  la  ferma  volonta  del  paese".  Le  elezioni 
successive  diedero  risultati  afFatto  identici. 


GL'IRREDENTI   DAL   1861   AL   1865  485 

II  17  febbraio  1863  ad  un  veglione  tenutosi  nel  teatro 
di  Gorizia  intervennero  7  fanciulle  e  16  giovanotti  goriziani 
vestiti  tutti  da  garibaldini.  La  polizia  austriaca  li  arresto, 
e  fece  condannare  al  carcere  duro  i  caporioni,  tra  i  quali 
Nepomuceno  Favetti  e  Clemente  Riaviz,  anche  perche 
questi  due  avevano  I'abitudine  nelle  dimostrazioni  di  salu- 
tarsi  col  motto:  "Uno,  due,  tre,  Garibaldi  nostro  re", 
e  perche  il  Riaviz  aveva  imposto  a  un  Austriaco  di  baciare 
il   ritratto  di  Garibaldi. 

II  14  maggio  1863  il  governo  austriaco  scioglieva  il 
Consiglio  comunale  di  Pisino  per  avere  aderito  alle  feste 
centenarie  di  Pirenze. 

Nel  1864,  a  ispirazione  di  Mazzini  e  ad  incoraggiamento 
di  Garibaldi,  fu  promossa  nel  Trentino  un'azione  militare 
contro  I'Austria,  Ne  era  capo  il  garibaldino  Ergisto  Bezzi, 
che  pote  raccogliere  intorno  a  se  i  suoi  correligionari  e  com- 
militoni  dei  Mille  (Fontana,  Manci,  Tranquillini,  Zancani 
ed  altri)  e  organizzare  un  comitato  centrale  a  Trento  e 
sotto-comitati  nelle  citta  minori,  II  governo  austriaco 
seppe  la  cosa  e  fece  arrestare  i  principali  cospiratori  (una 
quarantina),  li  trascino  a  Innsbruck  e  ivi  li  fece  condannare 
da  un  tribunale  militare  per  il  reato  d'alto  tradimento 
chi  a  9,  chi  a  7,  chi  a  5,  chi  a  3,  chi  a  2  anni  di  carcere  duro. 

Mazzini,  che  tanto  dolore  aveva  provato  nell'udire 
I'insuccesso  dell'impresa,  scrisse  al  Bezzi: 

Una  linea  speciale  a  voi,  per  dirvi  che  io  vi  ammiro  ed  amo 
sempre  piu.  So  che  quanto  poteva  farsi  fu  da  voi  fatto.  Dio  sa 
s'io  mi  dolgo  della  posizione  in  cui  vi  trovate;  ma  siete  giovane 
e  I'avvenire  fara  lunga  giustizia  a  voi  e  alia  vostra  fade.  Chie- 
detemi  quanto  possa  giovarvi,  liberamente  come  fratello  a  fratello. 

Anche  Garibaldi  scrisse  al  Bezzi: 

Voi  faceste  il  vostro  dovere  da  quel  valoroso  che  siete,  e  sin 
quando  gl'Italiani  non  seguano  gli  esempi  d'uomini  come  voi,  essi 
staranno  meritamente  sotto  la  verga  e  il  disprezzo  universale. 
Ai  vostri  prodi  compagni  del  carcere  un  saluto  dall'anima. 

Nel  1864  un  senatore  italiano  conservatore  dichiarava 
imprudentemente  in  piena  Assemblea  "non  essere  Trieste 
nelle    aspirazioni    del    governo    italiano".     Da   Trieste    fu 


486  PARTE   SECONDA 

immediatamente  spedita  una  protesta  firmata  dai  piu 
ragguardevoli  cittadini  e  da  centinaia  di  patriot!.  II 
governo  austriaco  voile  che  alia  prima  occasione  il  Con- 
siglio  comunale  di  Trieste  dimostrasse  falsa  quella  protesta. 
Nel  gennaio  1865,  convocato  il  Consiglio,  il  podesta,  ch'era 
a  quei  tempi  un  asservito  all'Austria,  propose  d'annuUare 
rimportanza  della  protesta,  deliberando  a  unanimita  di 
voti  un  atto  d'omaggio  all'imperatore  Francesco  Giuseppe. 
I  consiglieri,  illuminati  e  guidati  dal  patriota  De  Rin, 
respinsero  fieramente  la  proposta.  II  Consiglio  fu  natural- 
mente  disciolto.  Ma  i  Triestini  ebbero  poco  dopo  la 
sodisfazione  di  vedere  pubblicata  nella  Gazzeita  Ufficiale 
del  Regno  d'ltalia  una  dichiarazione  del  governo  italiano, 
smentente  I'asserzione  del  senatore  conservatore  ed  afFer- 
mante  che  Trieste  non  solo  era  italiana,  e  quindi  nelle 
aspirazioni  della  madre  patria,  ma  anche  per  "quel  fatto" 
—  per  avere  cioe  respinto  la  proposta  d'omaggio  all'impe- 
ratore Francesco  Giuseppe  —  essa  s'era  resa  quanto  mai 
benemerita   della   causa   italiana. 

Si  pubblicarono  nel  frattempo  numerosi  libri  compro- 
vanti  I'italianita  e  le  aspirazioni  di  Trieste,  dell'Istria  e  del 
Trentino,  mentre  il  Tommaseo,  instancabile,  continuava 
con  magnifici  scritti  a  difendere  I'italianita  della  Dalmazia, 
affermando  tra  I'altro  che  ivi  la  lingua  italiana  s'era  sempre 
mantenuta  purissima  e  vi  si  adoperava  "meglio  di  quella 
che  aveva  adoperato,  parlando  e  scrivendo,  lo  stesso  conte 
di  Cavour". 

X 

II  filiale  contributo  di  sangue  dei  Trentini,  dei  Trie- 
stini, degl'Istriani  e  dei  Dalmati  alia  guerra  del  1866 
contro  I'Austria  per  I'indipendenza  e  I'unita  d'ltalia. 
Trieste  e  I'Istria  per  la  loro  annessione  alia  madre 
patria  (1866). 

II  1866  passo  come  una  bufera.  Appena  si  seppe  che 
stava  per  scoppiare  la  guerra  tra  la  Prussia  e  I'ltalia  alleate 
da  una  parte  contro  I'Austria  dall'altra,  il   comitato   degli 


GL'IRREDENTI   NEL   1866  487 

emigrati  triestini  e  istriani  peroro  subito  la  causa  delle 
terre  irredente  con  indirizzi  rivolti  a  Vittorio  Emanuele  II 
ed  ai  membri  del  governo  italiano. 

Alfonso  La  Marmora,  allora  presidente  del  Consiglio  dei 
ministri,  rispondeva  a  tutti: 

Le  passate  nvalita  di  Trieste  e  Venezia  sono  cose  viete,  da 
mettersi  a  fascio  con  quelle  di  Firenze  e  Pisa,  di  Venezia  e  Genova 
e  di  cento  altre  citta  italiane.  I  paesi  d'oltre  Isonzo  sono  italiani 
quanto  qualunque  altra  provincia  di  confine  della  grande  penisola. 
Sentono  di  esserlo,  e  se  sieno  decisi  a  volerlo,  lo  dica  la  lunga  serie 
di  manifestazioni  coraggiose  e  calorose  che  si  succedono  da  tanto 
tempo  nei  loro  principali  centri,  Lo  scioglimento  ripetuto  dei 
Consigli  municipali  di  Trieste,  di  Gorizia,  di  Pisino,  di  Capodistria; 
lo  scioglimento  delle  Diete  provinciali  di  Trieste  e  di  quelle  dellTstria 
(Parenzo)  perche  non  vollero  mandare  nessuno  al  Reichsrath 
di  Vienna;  gli  stati  d'assedio  del  1848  e  1859;  i  processi  e  le 
condanne  politiche  pronunziate  specialmente  da  quell'epoca  in 
poi;  la  proibizione  perfino  di  carte  geografiche,  di  opere  storiche  e 
diplomatiche  che  trattano  serenamente  di  quei  paesi;  infine  i 
bandi,  gli  arresti,  la  sospensione  delle  liberta  personali  che  s'annun- 
ziano  in  questi  giorni,  sono  fatti  che  non  si  distruggono  oramai  con 
I'usata  frase  dei  pochi  malintenzionatiy  del  pugno  di  faziosi  favoriti 
dal  Piemonte. 

II  governo  austriaco,  dal  canto  suo,  prese  come  ostaggi 
parecchi  dei  migliori  cittadini  di  Trieste  e  dellTstria  (Mar- 
tino  Zucchi,  Gioacchino  Lovisoni,  I'Hermet,  I'Hortis,  il 
Madonizza,  il  Rismondo  ed  altri),  e  li  interne  nelle  fortezze 
dellTmpero. 

Ma  tanta  violenza  non  sgomento  i  patriot!  irredenti. 
Quelli  emigrati  mandarono  in  data  18  giugno  1866  a  Vittorio 
Emanuele  II,  che  stava  per  recarsi  al  campo,  I'augurale 
saluto  dei  fratelli  oppressi,  dicendo: 

I  Triestini  e  glTstriani  saranno  i  guardiani  dell'Alpe  Giulia: 
di  quell' Alpe  che,  violata  troppe  volte  dallo  straniero,  e  comple- 
mento  necessario  e  sicurezza  del  territorio  nazionale.  Essi  vi 
daranno  in  mano  quella  Pola  che,  fin  dall'epoca  romana  porto 
militate  italiano,  I'Austria  ha  ormai  convertito  in  minaccia  di 
tutta  la  nostra  costa  adriatica.  Essi  vi  daranno  quella  Trieste 
che    I'Austria  vorrebbe   malamente     far    credere    di    pertinenza 


488  PARTE   SECONDA 

germanica.  £  voce  di  popolo  che  vi  chiama  in  quelle  parti.  E 
grido  di  dolore  e  di  speranza  che  erompe  dal  cuore  di  Italiani  che 
vi  invocano  Liberatore  e  vi  salutano  loro  Re. 

La  gioventij  trentina,  triestina,  istriana  e  dalmata, 
infatti,  accorse  con  mirabile  slancio  d'amore  e  di  fede  ad 
arrolarsi  sotto  le  patrie  bandiere  (nell'esercito  regolare  e 
tra  le  file  garibaldine),  e  si  batte  con  supremo  ardore  contro 
gli  Austriaci. 

A  Custoza  (24  giugno  1866)  cadde,  tra  gli  altri,  il  tenente 
Leonardo  D'Andri  di  Capodistria,  mentre  pugnava  leoni- 
namente  alia  testa  della  sua  compagnia  rimasta  priva  di 
capitano.  Egli  era  volato  in  aiuto  dei  granatieri  di  Sardegna 
duramente  provati  a  Monte  Croce,  aveva  assaltato  impetuo- 
samente  quell'altura,  I'aveva  ritolta  agli  Austriaci  e  aveva 
ripreso  nello  stesso  tempo  i  cannoni  e  i  prigionieri  italiani 
di  cui  i  nemici  s'erano  impossessati  conquistando  il  monte. 
All'eroico  D'Andri  fu,  per  questo  fatto,  decretata  la  medaglia 
d'oro. 

Nella  stessa  battaglia  di  Custoza  cadde  anche  da  prode 
il  trentino  Claudio  Zambelli.  E  si  distinsero  per  il  loro 
valore  i  triestini  Adolfo  Sartori,  R.  Donaggio,  Davide 
Milla,  Giovanni  DrufFel,  Eugenio  Popovich,  Gustavo 
Buchler,  Enrico  Ferolli,  gl'istriani  Girolamo  Gravisi, 
Giovanni  Vascon,  Michele  Gallo,  Carlo  Depaugher,  Do- 
menico  Grio,  Domenico  Vidacowich,  Pietro  Madonizza,  il 
goriziano  Angelo  Mazzini,  il  trentino  professore  Alberto 
Eccher  e  tanti  altri  d'ogni  eta,  d'ogni  condizione  sociale, 
tutti  uniti  in  un  sol  pensiero:     I'ltalia. 

Alia  vittoria  di  Monte  Suello  nel  Trentino  (3  luglio 
1866),  riportata  da  Garibaldi  sugli  Austriaci  superiori  di 
numero,  meglio  armati  e  in  una  posizione  favorevole, 
contribui  non  poco  I'eroismo  di  Ergisto  Bezzi,  del  Tranquil- 
lini,  del  Ciotti,  del  Fontana,  del  Manci,  dello  Zancani,  del 
Leonardi,  dello  Zanolla  e  di  altri  Garibaldini  irredenti.^ 

La  notizia  di  questo  brillante  fatto  d'armi  e  la  notizia 
che  il  generale  Medici  era  giunto  felicemente  coi  suoi  a 
poche  miglia  da  Trento  e  che  il  generale  Cadorna,  all'estrema 

'  A  Monte  Suello  ritnase  ferito  lo  stesso  Garibaldi  da  una  palla  di  fucile  a  una 
coscia. 


GL'IRREDENTI   NEL   1866  489 

destra  dell'esercito  di  spedizione,  marciava  su  Trieste, 
sollevarono  immensamente  gl'Italiani,  i  quali  s'erano  giusta- 
mente  turbati  alia  notizia  del  disastro  di  Custoza. 

I  patrioti  delle  regioni  irredente  il  9  luglio  1866  man- 
darono  a  Vittorio  Emanuele  II  un  indirizzo  in  cui  dicevano 
con  fede: 

Tutta  la  terra  italiana  deve  essere  sgombra  dallo  straniero, 
e  la  intera  cerchia  delle  Alpi,  nostro  naturale  confine,  deve  essere 
in  nostro  potere. 

A  Condino  nel  Trentino,  dove  il  16  luglio  1866  Garibaldi 
combatte  e  vinse  un'asprissima  battaglia  contro  gli  Austria- 
ci,  caddero  i  triestini  Giuseppe  Donati,  Filippo  Faienz, 
Giuseppe  Fenali,  Pietro  Chiozza,  il  Capria  e  il  Walfer. 

Due  giorni  dopo  (18  luglio  1866),  Garibaldi,  che  in  pochi 
giorni  aveva  liberato  dagli  Austriaci  gran  parte  del  Tren- 
tino, lanciava  a  quelle  popolazioni  il  seguente  proclama: 

Trentini!  I  vostri  voti  e  quelli  di  tutta  I'ltalia  stanno  per 
essere  sodisfatti.  L'inno  di  guerra  della  nostra  moschetteria 
vi  porta  di  eco  in  eco  il  primo  appello  della  liberta;  vi  porta  un 
fraterno  saluto.  Voi  intendete  I'uno  e  I'altro.  Combatteremo 
insieme  per  la  liberta  e  I'unita  d'ltalia.  E  qui,  su  questi  vostri 
monti,  formidabili  difese  per  uomini  liberi,  serrandoci  le  mani, 
giureremo  insieme  il  Finis  Austriae,  la  fine  della  dominazione 
straniera. 

Nella  battaglia  navale  di  Lissa  (20  luglio  1866),  com- 
battuta  tra  la  flotta  italiana  contro  la  flotta  austriaca, 
cadde  col  nome  dTtalia  sulle  labbra  il  guardiamarina 
Giovanni  Ivancich  dalmata.  E  non  pochi  Italiani  irredenti 
caddero  a  Bezzecca  nel  Trentino  (21  luglio  1866),  dove 
Garibaldi  combatte  e  vinse  contro  gli  Austriaci  una  terribile 
battaglia  che  duro  12  ore  di  continuo  e  costo  all'Eroe  1,522 
volontari  morti. 

II  25  luglio  1866  Garibaldi  riceveva  dal  governo  del  re 
d'ltalia  il  famoso  telegramma:  ** armistizio  firmato;  eva- 
cuate Trentino",  al  quale  I'Eroe  rispondeva  con  I'ancor 
piQ  famoso:    "obbedisco". 

Poco  dopo  (fine  di  luglio  1866)  i  Consigli  comunali  e  il 
clero  dei  paesi   italiani  liberati  —  Storo,   Darzo,   Lodrone, 


490  PARTE   SECONDA 

Magaza,  Dondone,  Condino,  Cimego,  Dono,  Bersone, 
Drione,  Strada,  Tiarno  di  sopra,  Tiarno  di  sotto,  Ledro, 
Bezzecca,  Pieve  di  Ledro,  Mezzolago,  Molina  e  Barcesina, 
Legos,  Pie  di  Ledro,  Biacesa,  Concei,  Locca,  Eugenise  e 
Leusumo  —  sottoscrissero  e  mandarono  a  Vittorio  Emanuele 
II  il  seguente  indirizzo: 

Ora  che  i  maggiori  sacrifici  sono  consumati,  era  che  I'Austria 
crolla  da  tutte  le  parti,  ecco  che  la  diplomazia  si  pianta  tra  noi  e 
i  nostri  diritti,  le  voci  di  pace  prendono  tuttavia  maggiore  con- 
sistenza,  sicche  temiamo  di  noi,  mentre  avevamo  tanto  sperato 
nei  giorni  addietro.  In  queste  angustie,  noi  volgiamo  una  parola 
a  Voi  che  non  foste  mai  sordo  alle  grida  di  dolore  mosse  dai  vostri 
popoli,  e  vi  diciamo  che  noi  siamo  Vostri,  perocche  siamo  parte 
della  Nazione  italiana  e  pronti  a  dare  per  essa  sostanze  e  vita. 

Parecchie  famiglie  trentine  —  come  i  Bresciani  di  Riva, 
i  De  Pretis  di  Cagno,  i  Ducati  e  i  Molinari  di  Trento,  gli 
Eccheli  di  Ala,  i  Tavernini  di  Dro,  i  Weiss  di  Strigno  — 
diedero  due  fratelli  alle  schiere  italiche  nella  guerra  del  1866 
contro  I'Austria.  La  famiglia  dei  conti  Sizzo  De  Noris  di 
Trento  ne  diede  tre.  E  alcune  famiglie  —  come  gli  Eccheli 
di  Brentonico,  gli  Jagher  di  Trento  e  i  Martini  di  Riva  — 
ne   diedero   perfino   quattro. 

Si  guadagnarono  la  medaglia  d'argento  al  valore  il 
triestino  Enrico  Ferolli  gravemente  ferito  a  Cimego;  la 
menzione  onorevole  il  triestino  Rodolfo  Donaggio;  e  meda- 
glia e  menzione  i  trentini  Carlo  Chimelli,  Virgilio  Inama, 
Giovanni  Jagher,  Alessandro  Zinis,  Carlo  De  Pretis,  Ferdi- 
nando  Rinaldi,  Virgilio  Covi  e  Filippo  Tranquillini.  A 
Ergisto  Bezzi,  per  gli  straordinari  servigi  resi  durante 
I'intera  campagna,  fu  offerta  la  croce  d'ufficiale  dell'Ordine 
Militate  di  Savoia.  Ma  egli  la  rifiuto,  come  aveva  altra 
volta  rifiutato  la  croce  di  cavaliere. 

Si  distinsero  molto  nelle  schiere  garibaldine  anche  i 
trentini  Oreste  Bronzetti  fratello  dei  due  caduti  eroi  Narciso 
e  Pilade,  il  sottotenente  Pietro  Montanari  e  Carlo  Tivaroni. 

Alcuni  volontari  delle  terre  italiane  irredente  erano 
disertori  recenti  dell'Austria.  Essi  quindi  misero  a  doppio 
rischio   la   loro  vita.     Tali,   ad   esempio,   il  tenente   Paolo 


GL'IRREDENTI   NEL   1866  491 

Cortella  di  Storo,  Cernio  Battorchi  di  Tione  e  Isidore 
Canella  di  Riva. 

I  primi  d'agosto  l866  alcuni  patrioti  trentini,  capitanati 
dai  gaiibaldini  Francesco  Martini  e  Filippo  Manci,  tenta- 
rono  nel  Trentino  un  moto  rivoluzionario  tendente  ad  ag- 
gregare  all'Italia  —  allorquando  si  sarebbe  stipulata  la 
pace  —  almeno  il  territorio  del  Trentino  occupato  con 
I'armi  da  Garibaldi.     Ma  il  tentative  falli. 

L'li  agosto  1866  i  Triestini  lanciavano  il  seguente 
appello: 

Perche  I'ltalia  sia  guarentigia  di  pace  all'Europa,  conviene 
ricomporia  a  famiglia  politica  in  tutta  la  sua  unita  fisica.  Monca 
e  quindi  scontenta  e  bramosa  d'altri  eventi,  ella  avrebbe  in  se 
la  ragione,  la  necessita  di  nuovi  dissidi  e  conflitti.  Ora  le  Alpi, 
che  formano  reterno  confine  della  penisola  italiana,  girano  a 
tergo  deiristria  non  meno  che  nel  Piemonte,  nella  Lombardia  e 
nella  Venezia  propriamente  detta.  Dal  Tricorno,  il  gigante 
alpino  che  s'alza  sulle  scaturigini  dell'Isonzo,  le  acque  di  questo 
fiume  corrono  tra  le  regioni  della  Drava,  della  Sava  e  della  Culpa 
e  quelle  deirAdriatico:  fra  contrade  che  mandano  il  tribute  delle 
loro  acque  ai  piani  del  Danubio  e  quindi  al  Mar  Nero,  e  le  terre 
che  s'inchinano  sullo  stesso  continente  italiano.  La  Natura, 
dunque,  non  fu  incerta  nemmeno  sui  termini  orientali  d'ltalia, 
elevando  si  notevole  barriera  tra  paesi  che  in  tutto  il  loro  aspetto 
recisamente  si  difFerenziano,  tanto  che  anche  Tocchio  il  piu  pro- 
fane scorge  teste  —  alio  stesso  colore  dell'aria,  alia  temperatura, 
alia  vegetazione  —  quante  va  disgiunto  per  legge  inalterabile. 

L'Isonze  —  I'aulico  confine  d'ltalia  imposte  da  Vienna  — 
e  un  fiumicelle  che  rimarrebbe  pressoche  ignorate  se  all' Austria, 
che  e  astuta  nelle  sue  previsioni,  non  fosse  cadute  in  mente  di 
fermare,  poc'oltre  alia  sua  riva  destra,  una  distinta  amministra- 
zione  per  la  luogotenenza  imperiale  di  Venezia.  Anche  quando  su 
quel  fiume  imperavano  i  conti  di  Gorizia  e  pei  gli  arciduchi  d'Au- 
stria  di  faccia  alia  Repubblica  di  Venezia,  non  era  gia  tutto  il  sue 
corse  il  confine  dei  due  domini,  ma  le  erane  altre  acque  mineri  e 
fossati  e  segni  di  privati  pederi  piii  addentre  nella  pianura  e  nei 
monti  del  Friuli.  Quelli  che  appresere  in  confuse  ad  arrestare  la 
Venezia  al  sue  eriente  in  sui  margini  d'un  rigagnolo,  devrebbero, 
per  mostrarsi  conseguenti  alle  loro  reminiscenze  storiche,  cedere 
all'Austria  anche  la  destra  dell'Isonzo  gia  accordatale  per  la  fretta 
degli  ordinamenti  non  definiti  nella  formazione  del  napoleonico 


492  PARTE   SECONDA 

Regno  d'ltalia,  quando  pure  a  fronte  di  cio  s'annetteva  al  Regno 
stesso  il  dipartimento  dell'Istria. 

Cessino,  dunque,  una  buona  volta,  tali  nozioni  di  geografia 
d'ltalia,  le  quali  non  hanno  altro  fondamento  che  le  insidiose  mire 
delle  cancellerie  austriache.  La  geografia  della  nostra  patria  va 
per  noi  imparata  dalla  natura  che  ce  I'ha  fatta,  e  non  da  quanto 
vorrebbe  I'Austria  per  serbarsi  le  sue  lusinghe  di  rivincita. 

E  conoscere  e  volere  casa  nostra  e  il  primo  nostro  dovere.  Ne 
le  civili  nazioni  potrebbero  non  ammettere  ch'esso  e  pure  un  no- 
stro diritto. 

E  gl'Istriani,  insieme  con  gli  stessi  Triestini,  pubbli- 
cavano  un  lungo  memoriale  indirizzato  a  Visconti  Venosta 
ministro  degli  Esteri  del  Regno  d'ltalia,  del  quale  riporto 
qui  i  punti  piii  salienti: 

L'lstria  e  un  posto  avanzato  rimpetto  alia  Laguna,  alia  quale 
s'attacca  mediante  gli  isolotti  e  le  paludi  di  Grado,  di  Marano  e 
di  Aquileia;  e  un  pezzo  di  terreno  staccatosi  dalle  nostre  Alpi  e 
scivolato  sul  nostro  mare;  e  a  noi  quasi  un  molo  d'approdo  e  un 
luogo  di  necessaria  poggiata.  Le  flotte  Romane  e  le  Venete 
svernavano  a  Pola  che,  secondo  il  mutare  dei  secoli,  fu  succursale 
d'Aquileia,  di  Ravenna,  di  Venezia.  Le  triremi  venete  s'arma- 
vano  nel  porto  di  Quieto,  a  Umaga,  a  Pirano.  A  Venezia  non  si 
va  senza  rasentare  le  coste  dell'Istria.  E  nessuna  flottiglia,  sia 
pure  a  vapore,  potrebbe  avventurarsi  in  certe  stagioni  nell'alto 
Adriatico,  senza  pericolo  d'essere  portata  sotto  il  cannone  di  Pola. 

L'lstria,  d'altronde,  e  italiana  per  origini,  veneta  per  dedizione 
spontanea.  Caduta  con  Venezia  nel  1797,  in  forza  della  malau- 
gurata  pace  di  Campoformio,  e  giusto,  e  necessario  che  con 
Venezia  risorga.  Altrimenti  non  ne  soffrirebbe  la  sola  Istria, 
ma  Venezia  con  essa. 

L'lstria  formo  parte  del  primo  Regno  d'ltalia  dal  1805  al 
1810,  e  quando  ritorno  in  mano  dell'Austria,  questa  le  promise 
d'accomunarla  alle  altre  province  venete,  promessa  che,  more 
austriaco,  non  fu  mantenuta. 

J  Nel  1848  e  nel  1859,  a  clamore  di  popolo  e  mediante  i  suoi 
municipi,  l'lstria  domando  e  ridomando  d'essere  riunita  alia 
Venezia,  ma  sempre  indarno,  poiche  I'Austria  rimase  padrona 
della  situazione. 

Col  nuovo  assetto  che  va  necessariamente  a  prendere  I'Europa, 
e  interesse  della  civilta  che  ci  sia  un'Italia  sodisfatta  e  forte. 
Ma  tale  non  sara  mai,  senza  la   frontiera  delle  Alpi   Retiche, 


GL'IRREDENTI   NEL   1866  493 

Carniche  e  Giulie,  e  senza  i  porti  che  la  natura  ofFre  sulle  cost 
deiristria  a  compenso  di  quelli  che  le  ha  negato  sulla  restante 
costa  adriatica  da  Otranto  a  Grado. 

La  nazione  itahana  tiene  gH  occhi  rivolti  aU'esercito  e  alia 
flotta;  pensa  che  una  mossa  sollecita  e  ardita,  dandoci  il  possesso 
di  quelle  terre,  renderebbe  piu  agevole  il  compito  della  diplo- 
mazia  e  ofFrirebbe  alle  popolazioni  istriane  la  bramata  occasione 
di  smentire  coi  fatti  i  dubbi  che  alcuno  ancora  si  ostina  a  movere 
sul  conto  loro. 

Nel  ripetervi,  adunque,  I'alta  fiducia  che  abbiamoinvoi,neirin- 
tero  Consiglio  dei  ministri  e  nell'illustre  suo  capo  (il  Lamarmora), 
non  vi  taceremo  la  speranza  che  la  memoria  del  grande  Cavour 
ispiri  —  al  Governo  italiano  e  al  Comando  deirarmata  di  terra 
e  di  mare  —  deliberazioni  pronte,  concordi  ed  energiche,  quali 
sono  richieste  dall'interesse  e  daH'onore  dell'Italia  che  aspetta, 
ma  che  sente,  in  ogni  sua  parte,  piena  la  vita,  e  vuole  essere  intera 
per  esistere  non  solo,  ma  per  occupare  il  posto  che  ormai  le  com- 
pete in  Europa. 

Neiristria  non  sorge  un  villaggio,  in  cui  si  agiti  un  poco  di 
vita  civile,  il  quale  non  sia  prettamente  italiano.  II  carattere 
nazionale  e  spiccatissimo  in  ogni  sua  esteriore  manifestazione. 
I  vestiti,  gli  usi,  le  tradizioni,  le  leggende,  i  canti,  i  proverbi  sono 
italiani.  Italiana  I'architettura,  dall'umile  casolare  al  palazzo 
pretorio.  Italiani  il  pennello  e  lo  scalpello  che  decorano  i  templi 
e  i  pubblici  edifizi.  Italiane  le  istituzioni  di  beneficenza.  Italiane 
le  leggi  dei  Comuni,  di  cui  si  hanno  luminosi  esempi  fin  dal  1200 
in  quegli  statuti  municipali  foggiati  alia  romana  che  regolavano 
la  vita  civile  dei  paesi  istriani,  mentre  in  non  poche  illustri  parti 
della  rimanente  Italia  non  vi  erano  che  signori  feudatari  e  plebe 
inconscia  di  se,  del  suo  passato  e  del  suo  avvenire, 

E  bellissimi  nomi  vanta  I'lstria  tra  i  migliori  ingegni  d'ltalia. 
Chi  non  conosce  il  Vergerio  e  il  Flaccio,  tanto  celebri  nella  storia 
della  Riforma?  il  Sartorio,  caposcuola  delle  scienze  mediche? 
il  Muzio,  emulo  del  Davanzati?  I'economista  Carli?  il  Car- 
paccio  e  le  sue  tele?  le  musiche  del  Tortini,  per  non  dire  di  cento 
altri  che  dall'Istria  partirono  ai  seggi  piii  onorati  nelle  universita  di 
Padova,  di  Pisa,  di  Bologna  e  di  Roma? 

Con  Roma  le  province  istriane  furono  sempre  una  regione 
d'ltalia  e,  fuori  dubbio,  la  piu  gelosa,  come  lo  provano  i 
monumenti  militari  di  cui  ammiriamo  ancora  oggi  i  numerosi 
avanzi  e  che  lungo  la  frontiera  aveva  eretto  il  genio  romano  di 
contro  alle  nazioni  d'oltr'alpe.     E  quando  queste  nazioni,  fiaccata 


494  PARTE   SECONDA 

la  potenza  dell'Impero,  irruppero  di  la  per  depredare  e  asservire 
ritalia,  furono  le  genti  della  Venezia  marina  e  dell'Istria  che,  me- 
glio  di  tutte  le  altre,  ne  sal varono il  nome,  costituendosi  a  reggimento 
di  liberi  Comuni  (i  primi  Comuni  italiani  del  Medio  Evo)  sotto  la 
nominale  signoria  di  Bisanzio. 

L'Istria  continue  poscia  sempre  generosa  la  lotta  contro  gli 
stranieri  (Longobardi,  Slavi,  Avari,  Unni,  Saraceni),  si  che 
sappiamo  fin  d'allora  che  I'onore  del  vessillo  veneto  o,  come 
dicevasi  in  quei  tempi,  I'onore  del  Beato  Marco,  era  affidato  alle 
galee  e  alle  armi  alleate  degl'Istriani, 

Ma  tutto  fu  inutile.  Nel  trattato  di  pace  firmato  a 
Praga  il  24  agosto  1866,  le  giuste  pretese  dell'Italia  sopra 
le  terre  irredente,  e  neppure  su  quella  parte  del  Trentino 
conquistata  dalle  schiere  garibaldine,  non  furono  ricono- 
sciute  dalla  Prussia  vincitrice,  ne  dalla  Francia  mediatrice. 
Cosi  che  il  governo  di  Vittorio  Emanuele  II,  in  virtii  della 
pace  firmata  a  Vienna  il  3  ottobre  1866,  dove  accontentarsi 
della  sola  Venezia  ceduta  dall'imperatore  Francesco  Giu- 
seppe a  Napoleone  III,  e  da  costui  all'Italia. 

Quanto  dolore  recasse  un  tale  fatto  nel  cuore  delle 
popolazioni  italiane  irredente  si  puo  bene  immaginare, 
quando  si  consideri  che  il  triestino  Pietro  Brambilla  era  state 
informato  dal  ministro  Visconti  Venosta  che  Trieste  era 
la  meta  delle  operazioni  militari  italiane  e  che  ravvocato 
Hortis  e  Carlo  Combi  triestini  erano  stati  perfino  nominati 
vice-commissari  del  governo  italiano  (uno  per  Trieste  e 
I'altro  per  ITstria),  e  Tavvocato  Carlo  Boggio,  morto  nella 
battaglia  navale  di  Lissa,  aveva  con  se  il  decreto  del  go- 
verno italiano  che  lo  nominava  commissario  regio  di  Trieste. 

II  14  novembre  1866  Vittorio  Emanuele  II  fu  di  passag- 
gio  a  Udine.  Al  corteo,  che  si  formo  in  suo  onore,  parteci- 
parono  piii  di  3,000  fra  Triestini,  Goriziani  e  Istriani,  con 
una  bandiera  italiana  abbrunata  portata  da  un  Garibaldino 
dei  Mille,  nativo  di  Trieste. 

II  giorno  dopo,  la  bandiera  fu  consegnata  dagli  stessi 
tremila  al  slndaco  d'Udine,  insieme  con  una  cospicua 
somma  di  denaro  come  contribute  deglTtaliani  irredenti 
per  I'erigendo  monumento  a  Daniele  Manin,  il  glorioso  doge 
della  Repubblica  di  Venezia  del  1848-1849. 


GL'IRREDENTI   DAL   1867   AL   1870  495 


XI 

II  filiale  contributo  di  sangue  dei  Triestini,  degl'Istria- 
ni,  dei  Trentini  e  dei  Dalmati  all'Italia  per  la  presa  di 
Roma  (1867-1870). 

I  patriot!  delle  regioni  irredente  d'ltalia,  sebbene  colpiti 
in  pieno  cuore  dalle  disillusioni  del  i866,  non  disperarono. 
Essi  continuarono  a  lavorare  alacremente  per  la  causa 
unitaria. 

Nel  maggio  1867  il  governo  italiano  consegnava  al 
governo  austriaco  i  carcerati  che  questo  aveva  lasciati  nel 
Veneto.  Li  mandava  alia  stazione  di  Gorizia,  ove  dalla 
custodia  dei  carabinieri  italiani  passavano  a  quella  dei 
gendarmi  austriaci.  I  Goriziani  accolsero  festosamente  i 
carabinieri  italiani,  oflPrendo  loro  cibi  e  sciampagna,  e 
inneggiando  all'Italia,  a  Garibaldi,  a  Vittorio  Emanuele  II. 
Ma,  durante  la  notte,  la  polizia  austriaca  opero  vari  arresti. 
E,  dopo  un  paio  di  giorni,  quattordici  cittadini  di  Gorizia, 
tutti  giovani,  furono  condannati  ciascuno  a  due  settimane 
di  carcere  con  due  giorni  di  digiuno. 

La  sera  del  12  luglio  1867,  numerosi  bifolchi  sloveni, 
aizzati  e  protetti  dalla  polizia  austriaca,  scesero  processional- 
mente  a  Trieste,  urlando  Fiva  I'Austrial  e  provocando  i 
cittadini.  Questi  —  al  grido  di  Fiva  I'ltalial  —  respinsero 
i  provocatori.  La  processione  fu  rinnovata  il  giorno  dopo 
(13  luglio  1867).  I  cittadini  affrontarono  e  disarmarono  i 
bifolchi  sloveni.  Ma  intervenne  la  truppa  imperiale  au- 
striaca, la  quale  fece  fuoco  sui  Triestini,  uccidendone  due  e 
ferendone  ventitre. 

Quando  Garibaldi  fu  **arrestato"  nel  settembre  del 
1867  per  ordine  del  governo  dei  Savoia,  I'indignazione 
avvampo  anche  nei  petti  deglTtaliani  irredenti.  Al  comizio 
tenutosi  a  Udine  nel  Teatro  Minerva  il  26  settembre  1867, 
Pietro  De  Carina  di  Monfalcone,  protestando  a  nome  delle 
province  italiane  soggette  all'Austria,  ricordo  tra  I'altro  le 
parole  rivolte  dall'Eroe  pochi  mesi  prima  in  Udine  stessa 
agli  emigrati  irredenti: 


496  PARTE   SECONDA 

Parole  di  speranza  e  di  conforto  —  disse  I'oratore  —  che  non 
tardarono  a  varcare  i  non  lontani  confini,  trovando  giuliva  eco 
dalle  baize  delle  Alpi  Giulie  alia  roccia  del  Timavo,  alle  rive  del 
Quarnero  e  —  mi  trema  il  cuore  al  dirlo  —  nei  sepolcri  ancora 
cruenti  del  Trentino,  nei  sepolcri  delle  povere  vittime  del  1866. 

AH'impresa  garibaldina  dell'Agro  Romano  furono  rap- 
presentate  tutte  le  regioni  irredente  d'ltalia.  II  trentino 
Giuseppe  Fontana  fu  il  primo  a  passare  i  confini  dello  Stato 
Romano  alia  testa  di  150  volontari.  Dei  75  Italiani  for- 
manti  il  manipolo  condotto  dai  fratelli  Cairoli,  manipolo  che 
doveva  portare  aiuto  ai  patriot!  rivoluzionari  di  Roma,  20 
eranotriestini.  Nei  combattimento  di  Villa  Glori  (23  ottobre 
1867)  caddero  morti  4  Triestini  ed  altri  furono  feriti,  tra  i 
quali  Gian  Luigi  Vidali  e  Pietro  Mosettig  "che  giacque 
presso  Giovanni  Cairoli".  Tra  quelli  che  riuscirono  a 
penetrare  nella  citta,  vi  fu  anche  Giusto  Muratti  triestino. 
E  nei  lanificio  di  Giulio  Ajani  in  Trastevere,  accanto  alia 
eroina  Giuditta  Arquati-Tavani  e  agli  altri  generosi,  furono 
massacrati  dai  papalini  (lo  stesso  giorno  23  ottobre  1867) 
anche  Francesco  Mauro  ed  Enrico  Ferolli  triestini,  e  rimase 
ferito  Rodolfo  Donaggio  pure  triestino. 

A  Monterotondo  (25  ottobre  1867),  fu  il  capitano  gari- 
baldino  Marziano  Ciotti  di  Gradisca  che  appiccando  il 
fuoco  alia  porta  del  forte,  lo  costrinse  alia  resa  e  decise  cosi 
della  vittoria  riportata  in  quel  giorno  da  Garibaldi  sulle 
truppe  pontifice.     II  Duce  scrisse  poi  al  Ciotti: 

Voi,  alia  testa  della  vostra  compagnia,  siete  entrato  il  prime  a 
Monterotondo  sulle  rovine  incendiate  e  fumiganti  della  Porta 
San  Rocco.  lo  vi  proclamo  un  prode,  e  valorosa  la  compagnia 
da  voi  comandata.  Le  donne  italiane  onoreranno  i  campioni  delle 
glorie  nostre.     Ed  io  vi  do  un  bacio  fraterno. 

Garibaldi. 

A  Mentana,  poi,  nella  gloriosa  sconfitta,  combatte 
eroicamente  il  medesimo  Marziano  Ciotti  di  Gradisca; 
caddero  morti  sul  campo  il  triestino  Luigi  Pecenco  e  il 
sedicenne  Giuseppe  Pollini  di  Rovereto;  rimase  gravemente 
ferito  e  prigioniero  il  trentino  Ergisto  Bezzi.  E  degli 
ultimi  a  lasciare  il  campo  furono  il  capitano  Emilio  Maddali 


GL'IRREDENTI   DAL   1867   AL   1870  497 

triestino,  Carlo  Tivaroni  dalmata,  Federico  Cuder  istriano 
e  Vincenzo  Cattarozzi  trentino. 

A  Firenze  s'agitarono  per  il  riscatto  di  Roma  i  fratelli 
Tommaso  e  Rovis  Vusio  dalmati. 

A  Padova  cospirarono,  anche  pel  riscatto  di  Roma,  gli 
studenti  universitari  istriani  con  a  capo  Domenico  Lavisato. 

Garibaldi,  rispondendo  da  Caprera  a  un  saluto  che  gli 
stessi  studenti  gli  avevano  mandato,  li  incitava  con  queste 
parole: 

Grazie  per  la  gentile  attestazione  d'afFetto.  Italiani  d'origine 
e  d'aspirazioni,  I'ltalia  non  deve  dimenticarvi,  siccome  una  delle 
piu  belle  gemme  della  sua  corona.  Jo  daro  volentieri  la  vita  per 
I'afFrancaniento  completo  della  famiglia  nostra. 

II  20  aprile  i868  si  celebrarono  le  nozze  del  principe 
ereditario  Umberto  di  Savoia  con  la  cugina  principessa 
Margherita.  Gli  emigrati  irredenti,  in  un  indirizzo  a  Vit- 
torio  Emanuele  II,  porsero  da  Udine  il  saluto  augurale 
delle  terre  trentine  e  giulie  agli  sposi,  ricordando  in  pari 
tempo  che  "solo  per  I'afFrancamento  di  dette  terre  potra 
risplendere  senza  macchia  I'astro  d'ltalia". 

Nello  stesso  anno  i868  gl'Istriani,  i  Triestini,  i  Friulani 
e  i  Dalmati  ebbero  il  conforto  di  vedere  approvata  dal 
governo  italiano  la  legge  con  la  quale  "tutti  gl'Italiani  delle 
province  che  non  fanno  ancora  parte  del  Regno  d'ltalia, 
sono  pareggiati  nell'esercizio  dei  diritti  civili  ai  cittadini 
dello  Stato,  purche,  presentando  Tatto  di  nascita  e  adem- 
piendo  alle  altre  formalita  volute  dalla  legge,  s'inscrivano  nei 
ruoli  d'un  Comune  italiano  di  loro  scelta". 

A  Benedetto  Cairoli,^  che  aveva  presentato  e  sostenuto 
la  detta  legge  fin  dal  1862,  i  membri  del  comitato  nazionale 
di  Gorizia  scrissero  ricordando  che,  se  incrollabile  fu  e 
sarebbe  stata  la  fede  dei  Goriziani  nell'Italia,  "pur  aveva 
d'uopo  che  i  fratelli  liberi  talvolta  la  rinfrancassero  con  una 
parola  di  conforto";  lo  ringraziavano  d'averla  detta  lui 
tale  parola,  lo  pregavano  di  ricordarsi  sempre  di  loro  e  in- 
vocarono  il  giorno  del  riscatto. 

'  Figlio  del  dottor  Carlo  e  di  Adelaide  Bono,  la  nuova  madre  dei  Gracchi; 
uno  dei  piu  belli  eroi  del  Risorj^imento  italiano;  deputato  al  Parlamento  nazionale 
per  30  anni  e  ministro  degli  affari  esteri  sotto  Umberto  I  (1825-1889). 


498  PARTE   SECONDA 

Benedetto  Cairoli  rispose: 

II  vostro  infortunio  e  danno  comune  e  sarebbe  anche  vergogna 
se  dimenticato;  ma  cio  non  e.  Ricordero  i  vostri  patimenti  e  le 
vostre  ardite  dimostrazioni  e  la  cooperazione  presa  alle  battaglie, 
ai  lutti,  alle  glorie  della  patria  italiana?  La  causa  vostra  e  adun- 
que  anche  nostra,  e  io  mi  auguro  di  poterle  consacrare  non  solo 
la  parola,  ma  anche  la  vita.  Accogliete,  o  benemeriti  cittadini 
e  degni  interpreti  del  pensiero  nazionale,  un  fraterno  saluto. 

Nel  luglio  1868,  in  seguito  a  varie  manifestazioni  liberali 
del  municipio  e  della  cittadinanza  di  Trieste,  un'altra 
torma  di  bifolchi  slavi,  aizzata  e  spalleggiata  dal  battaglione 
territoriale  austriaco  composto  anche  di  Slavi  ferocissimi 
detti  hdcoli  (blatte),  assail  brutalmente  i  Triestini  al  grido 
di  Viva  V Austria\  I  Triestini  respinsero  gli  assalitori  al 
grido  di  Viva  VItalia\  La  lotta  continue  il  giorno  dopo. 
Lo  studente  triestino  Rodolfo  Parisi  e  due  operai  anche 
triestini  —  Francesco  Sussa  e  Niccolo  Zecchia  —  giacquero 
morti  sulla  strada;  il  primo,  colpito  da  22  colpi  di  baionetta! 
E  le  vie  centrali  furono  insanguinate  da  diecine  di  feriti. 
Ai  funerali  delle  vittime  accorse  una  folia  immensa,  in  mezzo 
alia  quale  furono  raccolte  piii  di  11,000  firme  di  cittadini 
chiedenti  al  governo  austriaco  lo  scioglimento  del  batta- 
glione territoriale.  Ma  invece  di  giustizia,  i  Triestini  non 
ebbero  altro  che  una  terribile  reazione  poliziesca.  Furono 
arrestati  e  condannati  a  pene  gravi  numerosi  cittadini. 
L'anima  di  Trieste  s'inaspri.  Essa  senti  ancora  di  piii  il 
peso  e  I'obbrobrio  del  giogo  austriaco. 

Nell'agosto  del  1868  a  Gorizia  scoppiava  un  petardo 
nel  Duomo  durante  la  messa  che  si  celebrava  per  il  com- 
pleanno  dell'imperatore  Francesco  Giuseppe.  I  sospetti  della 
polizia  austriaca  caddero  sul  cittadino  Carlo  Blasig,  il  quale 
fu  arrestato  e  condannato  a  6  anni  di  carcere.  Nell'ergastolo 
di  Gradisca,  dove  fu  rinchiuso  a  scontare  la  pena,  il  Blasig 
incontro  Melchiorre  De  Pregel,  suo  concittadino  e  fratello 
di  fede,  condannato  a  quattro  anni,  e  con  lui  riusci  a  fuggire 
dal  carcere  e  riparare  felicemente  a  Udine. 

Cosi,  tra  cospirazioni,  dimostrazioni,  persecuzioni,  pro- 
cessi,  condanne,  martiri  d'ogni  sorta,  glTtaliani  irredenti 
giunsero  fino  alia  seconda  meta  del  1870. 


GUGLIELMO  OBERDAN   (1882)  499 

II  20  settembre  di  quell'anno  i  soldati  italiani  comandati 
dal  generale  RafFaele  Cadorna  entrarono  in  Roma. 

In  quella  memorabile  occasione  si  distinsero  molto 
parecchi  irredenti,  tra  i  quali  I'ufficiale  Cristoforo  Venier 
di  Capodistria  che  rimase  anche  ferito, 

A  Trieste  la  notizia  della  presa  di  Roma  fu  accolta  con 
supremo  entusiasmo.  Le  vie  della  citta  furono  immediata- 
mente  percorse  dalla  popolazione  acclamante  allTtalia.  I 
poliziotti  austriaci  caricarono  con  le  baionette  inastate  i 
dimostranti.  Ma  questi  si  riunirono  novamente  e  reagirono 
contro  la  violenza.  La  sera,  tutte  le  finestre  della  citta 
furono  illuminate  straordinariamente.  I  poliziotti  austriaci 
corsero  di  casa  in  casa  a  spegnere  i  lumi.  Ma  i  lumi  si 
riaccesero.  La  polizia  austriaca  allora  inferoci  contro  il 
popolo.  E  non  senza  verita  fu  detto  che  quel  giorno  —  20 
settembre  1870  —  "fu  sparso  piii  sangue  a  Trieste  che  a 
Roma". 


XII 

I  Triestini  tra  i  volontari  italiani  di  Garibaldi  in  difesa 
della  Francia  nella  guerra  del  1870  contro  la  Prussia. 
Continue  dimostrazioni  d'italianita  nelle  region!  irredente 
dal  1872  al  1882.  II  giovane  triestino  Guglielmo  Ober- 
dan,  studente  universitario  a  Roma,  ardente  apostolo 
d'italianita,  e  impiccato  a  Trieste  per  avere  attentato  alia 
vita  dell'imperatore  Francesco  Giuseppe.  Tremende 
dimostrazioni  italiane  contro  1' Austria  (dicembre  1882). 

Nell'autunno  del  1870  Garibaldi,  dimenticando  il  male 
ricevuto  dai  Francesi  a  Roma  nel  1848  e  nel  1866,  si  mise 
alia  testa  d'un  corpo  di  volontari  italiani,  tra  i  quali  i  suoi 
due  figli  Menotti  e  Ricciotti  e  suo  genero  Stefano  Canzio, 
e  ando  in  Francia  a  difendere  quella  Repubblica  contro  la 
Prussia.  L'Eroe  vinse  con  cariche  alia  baionetta  i  Prussiani 
a  Pasques,  Prenois,  Commarin.  Poi,  in  tre  giorni  d'aspris- 
sima  battaglia  (21,  22,  23  gennaio  1871),  li  vinse  a  Digione, 
prendendo  loro  la  bandiera  del  61^  reggimento  fanteria: 


500  PARTE  SECONDA 

Tunica  bandiera  perduta  dai  Prussiani  nella  memorabile 
guerra  contro  la  Francia. 

A  tali  battaglie  presero  parte  il  Caprin,  il  Dudovick  e 
parecchi  altri  Triestini,  per  i  quali  Garibaldi  impersonava 
le  aspirazioni,  la  liberta  di  tutti  i  popoli  oppressi  e  special- 
mente  del  popolo  italiano. 

La  morte  di  Mazzini,  avvenuta  a  Pisa  il  lo  marzo  1872, 
produsse  immenso  dolore  nelle  terra  irredente.  A  Trieste 
furono  difFusi  manifestini  listati  a  lutto.  II  giornale  VOpe- 
raio,  organo  della  locale  Societa  Operaia  presieduta  da 
Edgardo  Rascovich,  per  essersi  fatto  interprete  di  tanto 
dolore,  fu  sequestrato  dalla  polizia  austriaca. 

Nel  1873  Vittorio  Emanuele  II,  recandosi  a  Vienna, 
passo  per  Nabresina.  La  polizia  austriaca  fermo  sulla  via 
provinciale  centinaia  di  carrozze  cariche  di  Triestini,  i 
quali  volevano  ossequiare  il  "loro  re":  e  ne  arresto  un 
gran  numero. 

Nello  stesso  anno  1873  mori  Alessandro  Manzoni.* 
A  Trieste  ebbero  luogo  manifestazioni  di  cordoglio  da  parte 
dei  cittadini  e  persecuzioni  da  parte  della  polizia  austriaca. 

Nel  luglio  del  1877  un  comitato  triestino-istriano  pubbli- 
cava  un  proclama  col  quale  assicurava  gl'irredenti  che  i 
piu  intemerati  patrioti  d'ltalia  —  Garibaldi,  Cairoli, 
Avezzana,  Fabrizi  ed  altri  —  tenevano  fiso  la  sguardo  sulle 
terre  ancora  soggette  agli  Asburgo. 

E  quando  a  Trieste  giunse  la  notizia  che  lo  stesso  Vittorio 
Emanuele  II  era  morto  il  9  gennaio  1878,  i  cittadini,  in  segno 
di  dolore,  chiusero  immediatamente  i  negozi  e  i  teatri. 
La  polizia  austriaca  tento  di  far  riaprire  gli  uni  e  gli  altri. 
Ma  non  vi  riusci.  Allora  essa  strappo  bandiere  italiane 
velate  di  nero;  sequestro  giornali;  arresto  e  condanno 
cittadini  in  massa.  Nonostante  cio,  ai  funerali  fatti  nel 
Pantheon  a  Roma  il  14  gennaio  1878  apparve  una  superba 
corona  di  fiori  inviata  dalla  citta  di  Trieste  al  "suo  re"  per 
mezzo  d'un'apposita  commissione.  E  il  15  gennaio  1878, 
per  la  messa  funebre  promossa  dal  regio  Consolato  dTtalia 

*  L'insigne  poeta  e  letterato  milanese,  autore  del  celebre  romanzo  /  Promessi Sposi 
tradotto  in  tutte  le  lingue.  Un  giorno  il  Manzoni,  ricevendo  nella  propria  casa 
la  visita  di  Garibaldi,  con  le  lagrime  agli  occhi  per  I'emozione,  esclamava:  "Questo 
c  il  piu  bel  giorno  della  mia  vital"  (1785-1873). 


GUGLIELMO  OBERDAN   (1882)  501 

a  Trieste,  ebbe  luogo  una  nuova  e  solenne  manifestazione 
popolare  d'italianita  sotto  il  Consolato  stesso  e  nelle  vie 
principali  della  citta;  e  il  Consiglio  comunale,  su  proposta 
del  consigliere  Antonio  Vidacovich,  levo  la  seduta  in  segno 
di  lutto. 

A  Gorizia  il  2  giugno  1878  fu  inalberata  sulla  vetta  del 
colle  una  grande  bandiera  italiana  con  un'invocazione 
unitaria.  Nello  stesso  giorno  un'altra  grande  bandiera 
italiana  apparve  sul  colle  di  Montuzza  a  Trieste. 

Nello  stesso  anno  1878  si  reco  a  Trieste,  per  una  visita, 
Giosue  Carducci.  Fu  accolto  con  gioia  e  con  feste.  Da  tale 
visita  il  poeta  trasse  ispirazione  alle  sue  odi  Saluto  italico  e 
Miramar.  La  prima  edizione  del  Saluto  italicoy  pubblicata 
in  un  foglio  volante  a  cura  della  Giovine  Trieste,  ando  a 
ruba.  Divento  subito  popolare  Tultimo  distico,  col  quale 
il  poeta  si  rivolge  aglTtaliani  soggetti  all'Austria  e  dice  loro: 

In  faccia  a  lo  stranier,  che  armato  accampasi 
sul  vostro  suol,  gridate:   Italia,  Italia,  Italia! 

Furono  in  quell'occasione  arrestati  e  condannati  parecchi 
cittadini. 

II  15  ottobre  1878  Garibaldi  scriveva  da  Caprera  alia 
societa  triestina  Giovine   Trieste: 

Se  oggi  sento  d'esser  vecchio,  e  per  essere  poco  valevole  alia 
causa  Santa  di  Trieste  e  di  Trento.  Comunque,  saro  superbo  di 
potervi  dare  gli  ultimi  giorni  della  mia  vita. 

II  19  ottobre  1878  un  convegno  riservatissimo  a  Forli, 
presieduto  da  Aurelio  Saffi  e  presente  Edgardo  Rascovich 
di  Trieste,  deliberava  d  'aprire  arrolamenti  in  Italia  per  una 
spedizione  liberatrice  nelle  terre  irredente.  E  all'uopo 
iniziava  la  necessaria  raccolta  d'armi. 

Nello  stesso  anno  1878  a  Trieste  furono  arrestati  sotto 
I'accusa  d'alto  tradimento  parecchi  studenti  triestini,  tra  i 
quali  Salvatore  Barzilai.^ 

Nello  stesso  anno  1878  s'inizio  a  Gorizia  la  pubblicazione 
d'un  giornale  nazionale  battagliero  intitolato  //  Goriziano, 

^  II  triestino  avvocato  Salvatore  Barzilai  e  da  25  anni  deputato  al  Parlamento 
nazionale  italiano  per  uno  dei  collegi  elettorali  di  Roma.  Fu  presidente  dall'Asso- 
ciazione  della  Stampa  Italiana  per  vari  anni  e  ministro  nel  Gabinetto  Salandra. 


502  PARTE   SECONDA 

il  quale,  pur  essendo  fatto  bersaglio  a  replicati  sequestri, 
continuo  imperterrito  la  lotta  per  I'italianita.  II  governo 
austriaco  arresto  i  redattori  (I'architetto  Antonio  Tabai  e 
Giuseppe  Vinci),  li  sottopose  a  processo  e  li  condanno  al 
carcere.  II  15  dicembre  1878  i  due  condannati  riuscirono 
a  compiere  un'ardita  evasione  e  riparare  a  Udine. 

Dalle  Assise  di  Gratz,  durante  il  1878,  furono  anche 
condannati  a  parecchi  anni  di  carcere  i  goriziani  Giuseppe 
Ricchetti,  Carlo  Jamsy,  Giuseppe  De  Mulitsch,  Luigi 
Gregorich,  Stefano  Riaviz,  Emilio  Pogatschnig  e  Vincenzo 
Luccardi. 

Nel  febbraio  del  1879,  in  seguito  alio  scoppio  d'alcuni 
petardi  a  Gorizia,  la  polizia  austriaca  perquisi  le  migliori 
famiglie  della  citta,  arresto  Ugo  Zanardi,  Menotti  Delfino, 
Attilio  ed  Emilio  Mortera,  Gustavo  Fabricci,  Sigismondo 
Stella  e  Alessandro  Regazzini,  e  li  condanno  tutti  chi  a 
due,  chi  a  tre  anni  di  detenzione  da  scontarsi  negli  ergastoli 
di  Capodistria  e  di  Gradisca. 

E  quando  la  mattina  del  3  giugno  1882  si  seppe  che  la 
sera  precedente  era  morto  Giuseppe  Garibaldi  a  Caprera, 
nelle  citta  delle  regioni  irredente  successe  quello  ch'era 
successo  per  la  morte  di  Vittorio  Emanuele  II:  grandi 
manifestazioni  di  dolore  da  parte  dei  cittadini;  feroci  perse- 
cuzioni  da  parte  della  polizia  austriaca. 

Gia  il  1882  fu  uno  degli  anni  piia  irrequieti  e  importanti 
per  I'irredentismo  italiano.  La  dipartita  dell'Eroe  aveva 
rievocato  la  poesia  e  il  fascino  di  giorni  quanto  mai  gloriosi; 
aveva  risuscitato  nei  vecchi  e  suscitato  nei  giovani  tutto 
il  santo  entusiasmo  per  I'epopea  garibaldina.  Tanto  piij 
che  correva  insistente  la  voce  d'un'  alleanza  tra  il  governo 
d'ltalia  e  quello  d'Austria.  L'anima  del  popolo  italiano  si 
ribellava  all'idea  d'una  unione  con  I'antica  tiranna,  la  quale 
faceva  ancor  pesare  la  sua  ferrea  catena  sopra  terre  italiane. 
Unione  che  voleva  dire,  in  sostanza,  formale,  decisiva  rinunzia 
al  riconquisto  di  tali  terre.  I  piii  generosi  patrioti  non 
potevano  rassegnarsi  ad  accettare  le  fredde  e  calcolatrici 
ragioni  di  Stato.  Eppero  le  giudicavano  illogiche,  innaturali, 
mostruose. 

L'Austria,  del  resto,  poco  curandosi  della  suscettibilita 


GUGLIELMO  OBERDAN    (1882)  503 

italiana,  voile  festeggiare,  proprio  in  quell'anno  1882,  il 
quinto  centenario  della  cosidetta  "dedizione"  di  Trieste, 
quasi  a  sfida  del  sordo  e  continue  rumoreggiare  irredentista. 

II  governo  austriaco  promosse  e  organizzo  per  queH'oc- 
casione  un'  Esposizione  industrial  a  Trieste,  e  ingiunse  ai 
Triestini  di  parteciparvi.  La  cittadinanza  rispose  mostran- 
dosi  indifFerente,  ostile  ai  comandati  festeggiamenti. 
Allora  i  rappresentanti  del  governo  di  Vienna  assoldarono 
stranieri,  li  ubriacarono  e,  con  essi,  cercarono  d'organizzare 
a  Trieste,  nei  giorni  dell'apertura  dell'Esposizione,  dimo- 
strazioni  favorevoli  allTmpero.  La  stampa  vendereccia 
avrebbe  poi  gonfiato  tali  dimostrazioni  e  avrebbe  fatto 
credere  all'Europa  che  Trieste  era  una  citta  devota  agli 
Asburgo. 

Ma  I'attitudine  risoluta  dei  cittadini  frustro  i  tentativi 
degli  elementi  cortigiani.  Per  esempio:  una  locale  societa 
austriacante  si  provo  d'inaugurare  una  bandiera  donatale 
dalla  principessa  austriaca  Stefania.  Nel  momento  dell'i- 
naugurazione,  la  bandiera,  trafugata  dai  patrioti  italiani, 
non  fu  pill  trovata.  Lo  scultore  slavo  Rendic,  entrato  una 
mattina  nello  studio  per  preparare  il  trasporto  in  piazza 
d'una  sua  statua  raffigurante  la  **dedizione"  di  Trieste, 
trovo  la  statua  decapitata. 

La  polizia  austriaca  arse  d'ira.  Prendendo  le  mosse 
dalla  visita  dell'arciduca  austricaco  Carlo  Lodovico  la 
vigilia  dell'apertura  dell'Esposizione,  essa  fece  percorrere 
le  vie  di  Trieste  da  una  musica  militate,  seguita  da  una 
turba  di  brutti  ceffi  croati  capeggiati  da  una  ventina  d'alti 
funzionari  governativi  austriaci.  Costoro  si  sfogarono 
urlando:  "Abbasso  I'ltalia!  Morte  agl'Italiani!  Galera, 
forca  e  piombo  ai  liberali!" 

La  provocazione  era  grave.  Scoppiarono  improvvisa- 
mente  due  bombe.  Tre  alti  funzionari  austriaci  e  una 
ventina  d'ausiliari  e  spie  rimasero  colpiti.  Alcuni  d'essi 
espiarono  con  la  vita,  altri  con  lunghe  sofFerenze,  I'insulto 
al  sentimento  d'italianita  e  di  liberta  d'un'intera  popolazione. 

La  polizia  austriaca  non  riusci  mai  a  scoprire  gli  autori 
dell'attentato.  Ma  si  vendico,  incarcerando  numerosi 
cittadini  sospetti,  tra  i  quali  i  giovani  tipografi  Luigi  Schi- 


504  PARTE   SECONDA 

rone,  RIcciottI  Gervasio  e  Arturo  Kattenbrunner,  che 
avevano  clandestinamente  stampato  I'esaltazione  dell'at- 
tentato.  I  tre  furono  condannati  per  apologia  di  reato. 
Per  il  medesimo  reato,  la  polizia  austriaca  fece  condannare 
anche  due  donne  del  popolo:  Giulietta  Krammer  e  Carolina 
Olacutti;  la  prima  a  un  anno  e  mezzo,  la  seconda  a  due  anni 
di  carcere  duro. 

II  1 8  agosto  1882  al  nocchiero  del  Lloyd  austro-ungarico 
Filippo  Spongia  di  Rovigno  d'Istria,  la  polizia  austriaca  di 
Trieste  sequestro  un  baule  contenente  una  bomba  all'Orsini, 
un  petardo  e  proclami  insurrezionali.  Tutte  queste  cose 
provenivano  dai  Triestini  esuli  a  Milano  affiliati  al  Circolo 
Garibaldi  di  Trieste  presieduto  da  Raimondo  Battera.  Si 
ebbero  arresti  e  condanne. 

Ma  all'inaugurazione  dell'Esposizione  non  si  presenta- 
rono  che  i  soli  impiegati  governativi  tra  folte  schiere  di 
soldati  austriaci.  La  citta  vi  si  astenne  completamente. 
Alia  cassa  dell'Esposizione  non  fu  trovato  che  un  solo 
biglietto  d'ingresso  *'pagato";  mentre  il  giardino  dell'Espo- 
sizione stessa  fu  trovato,  I'indomani,  tutto  seminato  di 
coccarde  tricolori  e  di  proclami  italiani. 

A  Vienna,  la  fiera  condotta  dei  Triestini  urto  terribil- 
mente  i  nervi  dei  circoli  governativi.  S'annunzio  subito 
ufficialmente  che  nel  settembre  (1882)  si  sarebbe  recato  a 
Trieste  I'imperatore  Francesco  Giuseppe,  per  rialzare  con 
la  sua  augusta  presenza  le  sorti  tutt'altro  che  liete  del- 
l'Esposizione e  per  mettere  un  freno  alio  spirito  ribelle  dei 
Triestini. 

In  quel  tempo  frequentava  I'Universita  di  Roma  (sezione 
ingegneria)  il  triestino  Guglielmo  Oberdan,  giovane  venti- 
quattrenne  di  bella  cultura  e  di  austere  doti  morali,  apostolo 
fervente  dell'irredentismo  italiano,  assai  stimato  e  amato 
dagli  altri  studenti,  dai  professori,  dai  piii  autorevoli  patrioti 
italiani.  Era  senza  padre  e  povero.  La  madre  era  gorizia- 
na.  Impartendo  lezioni  private  ai  compagni  e  lavorando 
come  disegnatore  presso  un  ingegnere  di  Roma,  era  riuscito 
a  guadagnarsi  100  lire  mensili  con  le  quali  poteva  vivere 
"da  gran  signore"  e  mandare  anche  qualche  cosuccia 
alia  madre  ch'egli  adorava. 


GUGLIELMO  OBERDAN   (1882)  505 

Quando  giunse  il  1882,  Oberdan  stava  per  laurearsi.  Ma 
il  fermento  irredentista,  le  voci  d'un'  alleanza  italo-austriaca 
e  gli  ultimi  avvenimenti  della  sua  Trieste  lo  distolsero  dagli 
studi  e  gli  misero  la  febbre  addosso.  Egli  aveva  detto  piii 
volte  che  "la  causa  di  Trieste  aveva  d'uopo  del  sangue  d'un 
martire  triestino".  La  maturita  dei  tempi  gli  parve  giunta. 
I  disegni  di  spedizioni  armate  dallTtalia  nelle  regioni  irre^ 
dente  —  disegni  rinnovati  ogni  anno  —  erano  sempre  falliti. 
Si  voto  lui  al  sacrificio.  Decise  cioe  d'andar  lui  solo  a  pro- 
movere  un  moto  insurrezionale  a  Trieste,  con  la  speranza  che 
avrebbe  ricevuto  aiuti  dall'Italia. 

Prima  di  partire,  il  giovane  irredento  ando  negli  uffici 
del  Dovere,  giornale  repubblicano  di  Roma  diretto  da 
Felice  Albani,  e  ivi  scrisse  e  firmo  il  suo  testamento  politico. 

Ai  fratelli  italiani. 

Vado  a  compiere  un  atto  solenne  e  importante.  Solenne, 
perche  mi  dispongo  al  sacrificio;  importante,  perche  dara  i  suoi 
frutti. 

E  necessario  che  atti  simili  scuotano  dal  vergognoso  torpore 
Tanimo  dei  giovani  liberi  e  non  liberi. 

Gia  da  troppo  tempo  tacciono  i  sentimenti  generosi;  gia  da 
troppo  tempo  si  china  la  fronte  ad  ogni  specie  d'insulto  straniero. 
I  figli  dimenticano  i  padri.  II  nome  italiano  minaccia  di  diventare 
sinonimo  di  vile  o  d'indifFerente. 

No,  non  possono  morire  cosi  gl'istinti  generosi!  Sono  assopiti 
e  si  ridesteranno. 

Al  primo  grido  d'allarme  correranno  i  giovani  d'ltalia;  corre- 
ranno  coi  nomi  dei  nostri  Grandi  sulle  labbra  a  cacciare  per 
sempre  da  Trento  e  da  Trieste  I'odiato  straniero  che  da  tanto  tempo 
ci  minaccia  e  ci  opprime. 

Oh  potesse  questo  mio  atto  condurre  I'ltalia  a  guerra  contro 
il  nemico!  Alia  guerra,  sola  salvezza,  solo  argine  che  possa 
arrestare  il  disfacimento  morale  sempre  crescente  della  gioventii 
nostra. 

Alia  guerra,  giovani,  finche  siamo  ancora  in  tempo  di  can- 
cellare  le  vergogne  della  presente  generazione,  combattendo  da 
leoni. 

Fuori  lo  straniero!  E  vincitori,  e  forti  ancora  del  grande  amore 
della  patria  vera,  ci  accingeremo  a  combattere  altre  battaglie,  a 
vincere  per  la  vera  idea,  per  quella  che  ha  sempre  spinto  gli  animi 
forti  alle  cruente  iniziative,  per  I'idea  repubblicana. 


506  PARTE   SECONDA 

Prima  indipendenti,  poi  liberi. 

Fratelli  d'ltalia!     Vendicate  Trieste  e  vendicatemi! 

Settembre  1882. 

GUGLIELMO    ObERDAN. 

II  giovane  parti  da  Roma,  dopo  aver  ricevuto  dai 
Triestini  la  promessa  d'un'insurrezione,  d'un  "vespro 
tergestino",  per  il  quale  si  dicevano  apprestati  i  mezzi; 
dopo  aver  ricevuto  incoraggiamenti  e  anche  promesse  d'aiuti 
da  parecchi  eminenti  uomini  democratici  d'ltalia. 

Giunto  a  Udine  (15  settembre  1882),  si  diresse  verso  il 
confine  italo-austriaco:  e,  sotto  un  cielo  minaccioso  (la 
notte  precedente  aveva  piovuto  dirottamente)  e  con  un 
vento  freddo,  per  sentieri  e  viottoli  scoscesi  malagevoli 
fangosi,  riusci  a  varcarlo.  A  Ronchi,  paesetto  del  Friuli 
orientale,  si  fermo  nella  locanda  d'un  certo  Giovanni 
Berini,  e  chiese  una  camera.  Era  stanco.  Si  getto  imme- 
diatamente  sul  letto  e  si  mise  a  dormire.  Ma  lo  desto 
un  improvviso  bussare  alia  porta.  In  camicia  e  scalzo,  il 
giovane  ando  ad  aprire  e  si  vide  dinanzi  i  gendarmi  austriaci. 

"Chi  siete?"  gli  domando  il  capo. 

"Giovanni  Rossi  da  Gorizia"  rispose  I'Oberdan,  che 
aveva  gia  compreso  d'essere  stato  tradito.  E,  spianando  la 
rivoltella,  grido  in  dialetto  0  ti  0  mil  e  fece  fuoco. 

II  capo  gendarme,  che  aveva  tentato  di  sviare  il  colpo, 
si  ebbe  un  dito  della  mano  fracassato. 

II  giovane  fu  sopraffatto  dal  drappello  poliziesco  austria- 
co,  fu  disarmato  e  legato  strettamente.  Nella  valigia  gli 
furono  trovate  due  bombe  e  una  fiaschetta  di  polvere.  I 
gendarmi  lo  trascinarono  in  catene  a  Monfalcone.  Quivi, 
all'imperiale  e  reale  commissario  austriaco,  I'Oberdan 
ripete  di  chiamarsi  Giovanni  Rossi  fu  Francesco  e  di  Giu- 
seppa  Ciani,  d'anni  25,  da  Trieste,  studente  universitario 
in  scienze  fisiche  e  matematiche.  Disse  d'avere  fatto  fuoco 
sul  capo  gendarme,  perche  I'assisa  austriaca,  a  lui  italiano, 
era  obbrobriosissima  come  quella  che  rappresentava  un 
potere  "che  sta  per  forza  in  casa  nostra".  Circa  le  sue 
intenzioni,  confess©  ch'era  diretto  a  Trieste  per  prendere 
parte  alle  feste  che  ivi  si  facevano  "e  per  dare  in  qualche 
modo  un  saluto  al  graziosissimo  sovrano".     Riconobbe  per 


GUGLIELMO   OBERDAN   (1882)  507 

sue  le  bombe,  la  rivoltella,  la  fiaschetta  di  polvere,  alcune 
capsule  esplodenti  e  tutte  le  altre  cose  rinvenute  nella  sua 
valigia. 

In  consequenza  di  tali  dichiarazioni,  I'Oberdan  fu  tra- 
dotto,  in  mezzo  a  grande  scorta  d'Austriaci  armati,  a 
Trieste,  e  ivi  rinchiuso  nel  forte  di  San  Giusto  in  attesa 
del  giudizio. 

Quando  giunse  I'imperatore  Francesco  Giuseppe  per 
visitare  I'Esposizione  di  Trieste,  la  citta  —  che  appariva 
austriaca  soltanto  per  le  bandiere  imperiali  delle  navi 
ancorate  nel  porto,  per  le  insegne  degli  uffici  governativi, 
per  la  presenza  dei  soldati  e  delle  guardie  con  I'elmo  chio- 
dato  —  brillo  per  la  sua  assenza. 

Chiunque  si  fosse  in  quei  giorni  accomunato  alia  vita  cittadina 
di  Trieste,  avrebbe  sentito  ch'essa  palpitava  con  anima  italiana. 
Chiunque  avesse  ascoltato  le  intime  voci  di  queiranima,  avrebbe 
sentito  ripetere  senza  fine  un  nome:   Italia! 

Nel  giorno  natalizio  dell'imperatore,  I'Esposizione  di 
Trieste  raggiunse  il  massimo  numero  dei  visitatori:  due- 
cento! 

Tre  mesi  intanto  erano  passati  dall'arresto  deH'Oberdan. 
Alia  fine,  quale  disertore^  e  quale  reo  d'avere  voluto  atten- 
tate alia  vita  deH'imperatore  Francesco  Giuseppe  e  alia 
compagine  dell'impero  austro-ungarico,  egli  fu  condannato 
da  quella  corte  marziale  alia  pena  di  morte  mediante  il 
capestro. 

Udita  la  lettura  della  sentenza,  il  giovane  triestino 
sorrise,  fisso  i  suoi  begli  occhi  azzurri  e  sereni  sui  giudici,  e 
disse  semplicemente:  "Grazie!" 

La  madre,  disperata,  s'affretto  ad  impetrare  la  grazia 
dairimperatore.  Ma  le  fu  negata.  Le  fu  soltanto  concesso 
"in  via  eccezionale"  di  visitare  il  figlio,  a  patto  ch'essa 
lo  inducesse  a  invocare  lui  direttamente  la  grazia  sovrana. 

^  II  Comune  di  Trieste  aveva  assegnato  ad  Oberdan  giovinetto  una  borsa  di 
studio  di  300  corone  annue,  perche  egli  frequentasse  le  scuole  a  Vienna  e  si  laureasse 
in  ingegneria.  Oberdan  giunse  cosi  all'eta  della  leva  militare  e,  come  studente 
universitario,  fu  dal  governo  austriaco  incorporate  nel  22^  reggimento  Weber  che 
doveva,  in  quell'anno  1878,  reprimere  i  moti  dei  fieri  montanari  della  Bosnia,  i 
quali  difendevano  il  loro  diritto  all'indipendenza  contro  I'Austria.  Guglielmo, 
anima  sensibilissima  assetata  di  liberta  e  di  giustizia,  diserto  I'esercito  austriaco 
e  riparo  ad  Ancona,  e  da  Ancona  a  Roma. 


508  PARTE   SECONDA 

Tento  la  poveretta.  Ma  il  figlio  respinse  sdegnosamente 
la  carta  che  gli  si  presentava  per  la  firma.  E  alia  madre 
singhiozzante  disse  con  voce  dolce  ma  ferma:  "Madre 
mia,  sta  tranquilla,  io  sapro  essere  degno  di  te". 

Da  quel  momento  all'infelice  donna  non  fu  piu  permesso 
di  vedere  il  frutto  delle  sue  viscere. 

Nel  frattempo,  un  numero  infinito  di  telegrammi  invo- 
canti  la  grazia  per  il  giovane  triestino  condannato  a  morte 
giungeva  da  ogni  parte  d'Europa  aH'imperatore  Francesco 
Giuseppe.  Telegrafarono,  tra  gli  altri,  I'insigne  giurista  e 
criminalista  italiano  Francesco  Carrara  e  il  poeta  Giosue 
Carducci.  Telegrafo  da  Parigi  Victor  Hugo  dicendo: 
"Maesta,  c'e  una  grazia  da  fare.  Tutto  il  mondo  I'aspetta. 
La  clemenza  e  la  virtii  dei  re.  La  pena  di  morte  e  abolita 
per  ogni  uomo  incivilito.  La  pena  di  morte  sara  cancellata 
dai  codici  nel  ventesimo  secolo.  Bello  sarebbe  praticare 
fin  d'ora  una  legge  deH'avvenire".^  Telegrafarono  le  signore 
triestine  con  alia  testa  Clementina  Bazzoni  moglie  del 
dottor  Bazzoni  podesta  di  Trieste.  Esse,  tra  I'altro,  dicevano 
a  Francesco  Giuseppe:  "Maesta,  salvate  una  giovine  vita; 
risparmiate  alia  citta  di  Trieste  tutto  I'orrore  d'una  esecu- 
zione  capitale". 

Ma  I'imperatore  degli  Asburgo  fu  irremovibile  e  non 
rispose  a  nessuno. 

La  cella  nella  quale  stava  rinchiuso  Oberdan  era  lunga 
tre  metri  e  larga  due,  e  aveva  la  porta  di  ferro.  Una  cella 
attigua  era  occupata  da  un  drappello  di  rozzi  soldati  au- 
striaci,  i  quali  non  facevano  altro  che  sghignazzare  e  insultare 
il  condannato.  Oberdan  rispondeva  loro  cantando  inni 
patriottici  italiani. 

II  19  dicembre  1882,  vigilia  del  supplizio,  fu  una  giornata 
d'angoscia  indicibile  per  i  patrioti  triestini.  Le  signore  si 
accalcavano  continuamente  all'ufficio  luogotenenziale,  spe- 
rando  di  vedere  giungere  da  un  momento  all'altro  il  tanto 
bramato  telegramma  di  risposta  concedente  la  grazia.  Ma 
non  giunse  nulla.     Giunse  invece,  alle  ore  otto  di  sera,  col 

'  In  Italia  la  pena  di  morte  fu  abolita  in  seguito  all'opera  Dei  delitti  e  delle  pene 
dell'illustre  penalista  italiano  Cesare  Beccaria  (1738-1794):  opera  che  Voltaire 
chiamo  "il  vero  codice  deH'umanita"  e  che  Caterina  II  imperatrice  di  Russia  fece 
inserire  per  intero  nel  sue  codice. 


GUGLIELMO  OBERDAN    (1882)  509 

direttissimo  proveniente  da  Vienna,  il  signer  Wullenbacher 
boia  dell'impero  austro-ungarico.  Egli  era  tutto  vestito 
di  nero,  con  cilindro  e  guanti  anche  neri.  Aveva  seco 
due  aiutanti.  Pochi  seppero  del  suo  arrive.  Dalla  stazione 
si  reco  in  vettura  chiusa  alia  caserma  grande,  ove  ceno  e 
pernotto. 

L'indomani  mattina  (20  dicembre  1882),  alle  ore  sei, 
Guglielmo  Oberdan  fu  vestito  con  I'assisa  del  reggimento 
austriaco  Weber  ch'egli  aveva  disertato;  fu  visitato  dal 
medico  militare  Mandich  e  poi  dal  cappellano.  Ma  il 
giovane  rifiuto  i  cosidetti  conforti  religiosi. 

Verso  le  ore  sette,  egli  fu  fatto  uscire  dalla  cella.  Soffiava 
la  borea.  Faceva  freddo.  Nel  cortile  umido  regnavano 
ancora  le  tenebre  lugubramente  rischiarate  dalla  rossa 
luce  fumosa  delle  lanterne  dei  carcerieri.  Nell'oscurita 
brillavano  le  punte  delle  baionette  dei  soldati  austriaci  di 
cui  era  pieno  tutto  il  cortile,  e  si  profilava  sinistramente  il 
braccio  della  forca. 

Oberdan  fisso  lo  sguardo  impavido  sul  maledetto  ordigno 
della  tirannide,  e  gli  mosse  incontro  con  passo  sicuro.  A 
pie  di  esso  si  tolse  rapidamente  la  tunica  militare,  la  butto 
a  terra  e  la  calpesto  con  estremo  disprezzo.  Indi  sali  la 
scala  fatale.     Giunto  sul  palco,  grido: 

"Muoio  contento,  perche  spero  che  la  mia  morte  giovera 
a  riunire  la  mia  cara  Trieste  alia  madre  patria." 

II  comandante  militare  lo  interruppe,  imponendogli  di 
tacere;  ordino  ai  tamburi  di  coprire  con  il  loro  rullo  le 
parole  audaci;  ingiunse  al  carnefice  di  sbrigarsi. 

Oberdan  afFerro  il  laccio  e  se  lo  passo  con  le  sue  propria 
mani  al  collo,  gridando  piii  forte  di  prima: 

"Viva  Trieste  Italiana!     Viva  ITtalial" 

II  laccio  assassino  tronco  la  voce  e  la  vita  del  giovane. 

La  tragedia  era  compiuta.  Un  nuovo  nome  s'era  inciso 
infuturandosi  nell'albo  glorioso  dei  martiri  del  Risorgi- 
mento  Italiano. 

I  giornali  dell'impero  austro-ungarico  pubblicarono  la 
notizia  dell'esecuzione  d'Oberdan  con  ogni  piii  minuto 
particolare.  Dissero,  tra  I'altro,  che  lo  stesso  boia  Wullen- 
bacher aveva   dichiarato  che  dei   molti  da  lui  giustiziati, 


510  PARTE   SECONDA 

nessuno  aveva  dimostrato  la  risolutezza  e  il  coraggio  del 
giovane  triestino. 

La  costernazione  di  Trieste  fu  immensa.  Ebbero  luogo 
energiche  proteste.  I  teatri  rimasero  deserti  per  tre  sere  di 
seguito,  nonostante  che  la  polizia  austriaca  imponesse  agli 
attori  di  recitare  egualmente,  pena  il  bando.  Furono 
sequestrati  i  giornali  italiani  che  avevano  commentato 
acerbamente  I'uccisione  del  giovane  triestino,  e  i  redattori 
processati  e  condannati.  Enrico  Jurettig,  per  esempio, 
direttore  AtW Indipendente  di  Trieste  e  gia  direttore  del- 
Vlsonzo  di  Gorizia,  "per  avere  esaltato  il  martirio  del- 
rOberdan  fu  condannatoa  i8  mesi  di  carcere  e  mori  durante 
I'espiazione  della  pena". 

Giuseppina  Oberdan,  sfogando  con  infinito  pianto  il 
suo  grandissimo  dolore  materno,  tesse  a  ritesse  I'elogio  del 
figliuolo  con  queste  commoventi  parole: 

II  mio  Guglielmo  aveva  un  cuore  d'angelo.  Era  mite  di  co- 
stumi,  studioso,  d'ingegno  elevate,  d'animo  amoroso.  Quanta 
volte  mi  disse  carezzandomi:  Povera  mamma!  Tu  hai  fatto  tanto 
■per  me,  ma  non  dubitare;  quando  sard  professore  di  matematica,  ti 
compensero  di  tutte  le  tiie  angustie,  vivremo  sempre  insieme  e  felici. 
I  suoi  professori  lo  idolatravano.  Era  sempre  il  primo  della  sua 
classe.  A  quindici  anni  si  guadagnava  qualche  denaro  dando 
ripetizioni.  Non  aveva  vizi.  Non  aveva  abitudini  di  lusso. 
Era  felice  se,  coi  pochi  soldi  che  studiosamente  accumulava,  poteva 
comprarsi  qualche  libro. 

In  Italia,  I'annunzio  dell'uccisione  d'Oberdan  produsse 
un'impressione  enorme.  Da  un  capo  all'altro  della  penisola 
corse  un  possente  fremito,  un  possente  ruggito. 

Carducci  disse: 

Guglielmo  Oberdan  fu  impiccato  questa  mattina  a  Trieste. 
£  austriacamente  naturale. 

Cosi  I'imperatore  Francesco  Giuseppe  s'afFretto  a  rispondere 
al  poeta  francese  Victor  Hugo  e  al  professore  italiano  ^  che  lo 
invocavano  magnanimo.  E,  austriacamente,  piii  che  naturale. 
Nel  sangue  ingiovani  (Francesco  Giuseppe),  nel  sangue  invecchia, 
nel  sangue  speriamo  che  afFoghi.     E  sia  sangue  suo. 

L'ltalia  intanto  e  debole  dentro,  debolissima  alia  frontiera. 

*  Lo  stesso  Carducci,  professore  di  belle  lettere  all'Universita  di  Bologna. 


GUGLIELMO  OBERDAN  (1882)  511 

Ora  bisognano  riforme  sociali,  per  la  giustizia;  riforme  economiche, 
per  la  forza;  armi,  armi,  armi,  per  ia  sicurezza,  E  armi  non  per 
difendere,  ma  per  ofFendere.  L'ltalia  non  si  difende  che  ofFen- 
dendo.     Altrimenti  sara  invasa. 

La  gioventu  italiana  ci  pensi.  E  si  stanchi  di  far  sempre  acca- 
demia  e  schermaglia  di  parole  noiose. 

Confortiamo  la  memoria  di  Guglielmo  Oberdan  che  si  e  sa- 
crificato  per  colpa  nostra  e  per  noi. 

E  leviamo,  fra  dieci  anni,  suU'uItima  cresta  delle  Alpi  nostra, 
un  monumento  a  Caio  Mario  ^  e  a  Giuseppe  Garibaldi  col  motto: 
Stranieriy  indietro! 

Altrove  lo  stesso  Carducci: 

Guglielmo  Oberdan  ando  non  per  uccidere,  io  credo,  ma  per 
essere  ucciso.  Egli  ci  getta  la  sua  vita  e  ci  dice:  Eccovi  il  pegno: 
Trieste  e  dell  'Italia.  Rispondiamo:  Guglielmo  Oberdan,  noi 
accettiamo:  alia  vita  e  alia  morte.  Riprendemmo  Roma  al  Papa; 
riprenderemo  Trieste  aWlmperatore! 

E  Giovanni  Bovio,  filosofo  e  moralista: 

Oberdan,  chiudendo  il  martirologio  italiano,  riapriva  la  tradi- 
zione  italica.  II  canape  che  lo  strangolava,  intrecciato  alia 
nostra  bandiera,  indica  che  il  nuovo  diritto  pubblico  passera  sopra 
I'Austria. 

E  Aurelio  Saffi,  il  piii  grande  dei  Mazziniani: 

Passa,  con  mutabile  vicenda  d'egoismi  e  d'errori,  I'onda  del 
tempo  e  porta  seco,  condannati  alio  sprezzo  e  all'oblio,  i  nomi 
degli  oppressori  dei  popoli;  ma  la  memoria  di  Guglielmo  Oberdan 
vivra  perenne  nel  cuore  degl'Italiani,  perche  il  suo  martirio  rap- 
presenta  la  protesta  immortale  della  Natura  contro  I'arbitrio  che 
ne  infrange  le  leggi. 

E  Matteo  Renato  Imbriani,  I'intemerato  tribuno  del 
popolo  italiano: 

II  suo  martirio  e  il  nuovo  simbolo  del  patrio  riscatto.  Ultimo 
fra  i  martiri  d'ltalia  per  ragion  cronologica,  fra  i  primi  —  se 
intelletto  di  patria  non  falla  —  per  alta  coscienza  e  determinate 
volere. 

*  Caio  Mario  fu  uno  dei  piu  potenti  generali  romani,  sette  volte  Console,  celebre 
specialmente  per  avere  vinto  Giugurta  re  di  Numidia  e  i  Teutoni  (156-86  avanti 
Cristo). 


512  PARTE   SECONDA 

Ed  Ettore  Soccl,  apostolo  del  femminismo  in  Italia: 

La  vita  di  Guglielmo  Oberdan  si  compendia  in  amore  alia 
madre,  amore  alio  studio,  amore  alia  patria.  Giovani,  amate, 
studiate  e  accingetevi  ad  affrontare  la  morte  per  la  patria. 

In  quasi  tutte  le  citta,  gli  studenti  e  i  lavoratori  improv- 
visarono  alte  dimostrazioni  di  protesta,  Al  giovine  martire 
furono  votati  ricordi,  decretate  epigrafi,  delle  quali  rimase 
celebre  quella  dello  stesso  Carducci  apparsa  nell'atrio  del- 
I'Ateneo  di  Bologna: 

A  Guglielmo  Oberdan  —  morto  santamente  per  ITtalia  — 
terrore,  ammonimento,  rimprovero  —  ai  tiranni  di  fuori  —  ai 
vigliacchi  di  dentro. 

Ma  il  governo  d'Umberto  I  di  Savoia,  invece  d'unirsi 
alia  voce  della  nazione  e  salvare  cosi,  almeno  in  parte,  la 
dignita  italiana,  fece  di  tutto  per  sofFocare  il  grido  d'in- 
dignazione  di  tutto  un  popolo. 

Esso  —  il  governo  d'Umberto  I  di  Savoia  —  poco  dopo 
(1883)  annunziava  d'avere  firmato  sin  dal  20  maggio  1882 
il  trattato  d'alleanza  con  I'Austria:  il  trattato  della  Triplice 
Alleanza! 

XIII 

II  monumento  a  Dante  nella  citta  di  Trento  (1896). 
Manifestazioni  d'italianita  a  Trieste  e  nell'Istria  dal  1897 
al  1903.  Le  scuole  italiane  elementari  e  medie  a 
Gorizia,  a  Gradisca,  a  Trieste,  nell'Istria  e  nella  Dal- 
mazia.  La  lampada  eterna  degl'Italiani  irredenti  suUa 
tomba  di  Dante  a  Ravenna  (1908).  Gli  studenti  italiani 
irredenti  dell'Universita  di  Vienna  aggrediti  dagli 
studenti  austriaci  della  stessa  universita  spalleggiati 
dalla  polizia.  Tremende  dimostrazioni  italiane  di 
protesta  contro  I'Austria  (1908).  L'incessante  cospira- 
zione  di  Trieste  italiana  contro  il  governo  austriaco  sine 
al  1915. 

L'li  ottobre  1 896  s'inaugurava  a  Trento  un  monumento  a 
Dante,  fatto  in  seguito  a  pubblica  sottoscrizione  tra  gl'Ita- 
liani   delle   regioni  irredente. 


LE  SCUOLE   DEGL'IRREDENTI  513 

II  monumento,  opera  dello  scultore  Zocchi,  era  alto  metri 
17.70  (la  sola  statua  del  poeta  misurava  metri  5  d'altezza) 
con  una  base  larga  metri  13.  Attorno  al  piedistallo  erano 
raffigurate  le  tre  cantiche  della  Divina  Commedia:  I'lnferno 
dalla  statua  di  Minosse;  il  Purgatorio  dall'episodio  di 
Sordello;  il  Paradiso  da  Beatrice  fra  gli  angioli.  L'iscri- 
zione  diceva  cosi:  "A  Dante,  al  Padre,  il  Trentino  —  col 
plauso  e  I'aiuto  della  Nazione  —  MDCCCLXXXIX  [anno 
in  cui  fu  lanciata  I'iniziativa  del  monumento]  — 
MDCCCXCVI  [anno  dell'inaugurazione]". 

Le  feste  celebrate  in  tale  occasione  dai  Trentini  e  dagli 
altri  Italiani,  accorsi  da  ogni  parte  delle  terre  irredente, 
furono  oltremodo  solenni. 

Trieste  si  rifiuto  per  ben  25  anni  di  mandate  deputati 
a  Vienna.  Finalmente,  nel  1897,  la  promulgazione  della 
legge  che  estendeva  il  diritto  di  voto  anche  al  proletariato, 
nonche  le  sempre  piii  gravi  condizioni  nazionali,  consiglia- 
rono  di  rompere  la  tenace  astensione  e  concorrere  alle  ele- 
zioni.  Risultarono  eletti  plebiscitariamente  i  candidati 
liberali  italiani.  Nell'accettare  il  mandato,  essi  espressero 
subito  "la  riserva  contro  ogni  e  qualunque  pregiudizio  che 
si  volesse  far  derivare  dall'invio  di  deputati  riguardo  ai 
rapporti  storico-giuridici  fra  Trieste  e  I'impero  austriaco"; 
e  nel  Parlamento  a  Vienna  fecero  ripetutamente  afferma- 
zioni  chiarissime  contro  I'appartenenza  di  Trieste  alia 
monarchia  austro-ungarica  e  auguri  per  I'annessione  di 
Trieste  medesima  al  Regno  d'ltalia,  Affermazioni  ed 
auguri  contro  cui  insorsero  e  inveirono  i  ministri  austriaci 
e  i  deputati  tedeschi  e  slavi  e  perfino  i  rappresentanti  del 
socialismo    austriaco. 

Nello  stesso  anno  1897,  numerosi  giovani  triestini  e  delle 
altre  citta  irredente  corsero  ad  arrolarsi  nel  corpo  di  volon- 
tari  garibaldini  organizzato  e  guidato  da  Ricciotti  Gari- 
baldi, secondo  figlio  dell'Eroe,  in  difesa  della  Grecia  nella 
guerra  contro  la  Turchia. 

Nel  1899  Menotti  Garibaldi,  primo  figlio  dell'Eroe, 
ando  a  Trieste.  Fu  accolto  trionfalmente  dal  popolo.  Le 
solite  persecuzioni  da  parte  della  polizia  austriaca. 


514  PARTE   SECONDA 

Quando  nel  1900  giunse  a  Trieste  la  notizia  dell'ucci- 
sione  d'Umberto  I,  la  citta  fu  tutta  in  lutto.  I  deputati 
triestini  e  quelli  della  Venezia  Giulia  mandarono  a  Roma 
un  telegramma  di  condoglianze.  La  polizia  austriaca 
sequestro  il  telegramma  dei  deputati,  sequestro  giornali, 
arresto  cittadini,  condanno  perfino  alcune  signorine  che  in 
segno  di  lutto  avevano  portato  nastri  neri  al  collo  o  al 
braccio. 

Nel  1901  ando  Gabriele  d'Annunzio  a  Trieste.  Fu  accol- 
to  con  gioia  e  con  feste.  Le  solite  persecuzioni  da  parte 
della  polizia  austriaca. 

Nello  stesso  anno  1901  cessava  di  vivere  Giuseppe 
Verdi.  Manifestazioni  di  cordoglio  a  Trieste  e  nelle  altre 
citta  italiane  irredente.  Le  solite  persecuzioni  da  parte 
della  polizia  austriaca. 

Nello  stesso  anno  1901  Vittorio  Emanuele  III  si  reco 
a  Udine  con  la  regina  Elena  per  visitare  quell'Esposizione 
regionale.  GlTtaliani  irredenti  di  Trieste,  dellTstria  e  di 
Gorizia  accorsero  a  migliaia  per  salutare  **il  loro  re". 
Ernesto  Spadoni,  consigliere  comunale  di  Trieste,  sacrifi- 
cando  per  amore  della  nazionalita  i  suoi  sentimenti  repub- 
blicani,  si  fece  presentare  al  re.  Ci  fu  anche  un  convegno 
studentesco,  al  quale  parteciparono  centinaia  di  giovani 
delle  terre  irredente.  Si  parlo  in  esso  di  prossime  spedi- 
zioni  e  di  arrolamenti.  E  il  triestino  Luciano  Magrini 
pubblico  un  appello  vibratissimo  in  cui  predominava  la 
frase  Trieste  0  mortef  Al  ritorno,  quasi  200  cittadini 
irredenti  furono  arrestati  e  processati. 

Nello  stesso  anno  1901,  all'annuncio  della  nascita  di 
Jolanda,  prima  figlia  di  Vittorio  Emanuele  III,  furono  lancia- 
ti  da  Trieste  50  colombi  viaggiatori,  i  quali  volarono  verso 
Roma  per  recare  attraverso  lo  spazio  gli  auguri  dei  Triestini 
alia  famiglia  regnante  d'ltalia. 

Nel  febbraio  del  1902,  per  protesta  contro  il  governo 
austriaco  che  aveva  messo  al  servizio  del  Lloyd  austro- 
ungarico  i  soldati  austriaci  in  sostituzione  dei  fochisti 
italiani  in  isciopero,  fu  proclamato  lo  sciopero  generale,  al 
quale  aderi  tutta  la  cittadinanza  di  Trieste  e  lo  stesso 
municipio,  onde  assunse  tosto  —  esso  sciopero  —  carattere 


LE  SCUOLE   DEGL'IRREDENTI  515 

politico  anti-austriaco.  Coi  soldati  crumiri  si  resero  ben 
presto  solidali,  in  odio  all'elemento  italiano  unitario,  anche 
le  turbe  campagnole  ciecamente  clericali  e  quindi  austria- 
canti.  Ci  furono  violente  dimostrazioni  e  reazioni.  La 
truppa  sparo  sulla  folia.  Quattordici  cittadini  furono  uccisi 
e  centinaia  feriti. 

Allora  un  gruppo  di  studenti  triestini,  tutti  figli  della 
classe  operaia,  e  un  gruppo  di  giovani  lavoratori,  italiani 
di  fede  e  fervidamente  unitari,  decisero  d'allearsi  tra  loro  e 
contrapporre  ai  nemici  dell'italianita  la  diffusione  del 
pensiero  di  Mazzini,  "associante  in  mirabile  sintesi  I'idea 
di  giustizia  sociale  con  I'idea  d'indipendenza  nazionale  e 
di  liberta  politica". 

La  lotta  ingaggiata  dai  due  gruppi  alleati  fu  impetuosa 
e  vigorosa,  suscito  un  nuovo  spirito  di  combattivita  tra 
gl'Italiani  irredenti,  abbraccio  ogni  manifestazione  della 
vita  pubblica.  Fu  fondato  un  giornale  —  V Emancipazione  — 
"organo  dei  mazziniani".  Fu  fondato  dagli  stessi  mazzi- 
niani  e  dai  socialisti  dissidenti  la  Camera  del  Lavoro. 
Furono  fondati  circoli  popolari  di  cultura  e  societa  sportive. 
Da  Trieste  la  propaganda  si  diffuse  ben  presto  nellTstria, 
nel  Friuli,  nella  Dalmazia,  a  Fiume.  A  Gorizia,  per  esempio, 
tutto  il  movimento  operaio  fu  assorbito  dai  mazziniani  e 
diretto  intelligentemente  e  onestamente  da  Francesco 
Spazzapan. 

Contro  i  mazziniani  il  governo  austriaco  rivolse  natural- 
mente  le  armi  della  persecuzione.  Nel  1903  esso  arresto  e 
processo  i  membri  del  primo  comitate  mazziniano  direttivo 
a  Trieste:  Riccardo  De  Haag,  Pietro  Caucich,  Eugenio 
Fonda,  Ado  Grego  ed  Angelo  Scocchi.  Luciano  Magrini 
riusci  a  fuggirsene  in  Italia. 

Poi  il  governo  austriaco  procede  ad  arresti  e  a  condanne 
di  mazziniani  in  tutte  le  altre  citta  irredente.  Ne  chiuse 
nelle  carceri  **inquisizionali  e  criminali"  di  Trieste  e  nelle 
carceri  di  Capodistria,  Rovigno,  Pola,  Gorizia.  Pietro 
Magrini  di  Grado,  per  esempio,  sconto  due  anni  nell'erga- 
stolo  di  Gorizia.  Luigi  Duchie  di  Trieste  sconto  la  condanna 
nella  casa  di  pena  di  Capodistria;  Ferruccio  Kalteneisen  nel 
castello  di  Lubiana;  Mario  Sterle  nelle  prigioni  di  Pilsen; 


516  PARTE   SECONDA 

Giovanni  Grion  a  Marburg.  Giuseppe  Vidali  di  Trieste 
fu  trascinato  com'un  Cristo  per  tutte  le  galere  deU'impero: 
da  Pola  a  Rovigno,  a  Trieste,  a  Lubiana,  a  Klagenfurt,  a 
Marburg. 

Ma  una  delle  question!  piii  scottanti,  quella  che  sempre 
diede  grave  pensiero  aglTtaliani  soggetti  all'Austria  e  alio 
stesso  governo  austriaco,  fu  la  questione  degli  studi  e  della 
cultura. 

Gl'Italiani  irredenti  non  poterono  mai  tollerare  che  i 
loro  figli  fossero  costretti  a  cibarsi,  nelle  scuole  tedesche, 
della  cultura  teutonica  tanto  contrastante  col  loro  pensiero, 
con  le  loro  gloriose  tradizioni  intellettuali.  S'adoperavano 
quindi  da  anni,  con  non  poca  fatica  e  non  pochi  sacrifici 
finanziari  ma  con  grande  successo,  a  impiantare  in  quasi 
tutte  lo  loro  citta  —  a  Trieste,  a  Trento,  a  Pola  e  nelle 
altre  minori  —  soggette  all'Austria,  scuole  elementari, 
tecniche,  ginnasiali  e  liceali  con  maestri,  professori,  lingua 
e  metodi  puramente  italiani,  mantenendole  a  spese  dei  loro 
municipi  o  delle  loro  associazioni  come  la  Lega  Nazionale 
e  la  Dante  Alighieri.'^ 

Con  i  contributi  dunque  dei  municipi  e  delle  associa- 
zioni e  con  i  contributi  di  privati  cittadini,  s'aprirono  scuole 
italiane  dappertutto,  specialmente  nei  paesi  piii  minacciati 
dalla  cultura  teutonica. 

La  Lega  Nazionale,  quando  scoppio  la  grande  guerra, 
era  rappresentata  a  Trieste,  nell'Istria,  nel  Friuli  orientale 
e  nella  Dalmazia  da  circa  lOO  comitati.  Nella  sola  Venezia 
Giulia  (cioe  nelle  tre  province  di  Trieste  ed  Istria,  Gorizia, 
Gradisca)  essa  possedeva  piii  di  60  scuole  proprie,  ne 
sussidiava  140,  spendeva  oltre  mezzo  milione  di  corone^ 
all'anno  nella  sua  opera  di  difesa  scolastica. 

^  Nel  1885  fu  fondata  nel  Trentino  la  societa  italiana  Pro  Patria  che  si  diffuse 
anche  nell'Istria.  Nel  1890,  per  un  saluto  alia  Dante  Aligliieri  (la  societa  con 
sede  centrale  in  Roma  che  ha  per  iscopo  la  ditfusione  della  lingua  italiana  e  del- 
I'italianita  in  tutte  le  parti  del  mondo)  votato  nel  congresso  nazionale  di  Trento, 
e  per  il  mancato  imbandieramento  austriaco  della  citta,  la  Pro  Patria  fu  disciolta 
dal  governo  austriaco.  Ma,  sullc  sue  rovine,  sorse  la  Lega  Nazionale,  con  lo  scopo 
di  difendere  e  diffondere  tra  la  gioventu  irredenta  la  lingua  e  la  cultura  della  madre 
patria.  La  Lega  Nazionale,  seguendo  una  politica  piu  intelligente  e  prudente 
della  Pro  Patria,  seppe  reggersi  e  prosperare. 

*  La  corona,  moneta  austriaca,  corrisponde  a  £1,10  it. 


LE   SCUOLE   DEGL'IRREDENTI  517 

La  Lega  Nazionale  —  cosi  I'italiano  irredento  Giovanni 
Pattini  nel  suo  volume  L' Italia  Irredenta  —  e  la  prima  scuola  che 
insegna,  con  la  sua  umile  propaganda  e  le  sue  piccole  necessita,  il 
primo  verbo  della  coscienza  nazionale  italiana.  A  scuola  i  ragazzi, 
dalla  terza  o  quarta  classe  ginnasiale,  cominciano  a  raccogliere 
denari.  A  20  centesimi  ciascuno  per  settimana,  che  depositano 
nelle  mani  d'un  cassiere  eletto  fra  loro  stessi,  aumentati  con 
I'introito  di  piccole  lotterie  e  di  piccoli  balli,  s'accumulano  migliaia 
di  corone  all'anno.  D'estate  le  fanciulle  triestine  stendono  la 
mano  ai  forestieri  domandando  I'obolo  per  I'associazione  che  educa 
e  fa  italiani  i  figli  del  popolo:  e  nessuno  rifiuta. 

A  Trieste  come  a  Pola,  a  Gorizia  come  a  Zara,  a  Trento  come 
a  Pisino,  si  fanno  continuamente  feste  e  coUette,  tutte  in  favore 
della  Lega  Nazionale.  E  il  popolo  accorre  e  profonde  gioiosamente 
il  denaro  che  non  pagherebbe  per  una  tassa  al  governo  austriaco, 
che  non  darebbe  come  quota  d'un'associazione  politica. 

Quando  muoiono  parenti  o  amici,  invece  di  fiori  e  d'inutili 
parole,  si  fanno  in  loro  memoria  elargizioni  finanziarie  alia  Lega 
Nazionale. 

La  Lega  Nazionale  ha  piu  di  42,000  soci  sugli  800,000  Italiani 
soggetti  all'Austria.  La  quota  e  di  soli  50  centesimi  all'anno  per 
ogni  socio.  Pure,  le  sue  entrate,  negli  ultimi  bilanci,  hanno  oltre- 
passato  il  mezzo  milione  di  corone  all'anno,  appunto  per  il 
ricavato  delle  feste  e  per  le  elargizioni  volontarie. 

Cosi  per  le  somme  di  denaro  raccolte  nelle  citta  e  nei  villaggi 
delle  terre  irredente  nelle  ore  di  gioia  e  nelle  ore  di  dolore,  da 
quelli  che  amano  la  patria  con  ferrea  coscienza  e  da  quelli  che  la 
sentono  come  un  lieve  sogno,  sorgono  le  piccole  scuole  italiane. 
Sorgono  nelle  citta  della  costa  dalmata.  Sorgono  nei  villaggi 
pietrosi  dell'Istria.  Piccole  case  quadrate  bianche  o  gialle,  isolate 
in  mezzo  a  case  di  nemici,  sopra  terre  ostili.  Esse  hanno  sentito 
passare  le  foUe  sibilanti,  urlanti,  esecranti;  hanno  subito  la  sassa- 
iuola,  I'assalto,  la  devastazione;  ma  sono  rimaste  sempre  la  ed 
hanno  aperto  tutti  i  giorni  le  loro  porte  ai  piccoli  soldati. 

La  Lega  Nazionale  non  ha  mai  chiuso  una  scuola.  Dov'essa 
entra,  e  piantato  il  vessillo  della  patria  italiana.  E  la  bandiera 
d'ltalia  non  s'abbassa  mai. 

La  Lega  Nazionale  ha  attratto  nelle  sue  scuole  anime  ignare 
con  la  promessa  delle  cognizioni,  del  pane  e  delle  vesti;  e  le  ha 
rimandate  sature  d'ideali  e  pronte  a  sacrificare  per  lei  le  vesti, 
il  pane,  la  vita. 

La  Lega  Nazionale  ha  sorriso  tra  i  bimbi  nelle  feste  puerili; 


518  PARTE  SECONDA 

ma  fra  i  canti  e  le  luminarie  degli  alberi  di  Natale,  essa  ha  insegnato 
loro  un  virile  patriottismo. 

La  Lega  Nazionale  da  denari  e  vesti  anche  e  quelli  che  si 
dedicano  agli  studi  medi  e  superiori,  non  con  la  noncurante  carita 
della  filantropia,  ma  con  la  severa  coscienza  di  fare  un  prestito  che 
dovra  essere  pagato  poi  ad  usura  in  amor  di  patria,  in  sacrifizi,  in 
lavoro. 

Cos!  la  Lega  Nazionale  delle  terre  italiane  soggette  all'Austria 
e  diventata  il  simbolo  della  patria  negata. 

Ed  il  suo  inno  e  cantato  dalle  scolaresche  come  un  inno  di 
guerra. 

L'inno  della  Lega  Nazionale  —  una  volta  tutto  modi- 
ficato  e  corretto  daH'imperiale  censura  austriaca  —  fu 
alfine  scritto  dal  pregiato  poeta  triestino  Riccardo  Pitteri, 
morto  poco  tempo  addietro  in  Italia,  dopo  che  gli  fu  sac- 
cheggiata  e  distrutta  la  casa  dagli  Austriaci. 

Eccolo: 

Viva  Dante!    Questa  pura 
Soavissima  parola, 
Cinque  popoli  consola 
E  afFratella  in  un  pensier. 

Oh,  ne  echeggino  de  I'Alpi 
I  burroni  e  le  foreste, 
Ogni  riva  di  Trieste, 
E  di  Trento  ogni  sentier. 

Lo  ripetan  le  reliquie 
D'Aquileia  e  di  Salona, 
Gli  archi  e  i  templi,  ovunque  sona 
Dolcemente  il  nostro  Si. 

Su  da  I'Adige  al  Timavo 
Che  in  un  mare  afFrettan  I'onda, 
Per  le  coste  si  difFonda, 
Per  le  valli,  i  monti,  il  pian. 

Viva  Dante!     questo  il  motto 
Delle  cinque  genti  sia, 
Cui  la  santa  poesia 
Del  linguaggio  riuni. 

Viva  Dante!     Cinque  foglie 
Giunte  insieme  al  fior  dan  vita; 
Da  I'union  di  cinque  dita 
Vien  la  forza  de  la  man. 


LE  SCUOLE  DEGL'IRREDENTI  519 

Ma  se  il  problema  della  cultura  italiana  nelle  province 
irredente  era  stato  vittoriosamente  risolto  per  le  scuole 
elementari  e  medie  che  il  governo  austriaco,  pur  rodendosi, 
aveva  dovuto  finire  col  tollerare  e  legalizzare  per  non  gettare 
troppa  polvere  sul  fuoco,  non  era  stato  egualmente  risolto 
per  le  universita  che  sono  il  veto  focolare  dove  si  comple- 
tano  la  cultura  e  I'anima  d'un  popolo.  I  giovani  italiani 
irredenti,  che  avevano  studiato  in  ginnasi  e  licei  italiani 
nelle  loro  regioni,  se  non  volevano  terminare  i  loro  studi  in 
atenei  tedeschi  dove  tutto  era  tedesco,  perfino  il  linguaggio 
dei  bidelli,  dovevano  andare  a  conseguire  una  laurea  a 
Padova,  a  Pavia  o  magari  a  Roma,  come  appunto  aveva 
fatto  Guglielmo  Oberdan,  e  sobbarcarsi  cosi  a  spese  enormi.^ 

Pero  non  tutti  gli  studenti  triestini,  istriani,  trentini, 
friulani  e  dalmati  potevano  sopportare  le  spese  necessarie 
per  recarsi  e  mantenersi  agli  studi  in  citta  tanto  lontane 
dalle  case  loro.  Essi,  quindi,  reclamarono  I'istituzione 
d'un'universita  italiana  a  Trieste  o  almeno  in  un'altra 
citta  italiana  delle  regioni  irredente.  II  governo  austriaco 
fece  sempre  orecchie  da  mercante. 

Gli  studenti  italiani  irredenti  intanto,  costretti  dalle 
modeste  condizioni  finanziarie  di  famiglia  a  rimanere  nelle 
universita  austriache,  mordevano  il  freno.  Questo  loro 
atteggiamento  urtava  maledettamente  i  nervi  degli  studenti 
austriaci, i quali  mal tolleravano recriminazioni "in casa loro ". 

La  corda  fini  col  diventare  troppo  tesa.  E  si  spezzo  la 
prima  volta  nel  1906  aU'Universita  di  Innsbruck,  dove 
scoppio  una  rissa  tra  studenti  tedeschi  e  trentini.  Questi 
ultimi,  inferiori  assai  di  numero  agli  avversari,  furono 
soprafFatti.  II  governo  austriaco  intervenne,  prese  in 
esame  la  cosa,  o,  meglio,  finse  di  prenderla;  tergiverso; 
meno  il  can  per  I'aia.  Alfine  promise  di  creare  non  gia 
un'universita  (sarebbe  stata  troppa  grazia),  ma  una  sem- 
plice  Facolta  di  Diritto  con  sede  a  Trento  o  a  Rovereto, 
mentre  glTtalianJ  irredenti  preferivano  Trieste.  Promise, 
ma  non  mantenne  la  promessa.  Si  sforzava  anzi  di  farla 
morire. 

^11  governo  austriaco  dove  piegarsi  a  riconoscere  come  legali  anche  i  titoli 
conseguiti  dai  giovani  irredenti  negli  atenei  d'ltalia. 


520  PARTE  SECONDA 

Gl'Italiani  irredenti  non  rinunziarono  per  questo  alia 
religione  dei  loro  ideali.  AU'opposto:  vi  s'infiammarono 
sempre  piu. 

Nel  1908  ritalia  pose  sulla  tomba  di  Dante  a  Ravenna 
una  lampada  eterna. 

L'anfora  vollero  spontaneamente  offrirla  le  terre 
italiane  soggette  aH'Austria,  Riccardo  Zampieri,  nel 
lanciare,  un  anno  prima  (23  settembre  1907),  I'iniziativa 
da  Trieste,  cosi  scriveva  nel  giornale  triestino  V Indipen- 
dente  da  lui  diretto: 

Ardera  dunque  sulla  tomba  del  sommo  vate  d'ltalia,  assunto 
a  simbolo  possente  d'italianita,  una  lampada  eterna  fregiata  del 
Giglio  Fiorentino  e  del  Leone  di  San  Marco.  E  la  fiamma  ine- 
stinguibile  e  destinata  ad  avere  una  significazione  magnifica. 
Essa  sara  nutrita  d'olio  puro.  Ora  l'anfora  destinata  ad  acco- 
glierlo,  noi  vorremmo  che  fosse  ofFerta  da  Trieste.  Ecco  la  nostra 
idea.  Alere  fiammam.  E  il  vaso  dovrebbe  essere  cesellato  con 
I'alabarda  di  san  Sergio  e  con  gli  stemmi  delle  province  con- 
dannate  a  lottare  per  difendere  e  serbare  intatte  le  loro  vestigia 
d'italianita. 

La  nobile  e  patriottica  iniziativa  ebbe  un  successo 
strepitoso,  perche  non  solo  Trieste,  ma  tutte  le  province 
italiane  soggette  all'Austria  vi  concorsero  con  oflFerte 
popolari  spontanee. 

Lo  stesso  Indipendente  di  Trieste  voile  ofFrire  il  fuoco 
con  il  quale  doveva  essere  accesa  per  la  prima  volta  la 
simbolica  fiamma.  Esso  fece  percio  incastonare  una  scatola 
di  fiammiferi  della  Lega  Nazionale  in  un  astuccio  d'oro 
finemente  cesellato  con  la  dedica:  "A  suscitar  la  fiamma. 
Vlndependente  di  Trieste". 

E  le  due  reliquie  —  la  lampada  e  la  scatola  —  furono 
portate  a  Ravenna  dai  migliori  cittadini  italiani  delle 
regioni  irredente  in  sacro  e  solenne  pellegrinaggio. 

Firenze  —  la  citta  nativa  dell'altissimo  Poeta  —  offri 
I'olio  e  s'obbligo  di  fornirlo  cotidianamente  in  perpetuo, 
"affinche  la  fiamma  non  muoia",  in  espiazione  dell'esilio  a 
cui  essa  ingiustamente  condanno  il  piii  glorioso  dei  suoi 
figli. 


LE   SCUOLE   DEGL'IRREDENTI  521 

Nello  stesso  anno  1908,  mentre  I'Austria,  dopo  I'annes- 
sione  della  Bosnia,  stava  per  invadere  la  Serbia,  i  mazzi- 
niani  di  Pola  difFusero  manifesti  tra  I'esercito  austriaco, 
incitanti  gl'Italiani  a  non  combattere  contro  I'indipendenza 
del  popolo  serbo.  La  polizia  austriaca  arresto  e  condanno 
parecchi  cittadini. 

Nell'autunno  di  quello  stesso  anno  1908,  alia  riapertura 
delle  scuole  in  Austria,  gli  studenti  delle  regioni  italiane 
irredenta  presso  I'Universita  di  Vienna  cominciarono  ad 
agitarsi  con  tutti  i  mezzi  legali  ed  anche  per  mezzo  dei  loro 
deputati  al  Reichsrat,  per  indurre  una  buona  volta  il 
governo  austriaco  a  mantenere  la  promessa  fatta  circa 
I'istituzione  d'un'universita  italiana  o  almeno  d'una 
Facolta  universitaria  a  Trieste  o  sia  pure  a  Trento  o  a 
Rovereto. 

Ma  in  una  delle  loro  adunanze  nei  locali  della  stessa 
Universita  di  Vienna,  gli  studenti  italiani  (in  numero  appena 
di  duecento)  furono  improvvisamente  aggrediti  da  duemila 
studenti  tedeschi  armati  di  rivoltelle. 

La  mischia  che  s'accesse  tra  i  due  gruppi  fu  violenta  e 
cruenta.  Gli  studenti  italiani  si  difesero  con  coraggio  e 
gagliardia  mirabili.  Ma  furono  soprafFatti  dal  numero  degli 
studenti  tedeschi  ed  anche  dalla  partigiana  condotta  della 
polizia  Viennese.    E  ne  rimasero  gravemente  feriti  non  pochi. 

II  fatto  ebbe  una  profonda  eco  d'indignazione  e  di  dolore 
in  tutte  le  province  italiane  soggette  all'Austria.  S'improv- 
visarono  dappertutto  alte  e  minacciose  dimostrazioni  di 
protesta,  alle  quali  parteciparono  anche  le  donne. 

LTtalia  freme  e  ruggi  com'una  leonessa  a  cui  fossero 
stati  maltrattati  i  leoncini.  Dall'Alpi  alia  Sicilia  il  popolo, 
capitanato  dagli  studenti,  percorse  le  vie  delle  citta,  impre- 
cando,  minacciando,  bruciando  sulle  pubbliche  piazze  la 
bandiera  austriaca.  A  Roma  i  dimostranti  presero  a 
sassate  I'Ambasciata  di  Francesco  Giuseppe,  rompendole 
i  vetri  delle  finestre.  Gli  studenti  dell'intera  nazione 
s'inscrissero  in  massa  al  Tiro  a  Segno  Nazionale.  Furono 
dovunque  raccolte  somme  di  denaro  e  spedite  alia  Lega 
Nazionale  e  alia  Dante  Alighieri  delle  regioni  irredente. 
II  comitato  Pro  Italia  Irredenta^  in  data  24  novembre  1908, 


522  PARTE  SECONDA 

pubblico  un  vibratissimo  proclama  incitante  la  nazione  alia 
guerra   contro   I'Austria.     Eccolo: 

Fratelli  italiani! 

Su,  su,  scuotetevi  dal  vergognoso  torpore;  ritrovate  Tantica 
vigoria  e  I'indomita  fede.  A  Vienna  assassinano  i  fratelli  nostri. 
Un'orda  di  barbari,  briaca  d'odio  e  di  sangue,  ha  aggredito  nel 
tempio  che  dovrebbe  esser  sacro  alia  scienza,  gli  studenti  nostri  che 
domandano  I'universita  italiana,  unico  baluardo  per  difendere  il 
loro  patrimonio  intellettuale  e  tenere  alto,  come  simbolo,  il  lore 
ideale. 

La  nuova  ofFesa  non  pud  essere  lasciata  impunita.  Non 
possono  morire  gl'istinti  generosi  della  razza  italiana.  Gia  da 
troppo  tempo  si  china  la  fronte  ad  ogni  insulto  straniero.  II 
patto  d'odio  tra  genti  italiche  e  genti  austriache  e  risuggellato  con 
I'aggressione  codarda  di  Vienna,  e  dobbiamo  sorgere  contro  lo 
straniero  che  offende,  calpesta,  assassina. 

Alia  politica  servile  e  codarda  del  govemo  d'ltalia,  dobbiamo 
contrapporre  la  politica  del  popolo,  senza  rinunce  e  senza  vilta. 

Fratelli  d'ltalia,  e  vile  chi  sopporta  le  ofFese  del  carnefice  dei 
propri  fratelli;  ma  e  vile  anche  chi  dei  fratelli  non  ode  il  singhiozzo 
e  dorme. 

Le  parole  lihertd  e  vendetta  non  debbono  essere  strozzate  dalle 
male  arti  dei  governanti.  Alia  guerra,  dunque!  II  grido  incita- 
tore  si  soileva  dalla  fossa  invendicata  di  Guglielmo  Oberdan,  si 
solleva  dal  tumulo  di  tutti  i  martiri  della  ferocia  austriaca. 

Su,  fratelli  d'ltalia,  alia  guerra!  Destatevi,  levatevi  con- 
cordi  nella  santa  ira  e  nel  santo  grido.  Su!  L'epopea  garibaldina 
ha  bisogno  di  nuove  fulgide  pagine;  I'idea,  di  nuovi  martiri;  la 
patria,  di  una  riparazione. 

II  govemo  italiano  si  Hmito  a  fare  le  sue  diplomatiche 
rimostranze  al  govemo  austriaco.  Questo,  a  sua  volta,  finse 
di  commoversi  e  promise  ancora  una  volta  I'istituzione  della 
invocata  Facolta  giuridica  italiana  in  una  delle  citta  irre- 
dente.  Ma  si  tratto,  come  al  solito,  d'una  semplice  promessa 
austriaca  non  mai  mantenuta. 

Esso,  invece  —  il  govemo  austriaco  —  seppe  bene  mante- 
nersi  coerente  a  se  stesso,  riprendendo  le  canagliesche  perse- 
cuzioni  contro  i  principali  agitatori  irredentisti.  Subito 
dopo  (1909),  per  esempio,  insceno  un  processo  clamoroso  a 
carico    dei    24    dirigenti    il    movimento    mazziniano    nella 


LE   SCUOLE   DEGL'IRREDENTI  523 

regione  Giulia.  II  giornale  U Emancipazione  di  Trieste  dove 
sospendere  le  sue  pubblicazioni,  perche  i  redattori,  i  coUa- 
boratori,  i  corrispondenti  furono  tutti  rinchiusi  in  carcere. 
Ma  le  persecuzioni,  i  processi,  le  condanne  non  riusci- 
rono  a  spegnere  il  naturale  sentimento  d'italianita  delle 
regioni  irredente. 

Furono  a  Trieste,  la  citta  sintetizzante  le  dette  regioni  — cosi 
il  sunnominato  Attilio  Tamaro  in  un  suo  scritto  pubblicato  nel 
marzo-aprile  del  191 5  —  due  societa  borghesi  distinte:  una  ufficiale, 
I'altra  italiana,  che  non  s'incontrarono  mai,  neppure  su  un  terreno 
neutrale.  Nulla  valse  a  smovere  i  Triestini  dal  loro  atteggiamento 
d'odio.  Inutili  furono  le  ofFerte  di  benefici  materiali,  di  leggi  e 
di  concessioni  favorevoli  fatte  loro  dai  governanti  austriaci. 
Somma  fu  I'indifferenza  per  tutto  cio  che  era  austriaco.  Direttori 
di  giornali,  autorita  comunali,  maestri  di  scuola  dimostrarono  sem- 
pre  di  non  conoscere  neanche  i  nomi  dei  primi  ministri  deU'impero 
austriaco,  Mai  fu  nominato  in  un  atto  comunale  o  in  un  giornale 
cittadino  I'imperatore  d'Austria  col  pronome  nostro. 

I  Triestini  non  vollero  mai  un  governo  austriaco  liberale  o 
amico;  ma  vollero  sempre,  soltanto  e  fortemente,  che  il  governo 
austriaco  se  ne  andasse  da  casa  loro.  Quali  nomi  e  quali  fatti 
bisogna  ricordare  dei  tempi  piij  recenti?  Felice  Venezian,  che  nel 
Consiglio  comunale  predisse  il  giorno  in  cui  anche  i  Triestini  avreb- 
bero  dato  di  piglio  alle  loro  italiche  campane?^  Ernesto  Spadoni, 
il  quale  nello  stesso  Consiglio  comunale  di  Trieste  espresse  I'au- 
gurio  che  un  taggio  della  Stella  che  hrilla  sul  Tevere  irradi  I'orizzonte 
delle  nostre  province  irredente"^  II  grido  di  Viva  I' Italia!  risuo- 
nato  mille  e  mille  volte  a  Trieste  contro  il  governo  austriaco?  O 
I'inno  di  Garibaldi  cantato  centinaia  di  volte  sotto  la  Luogotenenza 
austriaca  fra  guardie  imperversanti  con  ogni  violenza?  O  la 
festa  del  centenario  verdiano  nel  1913,  quando,  avendo  la  polizia 
austriaca  proibito  che  un  coro  cantasse  nella  piazza  grande  di  Trie- 
ste il  divino  Fa  pensiero  su  I'ali  dorate  del  Nabucco,  si  trovarono 
sulla  piazza  stessa,  nell'ora  indicata  per  il  concerto,  piu  di  30,000 
persone  che  lo  cantarono,  sostituendo  all'esigua  voce  del  coro 

*  L'imperatore  Carlo  VIII,  disceso  in  Italia  verso  la  fine  del  Quattrocento* 
pretendeva  la  signoria  di  Firenze.  Piero  Capponi,  gonfaloniere  deila  citta,  fu 
incaricato  con  altri  tre  deputati  di  trattare  col  pretendente.  Ma  cestui  voleva 
imporre  inique  condizioni.  II  Capponi,  allora,  straccio  la  carta  contenente  siffatte 
condizioni,  e  grido  fieramente  alio  straniero:  "Voi  suonerete  le  vostre  trombe, 
noi  suoneremo  le  nostre  campane!" 

In  seguito  a  tale  atto.  Carlo  VIII  crede  prudente  cambiare  attitudine  e  pro- 
porre  moderate  condizioni  a  Firenze. 


524  PARTE  SECONDA 

quella  immensa  e  possente  deH'anima  cittadina?  Dobbiamo 
ricordare  i  giovani  triestini  che  inalzarono  la  bandiera  italiana 
sul  municipio,  o  dipinsero  coi  tre  colori  italiani  perfino  i  muri  degli 
uffici  di  polizia?  O  dobbiamo  ricordare  il  vecchio  patriota  trie- 
stino  Lorenzetti,  il  quale,  prima  di  morire  pochi  mesi  addietro, 
disse  ai  suoi  parenti  che  quel  giorno  andassero  a  picchiare  suUa  sua 
tomba  per  avvertirlo  che  I'ltalia  era  finalmente  arrivata  a  Trieste^ 
Dobbiamo  ricordare  il  triestino  Gino  Mauro,  spentosi  anch'egli 
poco  tempo  addietro,  il  quale  sul  letto  di  morte,  piangendo,  sup- 
plicava  il  medico  di  tenerlo  in  vita  soltanto  fino  al  giorno  della 
liberta  di  Trieste? 

Fu  talmente  generate  e  profondo  I'odio  contro  I'Austria,  che 
i  Triestini  vissero  sempre  appartati  dagli  Austriaci,  ed  era  reputato 
universalmente  disonore  per  un  Italiano  irredento  avere  invitato 
a  casa  sua  un  ufficiale  austriaco,  o  per  una  donna  italiana  irredenta 
fare  all'amore  con  uno  di  tali  ufficiali. 

Non  e  mai  riuscita  al  governo  austriaco  una  festa  imperiale 
a  Trieste.  II  popolo  fu  assente  perfino  da  quelle  che  potevano 
sembrare  feste  di  lavoratori,  cioe  dai  vari  delle  navi  da  guerra. 
Non  s'e  istituita  una  banda  municipale  nella  citta,  solo  per  non 
costringerla  a  suonare  nelle  occasioni  ufficiali  austriache.  Non 
v'  e  piazza  o  via  triestina  che  sieno  macchiate  con  un  nome  au- 
striaco. Molto  accorgimento  e  coraggio  ci  vollero  per  evitare  che 
il  Corso  fosse  chiamato  col  nome  dell'imperatore  Francesco  Giu- 
seppe, mentre  fu  arditamente  intitolata  a  Carducci  la  via  che  passa 
dinanzi  alia  caserma  dove  fu  ucciso  Oberdan. 

Nelle  sventure  nazionali  i  Triestini  furono  pari  a  tutti  gli  altri 
Italiani  nel  raccogliere  soccorsi.  II  partito  nazionale  riusci  perfino 
a  commemorare,  quasi  ogni  anno,  con  pubbliche  manifestazioni, 
la  morte  d'Oberdan.  E  come  sia  riuscito  a  far  cio,  non  si  pud 
ancora  dire. 

Sia  che  lottasse,  sia  che  si  divertisse,  quando  chiedeva  diritti 
o  quando  organizzava  feste  sportive,  quando  pregava  e  quando 
minacciava,  negli  ambienti  piii  disparati,  nelle  sue  innumerevoli 
associazioni,  nei  suoi  grandi  cafFe,  nelle  sue  biblioteche,  nelle  sue 
scuole,  Trieste,  col  suo  atteggiamento  italiano  fermo  ed  ostinato, 
costitui  un'incessante  e  generale  cospirazione  contro  il  governo 
austriaco. 

Cosi  essa  attese  la  liberta.     Cosi  se  ne  resa  degna. 


TRIESTE   PER   LA  GUERRA   (1914)  525 


XIV 

Proclama  incitante  ITtalia  alia  guerra  contro  1' Austria, 
indirizzato  dai  Triestini  a  ciascun  deputato  del  Parla- 
mento  nazionale  italiano,  fuorche  ai  socialist!,  il  giomo 
in  cui  s'apri  a  Roma,  nel  febbraio  del  1914,  la  nuova 
legislatura. 

Onorevole  Signore, 

Trieste,  la  citta  d'ltalia  ancora  soggetta  al  dominie  straniero, 
nel  giorno  in  cui  si  riapre  il  Parlamento  nazionale  italiano,  si 
rivolge  alia  Signoria  Vostra  fraternamente  con  un  monito  e  un 
augurio. 

Con  un  monito,  giacche  si  rivolge  a  Vostra  Signoria  pregandola 
di  voler  pensare  e  ricordare: 

—  che  il  governo  straniero,  padrone  di  Trieste,  fa  ogni  sforzo 
per  slavizzare  la  citta  che  la  geografia,  la  storia  e  il  diritto,  ol- 
treche  la  nazionalita  e  la  volonta  dei  cittadini,  consacrano  citta 
d'ltalia; 

—  che  I'Austria,  poiche  slavizza  Trieste  e  la  Venezia  Giulia, 
non  costituisce  piii  un  argine  contro  lo  slavismo,  ma  porta  gli 
Slavi  entro  i  confini  d'ltalia; 

—  che  Trieste  e  ormai  una  citta  d'ltalia  governata  con  leggi 
tedesche  amministrate  da  Slavi,  perche  tutti  i  dicasteri  dello 
Stato  sono  in  mano  degli  Slavi; 

—  che  il  governo  austriaco,  con  la  slavizzazione  della  Venezia 
Giulia  e  di  Trieste,  tende,  oltreche  a  far  perdere  ad  esse  il  diritto 
e  alia  Nazione  italiana  il  dovere  del  riscatto,  anche  a  balcanizzare 
quelle  terre,  e  sopra  tutte  Trieste,  per  concentrare  su  di  esse  e 
staccare  dai  porti  del  Regno  d'ltalia  il  commercio  e  la  politica  dei 
paesi  balcanici  occidental!; 

—  che  la  resistenza  dell'Istria  e  di  Gorizia  e  ridotta  agli  estremi, 
e  che  Trieste,  per  le  condizioni  dei  suoi  contrafforti  e  per  la  forza 
dell'invasione,  pur  combattendo  con  fede,  con  amore,  con  sacrificio, 
e  ridotta  alle  ultime  risorse  della  difesa  nazionale; 

—  che  la  ricchezza  che  da  a  Trieste  la  sua  posizione  geografica, 
essendo  la  citta  una  citta  d'ltalia,  e  ricchezza  nazionale  sfruttata 
dallo  straniero; 

—  che  Trieste,  riunita  per  forza  del  diritto  nazionale  alia 
Patria,  apportera  a  questa  il  dominio  sicuro  di  tutti  i  commerci 
balcanici  e  uno  dei  piii  possenti  mezzi  per  la  risoluzione  del  pro- 


526  PARTE  SECONDA 

blema  mediterraneo  col  possesso  delle  grandi  linee  che  Trieste  ha 
ed  avra  sempre  imprescindibilmente  con  la  Grecia  e  col  Levante. 

Per  questi  fatti  principal!,  fidenti  che  la  Signoria  Vostra  vorra 
fraternamente  meditarii,  considerando  quale  immensa  somma  di 
interessi  nazionali  contenga  il  problema  dell'indipendenza  na- 
zionale  di  Trieste,  i  Triestini  augurano  a  Vostra  Signoria,  per 
I'onore  suo  e  per  I'onore  della  Nazione  italiana,  che  Ella  voglia 
contribuire  a  disciplinare  le  forze  nazionali  verso  il  compimento 
definitivo  deU'Unita  nazionale;  che  Ella  voglia  cooperare  ad  efFet- 
tuare  che  all'attuale  legislatura  sia  riservato  I'altissimo  onore  di 
poter  proclamare  ricostituita  I'ltalia  entro  i  confini  naturali; 
che  Ella  possa  dire  un  giorno  con  orgoglio  di  avere  contribuito  con 
la  sua  opera  e  col  suo  voto  a  risolvere  il  grande  problema  della 
liberta  e  dell'italianita  dell'Adriatico. 

Se  il  tempo  della  remissivita  e  passato,  si  possa  trovare  nel 
Parlamento  della  nuova  Italia  chi  afFermi  il  diritto  della  Nazione 
al  possesso  della  sua  Trieste,  come  nel  1861  s'e  affermato  il  diritto 
su  Roma! 

Trieste,  febbraio  1914. 


XV 

Proclama  incitante  I'ltalia  alia  guerra  contro  1' Austria, 
indirizzato  dai  Triestini  a  ciascun  deputato  socialista 
del  Parlamento  nazionale  italiano  il  giorno  in  cui  s'aprt 
a  Roma,  nel  febbraio  del  1914,  la  nuova  legislatura. 

Onorevole  Signore, 

Trieste,  la  citta  d'ltalia  ancora  soggetta  alio  straniero,  nel 
giorno  in  cui  si  riapre  il  Parlamento  nazionale  a  Roma,  si  rivolge 
fraternamente  alia  Signoria  Vostra  e,  mentre  sull'attuale  momento 
della  lotta  nazionale  da  chi  e  interessato  a  negare  la  verita  si 
diffondono  menzogne,  mentre  di  piu  non  e  improbabile  che  per 
naturale  conseguenza  degli  avvenimenti  la  lotta  nazionale  della 
Venezia  Giulia  e  di  Trieste  entri  nell'ambito  del  Parlamento  ita- 
liano, prega  la  Signoria  Vostra  di  voler  meditate  i  seguenti  inoppu- 
gnabili  fatti: 

—  che  la  geografia,  la  storia,  il  diritto,  oltreche  la  volonta  e  la 
nazionalita  della  grandissima  maggioranza  dei.  cittadini,  dichia- 
rano  che  Trieste  e  citta  italiana,  e  citta  d'ltalia; 

—  che   il   governo   austriaco   e   gli   Slavi   fanno    un    enorme 


TRIESTE   PER   LA  GUERRA   (1914)  527 

sforzo  per  snaturare  I'italianita  di  Trieste,  intensificando  I'immi- 
grazione  ed  esigendo  Tequiparazione  degli  immigrati  stranieri 
agl'italiani; 

—  che  Trieste  e  ormai  una  citta  d'ltalia  governata  con  leggi 
tedesche  amministrate  da  Slavi,  perche  tutti  i  dicasteri  dello 
Stato  sono  in  mano  degli  Slavi; 

—  che  gli  Slavi  combattono  la  lotta  nazionale  in  masse  com- 
patte,  composte  in  minima  parte  di  borghesi,  in  massima  di  pro- 
letari; 

—  che  I'invasione  naturale  degli  Slavi  (urbanesimo)  e  dovuta 
al  fatto  che  la  citta  appartiene  all'Austria,  perche  se,  reintegrata 
nei  suoi  diritti  nazionali,  essa  facesse  parte  dello  Stato  italiano,  il 
suo  grande  mercato  di  lavoro  sarebbeaperto  soltanto  ai  lavoratori 
italiani; 

—  che  I'invasione  artificiale,  compiuta  in  grandi  proporzioni, 
e,  in  genere,  la  slavizzazione  di  Trieste  e  della  Venezia  Giulia 
sono  volute  dal  governo  austriaco,  che  vuole  far  perdere  a  queste 
terre  il  diritto  e  all'Italia  il  dovere  del  riscatto  nazionale  e,  oltre  a 
cio,  halcanizzare  Trieste  per  concentrare  in  essa  politicamente  e 
commercialmente  i  Balcani  occidentali; 

—  che  la  pace  fra  le  nazioni  e  impossibile,  perche  non  si  possono 
delimitare  i  confini  del  possesso  di  ciascuna  nazione,  perche  la 
lotta  nazionale  e  un  fatto  di  storia  naturale  eppero  imprescindibile, 
perche  alle  spalle  degli  Slavi  gia  immigrati  premono  milioni  di 
Sloveni  e  di  Croati  che  tendono  alia  conquista  dell'Adriatico; 

—  che  se  avesse  dovuto  valere  in  altri  tempi  la  tesi  di  equipara- 
zione  che  si  vuol  far  valere  oggi  per  Trieste,  cioe  che  gli  Slavi, 
poiche  sono  immigrati,  hanno  il  diritto  di  snaturare  la  citta 
italiana,  ITtalia  sarebbe  ancora  serva  dello  straniero; 

—  che  non  sono  possibili  altre  soluzioni  della  lotta  nazionale  se 
non  queste:  o  la  sconfitta  dellTtalianita,  o  I'unione  politica  con 
lo  Stato  nazionale  a  cui  per  ragioni  ideali,  culturali  e  morali  Trieste 
gia  appartiene; 

—  che  I'irredentismo  si  sintetizza  e  si  esprime  in  un  concetto 
che  non  puo  non  essere  sacro  ad  ogni  uomo:  Liberta! 

—  che  un  irredentismo  slavo,  ricongiunta  Trieste  con  la  nazione 
per  il  compimento  definitivo  dell'unita  italiana,  o  non  esisterebbe, 
come  non  esiste  un  irredentismo  italiano  a  Nizza,  o  sarebbe  assurdo, 
come  sarebbe  un  irredentismo  deglTtaliani  di  Marsiglia. 

Per  questi  fatti  principal!,  fidenti  che  la  Signoria  Vostra  vorra 
prenderli  in  considerazione,  fidenti  che  la  Signoria  Vostra  doman- 
dandosi  che  cosa  avrebbe  fatto  se  fosse  stato  cittadino  di  Milano 


528  PARTE  SECONDA 

prima  del  1859  o  di  Venezia  prima  del  1866  si  rispondera  che 
avrebbe  combattuto  per  I'indipendenza  nazionale  contro  il  governo 
straniero,  i  Triestini  Le  augurano,  per  Tonore  suo  e  per  quello  della 
Nazione,  che  Ella  possa  dire  un  giorno  con  orgoglio  di  aver  con  la 
sua  opera  e  col  suo  voto  cooperato  alia  liberta  deU'ultima  grande 
citta  d'ltalia  che  e  ancora  soggetta  alio  straniero. 
Trieste,  febbraio  1914. 


XVI 

Proclama  incitante  I'ltalia  alia  guerra  contro  1' Austria, 
lanciato  dagl'Italiani  delle  province  irredente  di  Gradisca, 
Gorizia,  Trieste  e  Istria  (Venezia  Giulia)  e  del  Trentino 
durante  il  mese  d'aprile  del  1914  "  per  I'unita  della 
Patria".! 

Le  Porte  d'ltalia  (la  Venezia  Giulia  e  il  Trentino)  sono  le  terre 
nostre  che  I'Austria  ha  saputo  tenere  sotto  il  suo  dominio  con 
I'intento  di  avere  sempre  i  suoi  piedi  in  Italia  per  gli  efFetti  della 
sua  politica  adriatica  e  per  dare  allTtalia  una  sensazione  di 
perpetua  inferiorita  militare  con  la  sua  prepotente  incombenza  sui 
confini. 

Le  Porte  d'ltalia  sono  le  terre  nostre,  la  Venezia  Giulia  sopra 
tutte,  poiche  essa  ha  i  due  grandi  valichi  del  Predil  e  delle  Porte  di 
ferro  al  Nevoso  e  quello  Massimo  di  Monte  Re  per  i  quali  sono 
sempre  entrati  i  barbari  in  Italia,  dal  primo  secolo  avanti  Cristo 
in  poi;  per  i  quali  I'Austria  puo  oggi  facilmente  riversare  un  esercito 
in  Italia. 

Sono  terre  d'ltalia  le  nostre,  poiche  tali  si  sono  dichiarate 
sempre  e  tali  sono  state  sempre  anche  ufficialmente  riconosciute. 
E  sono  terre  d'ltalia  da  quando  esiste  I'ltalia:  fisicamente,  perche 
le  Alpi  Giulie  costituiscono  con  indiscutibile  evidenza  i  confini 
naturali  del  Paese;  politic amente,  perche  sono  regioni  italiche  dal 
tem!po  in  cui  Roma  costitui  I'ltalia;  moralmente,  perche  sono  state 
in  ogni  tempo  tributarie  dei  loro  inge<:;ni,  della  loro  volonta,  della 
loro  fede,  non  meno  delle  altre  province  d'ltalia,  alia  grandezza 
della  Nazione. 

Orbene,  queste  terre  d'ltalia,  che  dal  loro  seno  fecondato  dal 
sangue  degli  innumerevoli  figli  che  da  Aquileia  ad  Albona  difeisero 

1  Questo  proclama  doveva  far  parte  d'un  Numero  Unico  che  non  fu  poi  stam- 
pato.  Esso  —  il  proclama  —  fu  invece  diffuse  segretamente  a  Trieste  e  pubblicato 
nella  Voce  della  P atria  del  4  aprile  1914. 


GL'IRREDENTI    PER   LA  GUERRA   (1914)         529 

i  confini  d'ltalia  contro  i  barbari,  e  che  producono  uomini  nei  quali 
la  difesa  nazionale  costituisce  la  piu  possente  ragione  di  vita, 
queste  terre  d'ltalia,  dicevamo,  sono  le  sole  che  non  obbediscano 
a  leggi  italiane,  che  non  siano  rette  da  un  governo  italiano,  che  non 
abbiano  in  cima  della  lore  vita  italiana  il  Re  d'ltalia.  Mentre 
tutte  le  altre  province  italiane  sono  state  liberate  dai  domini 
stranieri  o  da  quelli  anti-unitari,  la  Venezia  Giulia  e  il  Trentino 
sono  le  sole  terre  che  si  trovano  fuori  dell'unita  nazionale,  che 
sono  ancora  soggette  al  dominio  straniero,  anzi  a  quel  governo 
austriaco  che  tento  di  assassinare  I'ltalia,  che  per  tenerla  in  servitij 
e  per  distruggere  il  suo  sogno,  il  suo  ideale,  la  sua  volonta  che 
si  glorificavano  nella  parola  libertd,  mando  soldati  fanatici  e  feroci, 
alzo  forche  in  tutte  le  citta,  insanguino  tutti  i  campi,  empi  tutte 
le  carceri,  bastono,  incateno,  rubo,  saccheggio,  impicco,  fucilo  do- 
vunque  senti  palpitare  anime  italiane  in  un'ardente  brama  di 
liberta.  La  Venezia  Giulia  e  il  Trentino  sono  le  ultime,  le  sole 
terre  d'ltalia  che  soggiacciono  ancora  e  servono,  legate  con  un  re- 
gime di  violenza  a  siffatto  governo  austriaco. 
£  giusto.f' 

E  giusto  che,  mentre  tutti  gli  altri  Italiani,  entro  i  naturali 
confini  d'ltalia,  vivono  in  liberta,  si  chiamano  cittadini  italiani 
e  si  governano  con  leggi  e  governi  italiani,  noi  Italiani  della 
Venezia  Giulia  e  del  Trentino,  noi  soli  dobbiamo  essere  soggetti 
a  un  dominio  straniero  e  anti-italiano,  noi  soli  dobbiamo  essere 
chiamati  sudditi  austriaci,  noi  soli  dobbiamo  essere  governati  da 
leggi  tedesche  e  da  governi  slavo-tedeschi?  Se  siamo  Italiani, 
perche  dobbiamo  ubbidire  a  leggi  tedesche  e  ad  impiegati  slavi? 

Non  e  chi  non  veda  I'iniquita  della  nostra  condizione;  non  e 
chi  non  veda  la  miseria  morale  che  ci  sofFoca  ogni  giorno  piu, 
sotto  il  tirannico  governo  straniero,  mentre  gli  altri  Italiani,  nel 
regime  della  liberta  nazionale,  sono  invece  portati  a  sempre  piii 
nobile  e  piii  superba  ascensione  dalle  rinnovate  energie,  dal  pos- 
sente spirito  della  nazione. 

Ma  a  noi  Italiani  della  Venezia  Giulia  e  del  Trentino  non  tocca 
solo  la  sventura  d'  essere  i  soli  Italiani  d'ltalia  non  uniti  ancora  al 
Regno  nazionale;  a  noi  Italiani  del  Goriziano,  Italiani  di  Trieste, 
Italiani  dell'Istria,  tocca  anche  la  sventura  di  vedere  le  nostre 
belle  citta  invase  dagli  Slavi.  Calano  a  torme,  calano  a  branchi 
per  le  aperte  vie  delle  Alpi,  calano  per  moto  naturale,  avvinti  dal 
mare  e  dalle  citta  promettenti  ricchezza,  calano  per  tradimento  di 
alcuni  dei  nostri  (oh,  sono  ben  pochi!),  ma  calano,  in  masse  mag- 
giori,  ordinati  come  mandre  che  si  portino  sui  grassi  pascoli  del 


530  PARTE  SECONDA 

piano,  per  volonta  del  governo  austriaco,  del  governo  che  essendo 
straniero,  per  rendere  discutibile  con  una  parvenza  di  giustizia 
I'indiscutibile  iniquita  che  e  nel  dominio  straniero,  e  per  cingerci 
di  nemici  soflFocanti  i  nostri  gridi  di  liberta,  tende  con  enormi  sforzi 
a  snazionalizzare  le  nostre  terre,  le  ultime  terre  d'ltalia  rimaste  in 
suo  potere. 

Da  ogni  parte,  in  ogni  parte  distendono  le  loro  forze  gli  Slavi: 
son  pill  di  40,000  nel  comune  di  Trieste,  sono  10,000  a  Gorizia, 
sono  10,000  a  Pola.  Pirano  li  sente  insultare  la  sua  storia  alle  sue 
porte.  Parenzo  li  vede  puUulare  nelle  sue  campagne.  Montona 
e  Albona  sono  ridotte  alle  estreme  disperate  difese  dei  loro  muni- 
cipi.  Pinguente,  Pisino,  Rozzo,  strette  ciascuna  con  unanime 
meravigliosa  concordia  in  una  sola  volonta  italiana,  sono  coman- 
date  e  tormentate  dagli  Slavi  delle  campagne  che  hanno  arrafFato 
^  protetti  da  leggi  inique  —  i  loro  municipi.  Contro  ogni  citta, 
contro  ogni  borgo  risuonano  I'insulto  e  la  sfida,  e  dovunque  da 
il  tono  il  governo  austriaco.  Accanto  aU'avversario  che  con  tutte 
le  armi  piii  potenti  della  banca  e  dello  Stato  invade  le  terre  nostre, 
snatura  il  loro  carattere  storico  e  naturale  e  violenta  tutti  i  diritti 
col  diritto  del  piu  forte  alio  scope  di  "balcanizzarle",  gli  avversari 
interni  dell'integrita  nazionale  —  i  socialist!  —  fedeli  all'idea 
dello  Stato  austriaco  e  imprescindibilmente  bisognosi  delFaiuto 
degli  Slavi  per  le  lotte  elettorali,  deridono  e  ingiuriano  quelli  che 
indicano  I'invasione  slava,  quelli  che  proclamano  la  necessita 
della  difesa,  quelli  che  invocano  la  liberta,  I'indipendenza. 

Nella  lotta  contro  i  due  avversari,  la  forza  intima  della  nostra 
gente  si  rinsalda,  la  compagine  diventa  granitica,  I'animo  si  fa 
ardente,  le  energie  vibrano  con  impeto,  mentre  il  segreto  della 
razza  italiana,  il  segreto  che  ha  salvato  tutto  il  resto  d'ltalia  dai 
barbari,  salva  I'italianita  nostra  ancora  per  alcun  tempo  dalla  de- 
finitiva  contaminazione,  dalla  distruzione  della  sua  forza  politica, 
dalla  sorte  avuta  dalla  Dalmazia.  Combatteremo  ancora  in- 
cessantemente,  per  tutte  le  rappresentanze,  per  tutte  le  istituzioni; 
qua  vinceremo,  la  perderemo;  ma  la  difesa  nazionale  sara  sempre 
strenua  e  instancabile. 

Pero  non  basta! 

Al  di  la  della  difesa  nazionale  contro  gli  Slavi  e  al  disopra  di 
questa,  devono  stare  la  lotta  per  la  liberta,  la  lotta  per  I'indipen- 
denza nazionale  a  cui  abbiamo  quello  stesso  diritto  che  ha  avuto 
tutto  il  resto  d'ltalia,  la  lotta  per  il  compimento  definitivo  del- 
rUnitd  italiana. 

Per  questo  ideale,   che   deve  tramutarsi   nella   piii   concreta 


GL'IRREDENTI  PER  LA  GUERRA   (1914)        531 

realta,  dobbiamo  agire  tutti  con  maggiori  vedute,  con  maggiore 
impeto  che  per  la  difesa  nazionale.  E  sopratutto  con  fede.  Ma 
non  con  una  fede  generica  rivolta  con  santa  pazienza  ad  un  incerto 
e  fumoso  avvenire,  si  bene  con  una  chiara  e  precisa  fede  materiata 
di  fatti  e  agente  come  molla  che  potentemente  sospinga  ai 
fatti. 

Dobbiamo  agire  tutti,  giovani  e  uomini  maturi,  ciascuno  col 
suo  compito.  I  giovani  debbono  fare  della  loro  giovinezza  una 
milizia  e  devono  agire  e  agitare  per  far  bene  intendere  a  tutta 
ritalia,  al  governo  nazionale  e  al  governo  austriaco  che  vogliamo 
la  liberta,  che  vogliamo  la  liberazione,  che  I'ltalia  non  e  ancora 
compiuta.  E  gli  uomini  maturi,  specie  quelli  a  cui  i  cittadini  o  le 
istituzioni  hanno  dato  un  carattere  rappresentativo,  debbono  con 
la  loro  autorita  fare  intendere  e  far  valere  i  diritti  unitari  delle 
citta  e  dei  cittadini  che  rappresentano. 

Tutti  dobbiamo  agire,  tenacemente,  fortemente. 

E  si  moltiplichino  a  mille  con  giusto  patriottismo  i  cooperatori 
nostri  nel  Regno,  con  risoluta  volonta  di  mettere  fine  alle  nostre 
miserie,  con  immutabile  fede  nell'attuazione  dei  diritti  nazionali. 
Bisogna  scuotere  il  governo,  i  deputati,  il  popolo;  bisogna  vincere 
le  indifferenze  e  i  vacui  sentimentalismi,  le  diffidenze  e  le  ironie,  le 
renitenze  e  le  vigliaccherie,  le  ipocrisie  della  diplomazia  e  dei 
politicanti  e  le  imbecillaggini  dei  demagoghi.  Fa  d'uopo,  sia  pure 
con  un'agitazione  violenta,  imporre  alia  coscienza  italiana  il 
problema  dell'unita  italiana;  fa  d'uopo  imporre  con  qualunque 
mezzo,  con  qualunque  sacrificio,  il  problema  nostro  all'attenzione 
dell'Europa,  e  imporlo  con  tutto  il  suo  contenuto  di  giustizia. 

E  possiamo  far  cio  oggi  con  fede  piii  sicura,  con  piij  serena 
coscienza  della  nostra  responsabilita,  poiche  oggi  il  problema  della 
nostra  liberta  si  sintetizza  nel  nome  di  Trieste  con  una  grande 
importanza,  non  solo  rispetto  al  diritto  che  abbiamo  all'indipen- 
denza,  ma  anche  per  la  politica  internazionale  del  Regno.  Trieste 
e  oggi  per  ITtalia  la  chiave  dell'Oriente.  A  Trieste  la  storia  ha 
trasmesso  per  tutta  I'ltalia  la  dominazione  commerciale  dei  mari 
orientali  che  e  stata  di  Venezia  in  altre  epoche.  II  possesso  di 
Trieste  vuol  dire  garanzia  di  pace  con  I'attuale  Stato  di  confine, 
garanzia  di  difesa  poderosa  e  sicura  contro  gli  Stati  slavi  di  domani, 
vuol  dire  assoluta  garanzia  di  liberta  alle  spalle  per  ogni  eventuale 
conflitto  con  altri  nemici. 

Quindi,  oggi,  combattere  per  la  liberta  nostra,  vuol  dire  in- 
segnare  all'Italia  quale  somma  d'interessi  nazionali  si  risolva  nell'A- 
driatico  orientale,  vuol  dire  aiutare  I'ltalia  ad  aprirsi  le  vie  del- 


532  PARTE  SECOND  A 

rOriente,  vuol  dire  spingere  I'ltalia  a  prendere  una  piu  salda  e  piu 
sicura  posizione  di  fronte  o  accanto  alle  altre  Potenze. 

Non  si  combatte  dunque  soltanto  per  un  ideale  di  liberta 
regionale,  ma  per  la  grandezza  d'ltalia,  per  una  piu  vasta  ricchezza, 
per  un  piii  superbo  avvenire  della  Nazione. 

L'agitazione  unitaria  intensa,  violenta,  tenace  provochera  il 
governo  austriaco  a  repressioni  e  ad  un  piu  largo  favoreggiamento 
degli  Slavi?  Anzitutto  e  da  domandarsi  se  le  nostre  condizioni 
possano  essere  peggiori  di  quanto  sono.  Ma  poi  dobbiamo 
ricordare  I'indiscutibile  verita  che  tutte  le  repressioni  e  tutti  i 
favoreggiamenti  non  faranno  che  imporre  sempre  piii  efficacemente 
il  problema  nostro  alia  Nazione  e  all'Europa. 

AU'opera,  dunque,  tutti,  ciascuno  col  suo  compito! 

I  tempi  incalzano.  II  turbine  irredentistico  e  le  gravissime 
lotte  interne  scuotono,  squassano  le  fondamenta  dell'impero 
austriaco.  II  problema  deU'Austria  e  posto  in  discussione  dinanzi 
a  un'Europa  che  ha  esaltato  in  questi  ultimi  tempi  il  principio 
di  nazionalita. 

£  tempo  che  noi  aglamo  con  tutte  le  nostre  forze,  per  immettere 
il  nostro  diritto  nell'ingranaggio  diplomatic©  che  prepara  il  domani, 
per  far  si  che  I'ltalia  non  sia  assente  coi  suoi  diritti,  coi  suoi 
interessi  dalla  discussione  internazionale  del  problema  austriaco. 

AU'opera  tutti,  e  nel  cuore  una  sola  volonta.    Fiva  I'ltalia! 


XVII 

La  bandiera  italiana  issata  a  Trieste  sul  campanile 
di  San  Giusto  e  suU'antenna  del  porto  di  Muggia  nel 
mese  di  dicembre  del  1914.  Migliaia  di  Italiani  irre- 
denti  corrono  ad  offrtre  il  loro  sangue  alia  madre  patria 
nella  grande  guerra  contro  1' Austria  (1914-1915). 

Lo  scoppio  della  grande  guerra  (fine  di  luglio  1914), 
provocate  dalV ultimatum  deU'Austria  alia  Serbia,  riaccese 
le  speranze  anche  dei  piii  sfiduciati  Italiani  irredenti  nella 
liberazione  delle  terre  sintetizzate  dal  binomio  Trento  e 
Trieste. 

Nel  settembre  e  nell'ottobre  del  1914  —  cosi  il  triestino  Angelo 
Scocchi  —  Trieste,  specialmente,  fremeva  d'azione.  Un  moto 
rivoluzionario  contro  I'Austria  pareva  imminente.     Prima  d'in- 


D'ANNUNZIO   E   TRIESTE    (1915)  533 

coraggiarlo,  i  patrioti  vollero  sapere  quale  eco  esso  avrebbe  avuto 
in  Italia.  I  Triestini  furono  scongiurati  a  non  moversi,  a  non 
afFrettare  un  avvenimento  che  doveva  compiersi  ineluttabilmente, 
a  non  compromettere  le  sorti  dell'Italia,  a  non  trascinare  la  nazione 
in  un  intervento  immature. 

Nonostante  cid,  all'alba  del  i°  dicembre  1914  una  grande  ban- 
diera  italiana  sventolava  a  Trieste  sul  campanile  di  San  Giusto 
e  un'altra  suU'antenna  del  porto  di  Muggia. 

II  2  dicembre  1914  Trieste  era  piena  di  manifestini  incitanti 
il  popolo  a  rifiutare  I'obolo  alia  Croce  Rossa  austriaca.  Furono 
arrestati  parecchi  cittadini,  tra  i  quali  il  mazziniano  Marcello 
Vidali  che  fu  prima  internato  nel  castello  di  Lubiana  e  poi  nel 
carcere  di  Marburg.  Molti  furono  imbrancati  nell'esercito 
austriaco.  I  piii  finirono  prigionieri  volontari  dei  Russi  e  dei 
Serbi.  Altri  lasciarono  la  giovine  esistenza  in  Galizia  e  in  Bosnia 
con  un'ultima  invocazione  allTtalia  lontana. 

Ma  parecchie  migliaia,  sfidando  il  rigore  del  governo  au- 
striaco e  ogni  altra  sorta  di  pericoli,  riuscirono,  tra  la  fine 
del  1914  e  i  primi  mesi  del  1915,  a  varcare  i  confini  e  spar- 
gers! nellTtalia  Settentrionale  e  a  Roma,  dove  ofFrirono 
entusiasticamente  il  loro  sangue  per  la  liberazione  delle 
terre  ancora  soggette  alia  schiavitii  austriaca  e  per  I'unione 
di  esse  alia  madre  patria. 


XVIII 

Gabriele  d'Annunzio  riafferma  ed  esalta  Titalianita  di 
Trieste  nei  giardini  del  Palagio  di  Andrea  Doria  in  Gene- 
va (6  maggio  1915),  ricevendo  in  dono  il  gesso  del  Leone 
Tergestino  che  e  murato  in  una  casa  dei  Giustiniani. 

Brevi  parole  diro,  tanta  e  qui  I'eloquenza  delle  memorie,  delle 
cose,  dei  segni,  tanto  e  grave  di  destino  questo  dono  che  io  ricevo 
con  cuore  tremante,  come  se  in  me,  per  grazia  d'una  fedelta 
senza  fallo,  a  piii  degnamente  riceverlo,  entrasse  I'ansia  di  quella 
(Trieste)  che  laggiu  soffre  la  fame  del  corpo,  sofFre  la  fame  del- 
I'anima,  violata,  straziata,  calcata  con  ferocia  ogni  giorno  piu 
maledetta. 

La  sentiamo  qui  in  presenza  vera.  £  davanti  a  noi,  come 
quell'urna  scolpita,  come  quelle  statue.     £  diritta  davanti  a  noi, 


534  PARTE  SECONDA 

con  tutte  le  sue  piaghe  aperte,  con  tutte  le  sue  Hvidure,  con  le 
tracce  di  tutte  le  ingiurie,  come  il  Paziente  alia  Colonna. 

Ah,  veramente,  noi  cominciamo  a  vergognarci  di  tanto  par- 
lare.  E  intendiamo  il  rude  bisticcio  di  quell'uno  dei  Mille,  gran- 
dissimo  animo  in  piccolo  corpo,  il  quale  ier  sera  grido  nel  convito, 
con  la  sua  voce  di  assalto:  Meglio  che  la  parola,  io  vorrei  riprendere 
il  fucile,  0  compagni. 

Motto  garibaldino,  ben  detto  e  bene  udito  in  Geneva. 

Non  questo  gesso  che  io  custodiro  piamente,  ma  il  Leone  di 
pietra  istriana,  tratto  dal  glorioso  muro  in  un  altro  giorno  di 
sagra  marina,  Genova  rimandera  per  mare  a  Trieste:  restituzione 
magnifica. 

Passi  la  nave  in  vista  della  Caprera  S  che  forse  s'empira  di 
ruggito  ripercosso  dalle  rocce.  E  navighi  all'Adriatico.  E  il 
morto  figlio  di  Lamba  sepolto  nelle  acque  trionfate,  e  Luciano 
d'Oria  davanti  a  Pola,  e  Gasparo  Spinola  davanti  a  Trieste,  e  gli 
altri  terribili  vostri  riappariranno  in  epifania  d'amore  commisti 
ai  vendicati  di  Lissa,  luminosissimamente. 

E  il  Leone  di  San  Marco,  recato  nell'Adriatico  da  nave  di 
Genova,  significhera  per  gli  Italiani:  Questo  mare  profondo,  ove  la 
cresta  di  ogni  flutto  e  fiore  di  nostra  gloria,  si  chiavia,  di  nuovo  e 
per  sempre,  nei  linguaggi  di  tutte  le  nazioni  il  Golfo  di  Venezia. 


XIX 

Parole  dette  da  Gabriele  d'Annunzio  in  Genova  il  7 
maggio  1915  agli  Esuli  Dalmati,  ricevendo  in  done  il 
Libre  che  afferma,  dimostra  e  propugna  Titalianita  della 
Dalmazia,  stampato  in  Genova. 

Questo  libro  d'amore,  di  fede  e  di  rampogna  un  Italiano 
dovrebbe  oggi  riceverlo  in  ginocchio  umiliato,  in  atto  di  chiedere 
il  perdono  e  di  fare  I'ammenda.  A  me  rimanere  in  piedi  davanti 
a  voi,  reverente  ma  non  vergognoso,  e  consentito  dalla  coscienza 
di  non  aver  mai  dimenticata  quella  che  Antonio  Baiamonti,  il 
podestd  mirabile  di  Spalato,  ch'izmb  figlia  minore  d' Italia,  quella  che 
seconda  Italia  chiamo  il  dantesco  Tommaseo.  Ma  I'lddio  degli 
eserciti  mi  conceda  di  potermi  inginocchiare,  in  uno  dei  giorni 

•  Caprera,  I'isoletta  presso  le  coste  della  Sardegna,  divenuta  celebrc  perche  fu 
il  soggiorno  prediletto  di  Garibaldi  e  perche  I'Eroe  vi  mori  e  vi  fu  sepolto. 


D'ANNUNZIO   E   LA   DALMAZIA    (1915)  535 

prossimi,  dinanzi  a  quell'uno  del  vostri  altari  sotto  la  cui  tavola  i 
padri  lacrimando  riposero  il  ripiegato  gonfalone  repubblicano  di 
San  Marco. 

Se  in  Genova  io  nomino  Sebenico,  Zara,  Trau,  sobbalzano  nel 
sepolcro  di  San  Matteo  le  ossa  di  Luciano  d'Oria,  che  seppero  il 
sale  dell'Adriatico.  La  sua  vittoria  e  la  sua  morte  si  commemorano 
alia  stessa  data  che  ci  aduno  sul  lido  di  Quarto^:  il  cinque  maggio. 
Veggo  le  citta  dalmate  insanguinate  e  affocate,  prima  che  il  ferro 
di  Donate  Zeno  finisca  sul  ponte  Tammiraglio  ancora  urlante  dalla 
bocca  squarciata:   San  Zorzof     San  Zorzo! 

Ma  un'altra  visione  mi  viene  da  un'altra  vittoria  inscritta 
fra  le  liste  bianche  e  nere  del  tempio  navale.  £  come  un'allegoria 
della  nostra  lunga  cecita.  Nelle  acque  di  Curzola,  Lamba  Doria, 
avendo  disposte  le  sue  galee  sopra  vento,  con  polvere  di  calce 
viva  brucio  gli  occhi  dei  Veneziani  condotti  dal  Dandolo;  e  sgomino 
quei  disperati  ciechi. 

Mi  sembra  che  da  una  simile  cecita  ostile  siamo  noi  rimasti 
afflitti,  dopo  la  sciagura  di  Lissa.  Non  abbiamo  veduto,  non  ab- 
biamo  voluto  vedere  quel  che  i  vincitori  operavano,  senza  tregua, 
senza  misericordia,  per  cancellare  ogni  vestigio  del  nostro  dominio 
su  la  costa  orientale,  per  distruggere  ogni  traccia  d'itallanita  su  la 
bella  spiaggia  latina  non  consacrata  soltanto  dal  sangue  ma  dallo 
spirito,  non  conquistata  soltanto  dalle  armi  ma  dalle  arti,  non  sol- 
tanto nostra  per  antica  signoria  ma  per  sempre  novo  pensiero,  non 
soltanto  ricca  di  reliquie  mute  ma  di  cultura  eloquente.  Noi  ab- 
biamo lasciato  compiere  su  voi,  per  anni  e  per  anni,  le  piu  inique 
persecuzioni,  o  fratelli  nostri  magnanimi  che  opponeste  alia 
minaccia  il  coraggio,  all'ingiustizia  la  pazienza,  la  maschia  gen- 
tilezza  alia  stupida  atrocita.  Noi  non  abbiamo  osato  aiutare  ne 
confortare  la  triste  e  taciturna  lotta  proseguita  da  voi,  o  fedeli  di 
Roma,  per  custodire  la  benedetta  lingua  d'ltalia,  per  difendere  i 
documenti  dell'alta  origine,  per  serbarvi  contro  tutti  e  contro  tutto 
italiani.  Come  i  marinai  del  Dandolo,  noi  abbiamo  distolto  dalla 
battaglia  i  nostri  occhi  dolorosil 

Chiediamo  perdono,  facciamo  ammenda.  I  nostri  occhi 
alfine  si  riaprono,  sanati  dal  vento  salutifero  che  soffia  su  tanta 
strage,  su  tanta  virtij,  su  tanto  orrore,  su  tanto  amore.  Di  rimorso 
e'di  pieta  dovremmo  piangere,  o  fratelli;  ma  non  piangiamo,  si 
bene  guardiamo  fermamente  il  destine. 

*A  Quarto,  il  5  maggio  1915,  fu  inaugurato  un  monumento  ai  MilU.  D'An- 
nunzio  vi  pronunzio  il  discorso  commemorativo. 


536  PARTE  SECONDA 

Questo  libro,  che  voi  ponete  nelle  mie  mani,  e  un  atto  di 
possesso.  £  breve,  e  pure  ha  grande  peso.  Ci  significa,  chiaro  e 
conciso,  nello  stile  di  Roma,  che  la  Dalmazia  appartiene  all'Italia 
per  diritto  divino  ed  umano;  per  la  grazia  di  Dio  il  qual  foggia  le 
figure  terrestri  in  tal  modo  che  ciascuna  stirpe  vi  riconosca  scolpita- 
mente  la  sorte  sua;  per  la  volonta  deH'uomo  che  moltiplica  la 
bellezza  delle  rive  inalzandovi  i  monumenti  delle  sue  glorie  e 
intagliandovi  i  segni  delle  sue  piii  ardue  speranze. 

£  questo  un  vangelo  dalmatico  su  cui  possiamo  giurare. 

Sotto  la  forza  latina  di  Roma,  dei  Papi,  di  Venezia,  come 
sotto  la  forza  barbara  dei  Goti,  dei  Longobardi,  dei  Franchi,  degli 
Ottoni  germanici,  dei  Bisantini,  degli  Ungari,  degli  Austriaci,  la 
vita  civile  della  costa  di  la,  come  quella  della  costa  di  qua,  fu 
costantemente  di  origine  e  di  essenza  italiane.  Fu,  e,  sara.  Non 
il  Tedesco  dell'Alpe,  non  lo  Sloveno  del  Carso,  ne  il  Magiaro  della 
Puszta,  ne  il  Croato  che  ignora  o  falsa  la  storia,  ne  pure  il  Turco 
che  si  camuffa  da  Albanese,  niuno  potra  mai  arrestare  il  ritmo 
fatale  del  compimento,  il  ritmo  romano.  lo  ve  lo  dico,  fratelli, 
ma  voi  lo  sepate.  Su  questo  vangelo  dalmatico  possiamo  far 
giuro. 

L'antichissima  via  consolare,  che  si  partiva  da  Salona  per  a 
traverso  la  Bosnia,  non  e  tuttavia  battuta?  Ella  e,  voi  lo  sapete, 
il  solo  cammino  che  allacci  i  borghi  solinghi  e  i  villaggi  dispersi. 
Ella  e  cosi  bene  condotta,  cosi  bene  costrutta,  cosi  bene  assodata 
che  gli  uomini  dovranno  seguirla  fino  al  termine  degli  evi. 

Piu  lung!,  su  I'altro  versante  del  monte  Koaratch,  le  rovine 
robuste  d'una  citta  operaia  romana  si  levano  in  mezzo  ai  prati  e 
alle  selve,  in  vista  alle  cime  cerulee  della  Serbia  guerriera. 

Or  sembra  che  quivi  il  genio  del  luogo,  genius  loci,  non  sia 
nella  lapide  inscritto  ma  grandeggi  tuttavia  e  del  suo  soffio 
riempia  la  curia,  il  tribunale,  I'ipocausto,  gli  altari,  i  focolari. 
II  castro,  dissepolto  su  la  riva  destra  del  torrente  Saso,  ha  tuttavia 
la  sua  muraglia  ben  connessa,  contro  cui  non  valsero  quindici 
secoli  edaci. 

Che  mai  puo  dunque  valere  lo  sforzo  dei  barbari  contro  la 
legge  di  Roma?  La  dove  tali  fondamenta  ponemmo,  la  il  genio 
del  luogo  ci  aspetta;  la  torneremo,  la  ritroveremo  i  segni  vetusti 
e  intaglieremo  i  nuovi. 

Se  stretta  e  la  vostra  spiaggia,  o  Dalmati,  amplissima  e  la 
civilta  che  I'illustra.  Siete  quasi  orlo  di  toga,  ma  tutta  la  toga 
e  romana. 

Rallegratevi,  miei  giovani  compagni.     II  tempo  di  servire  e 


D'ANNUNZIO   E   LA   DALMAZIA   (1915)  537 

compiuto,  il  tempo  di  patire  e  compiuto.  £  giunto  il  tempo  di 
combattere  e  di  redimere;  il  tempo  di  liberate  e  di  rivendicare  e 
imminente. 

A  Lissa  peri  da  prode  il  guardiamarina  dalmata  Giovanni 
Ivancich,  somigliante  forse  a  taluno  di  voi  che  mi  guarda  con 
accesa  la  battaglia  negli  occhi  lionati. 

Come  ti  chiami,  tu  che  arrossisci,  fanciullo?  Me  lo  dira  forse 
la  gloria  domani,  me  lo  dira  la  liberta  nel  suo  grido  sopra  il  mare 
sonoro. 

Su  questo  vangelo  dalmatico,  intanto,  giuriamo  con  un'anima 
sola. 

Cosi  sia,  per  i  figli  dei  figli  e  nei  secoli  dei  secoli. 


PARTE  TERZA 

I 

Perche  lo  studente  serbo  Gabrilo  Princip  uccise  a 
Serajevo  —  il  28  giugno  1914  —  I'arciduca  Francesco 
Ferdinando  erede  del  trono  d'Austria-Ungheria. 

II  28  giugno  1914  (era  domenica)  lo  studente  serbo 
Gabrilo  Princip  d'anni  19  uccideva  in  Serajevo,  con  due 
colpi  di  pistola  Brownings  I'arciduca  Francesco  Ferdinando, 
erede  della  corona  imperiale  e  reale  d'Austria-Ungheria, 
e  la  di  lui  moglie  Sofia  Chotek  di  Chotkowa  e  Wognin 
duchessa  di  Hohenberg. 

Da  parecchio  tempo  —  cosi  disse  il  giovane  Princip  all'inter- 
rogatorio  —  avevo  concepito  I'idea  d'uccidere  un'alta  personalita 
austriaca,  per  vendicare  i  Serbi  della  Bosnia  del  trattamento  lore 
usato  dal  governo  di  Vienna.  Non  ho  complici.  Ho  voluto  solo 
colpire  nella  persona  dell'arciduca  Francesco  Ferdinando  I'im- 
perialismo  austriaco.^ 

*  Cinque  anni  dopo  I'elevazione  di  Pietro  I  Karageorgevic  al  trono  serbo* 
rAustria-Ungheria,  celebrando  i  sessant'anni  di  regno  deH'imperatore  Francesco 
Giuseppe,  s'annette,  dopo  trent'anni  d'occupazione  e  di  sfruttamento,  la  Bosnia  e 
I'Erzegovina,  proclamandole  "dominio  della  corona  dell'Imperatore  e  Re". 

S'accentuo  cosi  alia  fine  del  1908  tra  I'Austria  e  la  Serbia,  e  contemporanea- 
mente  tra  I'Austria  e  la  Russia,  la  tensione  che  tra  le  dette  tre  Potenze  esisteva  fin 
dal  1878,  nell'irrigidirsi  della  quale  la  Germania  prese  un  atteggiamento  molto 
esplicito  a  favore  dell'Austria  sua  alleata.  L'imperatore  Guglielmo  II  fece  com- 
prendere  che  a  difesa  dell'impero  austro-ungarico  sarebbe  stata  sempre  pronta 
"la  rilucente  spada  tedesca".  E  la  Russia  dove  finite  col  riconoscere  un'annes- 
sione  che  in  tutto  il  mondo  slavo  ed  anche  in  Turchia  aveva  suscitato  proteste  e 
dimosttazioni  anti-austriache;  e  in  Italia,  malgrado  i  legami  triplicistici,  aveva 
prodotto  un  senso  d'amarezza. 

La  tensione  tra  I'Austria  e  la  Serbia  fu  tale,  dall'ottobre  1908  al  marzo  1909, 
che  per  poco  non  scoppio  una  guerra  tra  i  due  Stati.  Senonche  la  sproporzione  tra 
le  forze  austriache  e  le  forze  serbe  era  pid  che  evidente,  e  a  fianco  della  Serbia, 
perche  essa  potesse  fare  contro  I'Austria  nei  Balcani  cio  che  aveva  fatto  il  Piemonte 
in  Italia  nel  1859,  non  vi  era  un  idealista  come  Napoleone  III.  La  Russia  avrebbe 
potuto  aiurare,  si;  ma,  dato  I'atteggiamento  risoluto  della  Germania,  essa  non 
erede  prudente  spingersi  troppo;  sollevo,  circa  I'annessione  della  Bosnia  e  del- 
I'Erzegovina,  semplici  questioni  di  procedura;  poi  dichiaro  che  i  suoi  precedenti 
impegni  non  le  permettevano  d'impugnare  il  fatto  compiuto  creato  dall'Austria. 

Cosa  fare?  Alia  Serbia  non  rimaneva  altro  che  piegare  il  capo:  e  lo  piego, 
rilasciando  all'Austria,  in  data  31  marzo  1909,  la  seguente  dichiarazione: 

539 


540  PARTE   TERZA 


II 

La  fatale   notsi-uUimatum  del  governo  austriaco  al 
govemo  serbo  (23  luglio  1914). 

II  23  luglio  1914,  alle  ore  6  pomeridiane,  il  barone  Giesl 
von  Gieslesen,  ministro  austriaco  a  Belgrado,  presentava 
in  nome  del  governo  di  Vienna  al  ministro  delle  finanze  di 
Serbia,  Patciu,  sostituente  Pasic  presidente  dei  ministri 
ch'era  assente  dalla  capitale  per  un  giro  elettorale,  la  fatale 
not2i-ultimatum   che   concludeva   cosi: 

II  Governo  reale  di  Serbia  fara  pubblicare  nella  prima  pagina 
del  suo  Giornale  Ufficiale  del  26  luglio  1914  la  seguente  dichiara- 
zione: 

//  Governo  reale  ^  condanna  la  propaganda  diretta  contro  VAu- 
stria-Ungheria,  cioe  Vinsieme  delle  tendenze  che  aspirano  in  ultima 
analisi  a  distaccare  dalla  Monarchia  austro-ungarica  territori  che 
ne  fanno  parte  ^  e  deplora  sinceramente  le  conseguenze  funeste  di 
queste  mene  criminose.  II  Governo  reale  deplora  che  ufficiali  e 
funzionari  serbi  abbiano  partecipato  alia  summenzionata  propaganda 
e  compromesso  con  cid  le  relazioni  di  buon  vicinato  a  cui  il  Governo 
reale  si  era  solennemente  impegnato  con  la  sua  dichiarazione  del  31 
marzo  igog.  II  Governo  reale,  che  disapprova  e  ripudia  ogni  idea 
e  tentativo  d'ingerenza  nei  destini  degli  abitanti  di  qualsiasi  parte 
delV  Austria-Ungheria,  consider  a  proprio  dovere  avvertire  fornial- 
mente  gli  ufficialiy  i  funzionari  e  tutta  la  popolazione  del  Regno  che, 
d'ora  innanzi,  procederd  con  estremo  rigore  contro  le  persone  che 

"La  Serbia  riconosce  ch'essa  non  e  stata  colpita  nei  suoi  diritti  dal  fatto  com- 
piuto  create  in  Bosnia  ed  Erzegovina  e  che,  per  conseguenza,  essa  si  conformera  a 
quelle  decisioni  che  le  Potenze  prenderanno  in  relazione  all'articolo  25  del  trattato 
di  Berlino  del  13  luglio  1878. 

"Rimettendosi  ai  consigli  delle  grandi  Potenze,  la  Serbia  s'impegna  fin  d'ora 
ad  abbandonare  I'attitudine  di  protesta  e  di  opposizione  ch'essa  aveva  adottato 
dall'autunno  scorso  riguardo  all'annessione  della  Bosnia-Erzegovina,  e  s'impegna 
anche  a  modificare  I'indirizzo  della  politica  attuale  verso  I'Austria,  per  vivere  ormai 
con  quest'ulfima  su  un  piede  di  buon  vicinato." 

Ma  questo  impegno  diplomatico  non  miito,  ne  poteva  mutare,  Tanimo  dei  Serbi 
verso  I'Austria;  ne  attenuo  le  intime  inquietudini  austriache  verso  i  popoli  della 
Serbia  propriamente  detta  e  del  Montenegro,  considerati  a  Vienna  e  a  Budapest 
come  le  sentinelle  avanzate  di  quel  movimento  panslavista  del  quale  la  Russia 
rimaneva  sempre  I'alta  ispiratrice  e  patrona. 

*  II  "Governo  reale"  e  il  Governo  di  Serbia. 

*  La  Bosnia  e  I'Erzegovina. 


IL   FATALE   ULTIMATUM  541 

si  rendessero  colpevoli  di  simili  mene;  mene  che  esso  porrd  ogni  suo 
sforzo  nel  prevenire  e  nel  reprimere. 

Questa  dichiarazione  sara  portata  contemporaneamente  a 
conoscenza  deU'esercito  reale  con  un  ordine  del  giorno  di  Sua 
Maesta  il  Re,  e  sara  pubblicata  nel  Bollettino  Ufficiale  deU'esercito. 

II  Governo  reale  s'impegna  inoltre  a: 

1°.  sopprimere  ogni  pubblicazione  che  ecciti  all'odio  e  al 
disprezzo  contro  la  Monarchia  austro-ungarica  e  la  cui  tendenza 
generale  sia  diretta  contro  la  sua  integrita  territorial; 

2°.  sciogliere  immediatamente  la  societa  detta  Narodna 
Obrana  e  confiscarne  tutti  i  mezzi  di  propaganda;  procedere  nello 
stesso  modo  contro  le  altre  societa  e  sette  in  Serbia  che  si  dedicano 
ad  una  propaganda  contro  la  Monarchia  austro-ungarica.  II 
Governo  reale  prendera  le  misure  necessarie  perche  le  societa 
disciolte  non  possano  continuare  la  loro  attivita  sotto  altro  nome 
e  sotto  altra  forma; 

3°.  eliminare  senza  indugio  dall'istruzione  pubblica  in  Serbia, 
tanto  per  quanto  riguarda  il  corpo  insegnante  come  per  quel  che 
riguarda  i  mezzi  d'istruzione,  tutto  cio  che  serve  o  potrebbe  servire 
a  fomentare  la  propaganda  contro  I'Austria-Ungheria; 

4°.  allontanare  dal  servizio  militare  e  dall'Amministrazione 
in  generale  tutti  gli  ufficiali  e  funzionari  colpevoli  di  propaganda 
contro  la  Monarchia  austro-ungarica  e  dei  quali  il  Governo  im- 
periale  e  reale  ^  si  riserva  di  comunicare  nomi  e  fatti  al  Governo 
reale; 

5°.  accettare  la  coUaborazione  in  Serbia  degli  organi  del 
Governo  imperiale  e  reale  nella  soppressione  del  movimento 
sovversivo  diretto  contro  I'integrita  territoriale  della  Monarchia 
austro-ungarica; 

6°.  aprire  un'inchiesta  giudiziaria  contro  i  partecipi  del 
complotto  del  28  giugno  1914  che  si  trovano  sul  territorio  serbo. 
Organi  delegati  dal  Governo  austro-ungarico  prenderanno  parte 
alle  ricerche  relative; 

7°.  procedere  d'urgenza  all'arresto  del  comandante  Voijna 
Tankosic  e  del  nominato  Milan  Ciganovic  impiegato  dello  Stato 
serbo,  compromessi  dai  risultati  dell'istruttoria  di  Serajevo; 

8°.  impedire  con  misure  efficaci  il  concorso  delle  autorita 
serbe  neltrafficoillecito  di  armi  edi  esplosivi  attraversolafrontiera; 
licenziare  e  punire  severamente  i  funzionari  del  servizio  di  frontiera 
di  Schabatz  e  di  Loznica  colpevoli  d'avere  aiutato  gli  autori  del 
delitto  di  Serajevo,  facilitando  loro  il  passaggio  della  frontiera; 

'  II  "Governo  imperiale  e  reale"  c  il  Governo  austro-ungarico. 


542  PARTE   TERZA 

9°.  dare  al  Governoaustro-ungaricospiegazioni  sulle  espressio- 
ni  ingiustificabili  di  alti  funzionari  serbi,  tanto  in  Serbia  quanto 
all'estero,  che,  malgrado  la  loro  situazione  ufficiale,  non  hanno 
esitato,  dopo  il  delitto  del  28  giugno  1914,  ad  esprimersi  in  inter- 
viste  in  modo  ostile  verso  la  Monarchia  austro-ungarica; 

10°,  avvertire  senza  ritardo  il  Governo  imperiale  e  reale 
della  esecuzione  delle  misure  comprese  nei  punti  precedenti. 

II  Governo  imperiale  e  reale  attende  risposta  dal  Governo 
reale  al  piii  tardi  entro  sabato  25  del  corrente  mese  di  luglio  1914 
alle  ore  6  di  sera. 

L'incaricato  d'afFari  russo  in  Belgrade,  Strandtman, 
spedi  immediatamente  a  Pietroburgo  al  ministro  degli  affari 
esteri  Sazanoff  il  seguente  telegramma: 

II  ministro  d'Austria  ha  consegnato  ora,  6  pomeridiane,  al 
ministro  delle  finanze  Patciu,  che  sostituisce  Pasic,  una  nota- 
ultimatum  del  suo  Governo,  fissante  un  termine  di  48  ore  per 
I'accettazione  delle  domande  contenutevi.  Giesl  ha  soggiunto 
verbalmente  che,  nel  caso  in  cui  la  nota  non  fosse  accettata  inte- 
gralmente  nel  termine  di  48  ore,  egli  aveva  I'ordine  di  lasciare 
Belgrado  col  personale  della  Legazione.  Pasic  e  gli  altri  ministri, 
che  si  trovano  a  fare  un  giro  elettorale,  sono  stati  richiamati  e 
sono  attesi  a  Belgrado  domani  venerdi  alle  10  del  mattino.  Patciu, 
che  mi  ha  comunicato  il  contenuto  della  nota,  sollecita  I'aiuto 
della  Russia  e  dichiara  che  nessun  governo  serbo  potra  accettare 
le  domande  dell'Austria. 

La  mattina  del  24  luglio  1914  gli  ambasciatori  au- 
striaci  in  Germania,  Inghilterra,  Russia,  Francia,  Italia 
e  Turchia,  comunicavano  rispettivamente  ai  governi  di 
queste  Potenze  il  testo  della  nota.-ultimatum  indirizzata 
dal  governo  imperiale  e  reale  di  Francesco  Giuseppe  al 
governo  di  Serbia  il  giorno  precedente  (23  luglio  1914). 


GERMANIA  E  RUSSIA  543 


III 

L'attitudine  partigiana  della  Germania.  L'attitudine 
conciliativa  della  Russia.  Un  supplichevole  telegramma 
del  principe  Alessandro  reggente  di  Serbia  alio  zar 
Nicola  II.  Un  eloquente  telegramma  dell'ambasciatore 
inglese  Buchanan.    L'ostinatezza  del  governo  austriaco. 

Unanime  fu  nel  mondo  la  sensazione  della  gravita  della 
not^L-uliimatiim  mandata  dal  governo  di  Vienna  al  governo 
di  Belgrado. 

II  pensiero  della  Germania  fu  espresso  lo  stesso  giorno 
24  luglio  1914  da  vari  giornali  germanici,  particolarmente 
dalla  Kreuz  Zeitung  organo  del  Ministero  degli  esteri  a 
Berlino. 

E  da  sperare  —  cosi  diceva  il  detto  giornale  —  ove  il  dissidio 
precipitasse  in  una  guerra,  che  questa  rimanga  isolata.  La 
scintilla  scoppietta  troppo  vicino  ai  barili  di  polvere  deU'Europa; 
ma  finora  si  puo  e  si  deve  sperare  che  le  grandi  Potenze  riconoscano 
la  giustizia  delle  pretese  austriache,  e  che  quindi  nessuna  di  esse 
andra  in  aiuto  della  Serbia  per  respingere  le  giuste  domande  del- 
TAustria. 

Lo  stesso  concetto  era  ribadito  e  ampHato  da  un  altro 
comunicato  ufficioso  berlinese  affermante  "non  essere  da 
credere,  fino  a  prova  contraria,  che  vi  sia  qualche  Potenza 
disposta  a  prestare  il  suo  aiuto  morale  o  materiale  ai  Serbi, 
giacche  trattasi  di  questione  dalla  quale  si  deve  necessaria- 
mente  risvegliare  il  sentimento  della  solidarieta  monarchica 
e  della  solidarieta  fra  gli  Stati  onestamente  legati.  La 
Serbia,  dunque, —  concludeva  questa  voce  ufficiosa  —  ac- 
cettera  le  richieste  austriache,  o  perira". 

E  il  Lokal  Ameiger: 

La  Germania  si  sente  molto  alleggerita,  perche  e  finalmente 
giunto  il  momento  di  chiarire  definitivamente  la  situazione  balca- 
nica,  e  si  congratula  con  I'lmpero  alleato  per  la  virile  risoluzione, 
e  gli  assicura  fedelta  e  aiuto  incondizionato  nei  difficili  giorni  a  cui 
va  incontro. 


544  PARTE   TERZA 

E  questo  non  era  soltanto  il  sentimento  dei  circoli 
governativi  germanici,  dei  quali  anche  il  Lokal  Anzeiger 
era  portavoce,  ma  pur  quello  del  popolo  tedesco,  com'era 
dimostrato  daH'unanimita  dei  suoi  organi  e  dalle  entusia- 
stiche  manifestazioni  popolari  in  tutte  le  grandi  citta  della 
Germania:  da  Berlino  a  Monaco.  Non  eravi  accordo  nelle 
previsioni  (aggiustamento  pacific©  o  guerra);  ma  tutti 
concordavano  che  "la  Germania  sara,  in  qualunque  caso, 
a  fianco  dell'Austria". 

Intanto  il  ministro  degli  afFari  esteri  di  Russia,  SazonofF, 
appena  informato  del  passo  austriaco  presso  il  governo 
serbo,  e  appena  ricevuta  dall'incaricato  russo  in  Belgrado 
la  richiesta  d'aiuto  in  favore  della  Serbia,  trasmise,  lo 
stesso  giorno  24  luglio  1914,  per  mezzo  del  proprio  amba- 
sciatore  Kudachew,  la  seguente  dichiarazione  al  governo  di 
Vienna: 

La  comunicazione  del  Governo  austriaco  alle  Potenze,  I'indo- 
mani  della  presentazione  dtW ultimatum  a  Belgrado,  non  lascia 
alle  Potenze  stesse  che  un  termine  del  tutto  insufficiente  per  intra- 
prendere  cio  che  possa  essere  utile  per  I'appianamento  delle  com- 
plicazioni  sorte. 

Per  prevenire  le  conseguenze  incalcolabili,  ed  egualmente 
nefaste  per  tutte  le  Potenze,  che  possano  susseguire  al  modo  d'agire 
del  Governo  austriaco,  ci  pare  indispensabile  che,  innanzi  tutto, 
il  termine  dato  alia  Serbia  per  rispondere  sia  prolungato,  L' Au- 
stria, dichiarandosi  disposta  ad  informare  le  Potenze  dei  risultati 
deH'istruttoria  ^  sui  quali  il  Governo  imperiale  e  reale  basa  le 
proprie  accuse,  dovrebbe  dar  loro  ugualmente  il  tempo  di  render- 
sene  conto. 

In  questo  caso,  se  le  Potenze  si  convincessero  della  plena 
fondatezza  di  talune  esigenze  austriache,  si  troverebbero  in  grade 
di  far  pervenire  al  Governo  serbo  consigli  in  correlazione.  Un 
rifiuto  di  prolungare  il  termine  deW ultimatum  priverebbe  di  ogni 
efficacia  il  passo  del  Governo  austriaco  presso  le  Potenze  e  sarebbe 
in  contradizione  con  le  basi  medesime  delle  relazioni  internazionali. 

Mentre  la  Russia  faceva  a  Vienna  un  tale  passo,  rac- 
comandandolo     contemporaneamente      all'attenzione     dei 

*  Dall'istruttoria  eseguita  da  agenti  austriaci  in  Serajevo,  risulro  che  I'uccisione 
dell'arciduca  ereditario  Francesco  Ferdinando  ebbe  liiogo  in  seguito  ad  un  com- 
plotto  del  quale  fecero  parte  ufficiali  dell'esercito  e  funzionan  governativi  serbi. 


GERMANIA   E   RUSSIA  545 

governi  di  Londra,  Berlino,  Parigi  e  Roma,  il  principe  reg- 
gente  di  Serbia,  Alessandro,  indirizzava  alio  zar  Nicola  II 
a  Pietroburgo  un  telegramma  cosi  concepito: 

II  Governo  austriaco  ha  rimesso  ieri  sera  al  Governo  serbo 
una  nota  concernente  il  delitto  di  Serajevo.  Conscia  dei  suoi 
doveri  internazionali,  la  Serbia,  fin  da!  primo  giorno  dell'orribile 
delitto,  ha  dichiarato  ch'essa  lo  condannava  e  ch'era  pronta  ad 
aprire  un'inchiesta  sul  proprio  territorio,  se  la  complicita  di  certi 
suoi  sudditi  risultasse  provata  nel  corso  del  processo  incoato  dalle 
autorita  austriache.  Per  conseguenza,  le  domande  contenute 
nella  nota  austriaca  sono  inutilmente  umilianti  per  la  Serbia  ed 
incompatibili  con  la  sua  dignita  quale  Stato  indipendente.  Ci  e 
dato  un  termine  di  48  ore  per  accettare  ogni  cosa,  senza  di  che  la 
Legazione  austriaca  lascera  Belgrade.  Siamo  pronti  ad  accettare 
le  condizioni  austriache  compatibili  con  la  situazione  di  uno  Stato 
indipendente,  come  pure  quelle  la  cui  accettazione  ci  sara  consi- 
gliata  da  Vostra  Maesta;  tutte  le  persone  la  cui  partecipazione  nel 
delitto  di  Serajevo  sara  dimostrata  saranno  severamente  punite 
da  noi.  Talune  delle  domande  austriache  non  potrebbero  essere 
eseguite  senza  mutamenti  nella  nostra  legislazione;  cio  che  richiede 
del  tempo.  Ci  e  stato  dato  un  termine  troppo  breve.  Possiamo 
essere  attaccati,  appena  spirato  il  termine,  dall'esercito  austriaco 
che  si  concentra  sulla  nostra  frontiera.  Ci  e  impossibile  difenderci, 
e  supplichiamo  Vostra  Maesta  di  darci  il  suo  aiuto  al  piu  presto 
possibile.  La  benevolenza  preziosa  di  Vostra  Maesta,  manifesta- 
tasi  tante  volte  a  nostro  riguardo,  ci  fa  sperare  fermamente  che 
questa  volta  ancora  il  nostro  appello  sara  udito  dal  suo  generoso 
cuore  slavo.  In  questi  momenti  difficili,  io  interpret©  il  sentimento 
del  popolo  serbo  che  supplica  Vostra  Maesta  di  volersi  bene  inte- 
ressare  alle  sorti  del  Regno  di  Serbia. 

Inoltre,  I'ambasciatore  inglese  a  Pietroburgo,  Buchanan, 
il  25  luglio  1914  informava  Sir  Edw^ard  Grey  a  Londra  che 
la  Russia  era  favorevole  ad  un  appello  della  Serbia  alle 
Potenze. 

II  ministro  degli  esteri  russo  Sazonoff —  cosi  diceva  Buchanan 
nel  suo  telegramma  a  Grey  —  desidererebbe  vedere  la  questione 
posta  su  di  una  base  internazionale,  poiche  gl'impegni  assunti  dalla 
Serbia  nel  1909,  ai  quali  si  allude  neWultimatum  austriaco,  furono 
dati  non  all'Austria  ma  alle  Potenze.  Se  la  Serbia  si  appellasse 
alle  Potenze,  la  Russia  sarebbe  ben  disposta  a  starsene  in  disparte 


546  PARTE   TERZA 

e  lasciare  la  questione  nelle  mani  dell'Inghilterra,  della  Francia, 
della  Germania  e  dell'Italia. 

Ma  nel  pomeriggio  del  25  luglio  1914  il  barone  Macchio, 
primo  sostituto  del  ministro  degli  esteri  d'Austria,  conte 
di  Berchtold  assente  dalla  capitale,  comunicava  all'amba- 
sciatore  russo  in  Vienna  che  il  governo  austriaco  non  aveva 
creduto  di  potere  accogliere  la  domanda  della  Russia  di 
prorogare  alia  Serbia  il  termine  per  la  risposta,  sostenendo 
"che  la  soluzione  dell'incidente  con  la  Serbia  e  una  questione 
che  interessa  esclusivamente  I'Austria  e  la  Serbia.  L'Austria 
e  quindi  decisa  in  qualsivoglia  circostanza  a  respingere  ogni 
tentative  d'intervento  straniero". 


IV 

La  risposta  del  governo  serbo  (25  luglio  1914)  alia 
nota-ultimatum  del  governo  austriaco. 

Le  48  ore  —  proprio  quante  I'Austria  ne  aveva  concesse 
al  Piemonte  nel  1859  —  stavano  per  spirare.  Venti  minuti 
prima,  vale  a  dire  alle  5.40  pomeridiane  del  25  luglio  1914, 
il  primo  ministro  serbo  Pasicconsegnava  al  ministro  austria- 
co in  Belgrado  la  seguente  nota  di  risposta  della  Serbia 
alia  notA-ultimatum  del  governo  di  Vienna: 

II  Governo  reale  ha  ricevuto  la  dichiarazione  del  Governo 
imperiale  e  reale  del  23  luglio  1914,  ed  e  persuaso  che  la  sua  risposta 
allontanera  tutti  i  malintesi  che  minacciano  di  compromettere  i 
buoni  rapporti  di  vicinanza  tra  la  Monarchia  austro-ungarica  e  il 
Regno  di  Serbia. 

La  Serbia  ha,  a  numerose  riprese,  dato  prove  della  sua  politica 
pacifica  ed  ha  dimostrato  durante  la  crisi  balcanica  che,  grazie 
alia  Serbia  ed  ai  sacrifici  da  essa  compiuti  nel  piii  vivo  interesse 
della  pace  europea,  questa  pace  e  stata  conservata. 

II  Governo  reale  non  puo  essere  reso  responsabile  di  manifesta- 
zioni  di  carattere  privato,  come  gli  articoli  dei  giornali  e  le  mene 
delle  societa,  manifestazioni  che  si  verificano  quasi  in  tutti  i  paesi 
come  una  cosa  ordinaria  e  che  sfuggono,  in  regola  generale,  al  control- 
lo  ufficiale,  tanto  piii  in  quanto  il  Governo  reale,  in  occasione  della 


LA  RISPOSTA  SERBA  547 

soluzione  di  tutta  una  serie  di  questionl  che  si  sono  presentate 
tra  la  Serbia  e  I'Austria-Ungheria,  ha  mostrato  una  grande  cortesia 
ed  e  in  tal  modo  riuscito  a  risolvere  il  massimo  numero  con  van- 
taggio  del  progresso  dei  due  pa^si  vicini. 

Percio  il  Governo  reale  e  stato  penosamente  sorpreso  dalle 
osservazioni  secondo  le  quali  persone  del  Regno  serbo  avrebbero 
partecipato  ad  una  preparazione  deldelitto  commesso  a  Serajevo. 
Essos'aspettava  d'essere  invitato  a  coUaborare  alia  ricerca  di  tutto 
quanto  si  riferisce  a  quel  delitto,  ed  e  pronto  a  dimostrare  con  gli 
atti  la  sua  piena  correttezza  e  ad  agire  contro  tutte  le  persone,  a 
proposito  delle  quali  gli  fossero  fatte  comunicazioni. 

Aderendo  dunque  al  desiderio  del  Governo  imperiale  e  reale, 
il  Governo  reale  e  disposto  a  consegnare  al  Tribunale  ogni  suddito 
serbo,  senza  riguardo  alia  sua  situazione  e  alia  sua  classe,  per  la 
cui  complicita  nel  misfatto  di  Serajevo  gli  saranno  fornite  prove. 
Esso  s'impegna  specialmente  a  far  pubblicare  nella  prima  pagina 
del  Giornale  Uffi-ciale  del  26  luglio  1914  la  seguente  enunciazione: 

//  Governo  reale  di  Serbia  condanna  ogni  propaganda  che  fosse 
diretta  contro  V Austria-Ungheria,  cioe  il  complesso  delle  tendenze 
che  aspirano,  in  ultima  analisi,  a  staccare  dalla  Monarchia  austro- 
ungarica  territori  che  ne  fanno  parte,  e  deplora  sinceramente  le 
funeste  conseguenze  di  queste  delittuose  mene.  II  Governo  reale  si 
duole  che  alcuni  ufficiali  e  funzionari  serbi  abbiano  partecipato, 
secondo  la  comunicazione  del  Governo  imperiale  e  reale,  alia  propa- 
ganda summenzionata  e  compromesso  cost  le  relazioni  di  buon 
vicinato  alle  quali  il  Governo  reale  si  era  solennemente  impegnato 
con  la  sua  dichiarazione  del  ji  marzo  igog.  II  Governo  reale, 
che  disapprova  e  respinge  ogni  idea  0  tentativo  d'ingerenza  nei 
destini  degli  abitanti  di  qualsiasi  parte  deW Austria-Ungheria, 
considera  come  suo  dovere  avvertire  formalmente  gli  ufficiali,  i 
funzionari  e  la  popolazione  del  Regno  di  Serbia  che,  d'ora  innanzi, 
procederd  con  estremo  rigore  contro  le  persone  che  si  rendessero 
colpevoli  di  simili  mene  e  porrd  ogni  sforzo  nel  prevenirle  e  nel 
reprimerle. 

Questa  enunciazione  sara  portata  a  cognizione  dell'esercito 
serbo  con  un  ordine  del  giorno,  a  nome  di  Sua  Maesta  il  Re,  da  Sua 
Altezza  Reale  il  Principe  Ereditario  Alessandro,  e  sara  pubblicata 
nel  prossimo  Bollettino  Ufficiale  deWEsercito. 

II  Governo  reale  s'impegna  inoltre: 

1°.  A  presentare  alia  prima  convocazione  regolare  della 
Scupcina  una  disposizione  nella  legge  sulla  stampa,  con  la  quale 
saranno  puniti  nel  modo  piii  severo  gl'incitamenti  all'odio  e  al 


548  PARTE   TERZA 

disprezzo  contro  la  Monarchia  austro-ungarica  ed  ogni  pubblica- 
zione  la  cui  tendenza  generale  sia  diretta  contro  Tintegrita  terri- 
toriale  deirAustria-Ungheria.  Esso  s'incarica,  al  momento  della 
revisione  della  Costituzione  che  e  imminente,  di  fare  introdurre 
nell'articolo  22  della  Costituzione  medesima  un  emendamento  di 
natura  tale  che  le  pubblicazioni  di  cui  sopra  possano  essere  con- 
fiscate, cio  che  attualmente,  a  termini  categorici  del  suddetto 
articolo  22,  e  impossibile. 

2°.  II  Governo  reale  non  possiede  alcuna  prova  —  e  la  nota  del 
Governo  imperiale  e  reale  non  gliene  fornisce  nemmeno  alcuna  — 
che  la  societa  Narodna  Ohrana  e  le  altre  societa  similari  abbiano 
fino  ad  oggi  commesso  qualche  atto  delittuoso  di  questo  genere. 
Tuttavia  il  Governo  reale  accogliera  le  domande  del  Governo  im- 
periale e  reale,  e  sciogliera  la  Narodna  Obrana  e  qualsiasi  altra  so- 
cieta che  agisse  contro  TAustria-Ungheria. 

3°.  II  Governo  reale  s'impegna  di  eliminare  senza  indugio 
dall'istruzione  pubblica  in  Serbia  tutto  quanto  serve  o  potrebbe 
servire  a  fomentare  la  propaganda  contro  I'Austria-Ungheria, 
quando  il  Governo  imperiale  e  reale  gli  fornira  fatti  e  prove  di 
questa  propaganda. 

4°.  11  Governo  reale  accetta  anche  di  allontanare  dal  servizio 
militate  coloro  che  I'inchiesta  giudiziaria  avra  provato  essere 
colpevoli  di  atti  diretti  contro  I'integrita  dei  territori  della  Monar- 
chia austro-ungarica,  ed  attende  che  il  Governo  imperiale  e  reale 
gli  comunichi  ulteriormente  i  nomi  e  gli  atti  di  questi  ufficiali  e 
funzionari  al  fine  della  procedura  che  deve  essere  seguita. 

5°.  II  Governo  reale  deve  confessare  che  non  si  rende  inte- 
ramente  conto  del  senso  e  della  portata  della  domanda  del  Governo 
imperiale  e  reale  tendente  a  che  la  Serbia  s'impegni  ad  accettare 
sul  suo  territorio  la  collaborazione  degli  organi  imperiali  e  reali; 
ma  dichiara  che  ammettera  ogni  collaborazione  la  quale  risponda 
ai  principi  del  diritto  internazionale  e  alia  procedura  penale, 
nonche  ai  rapporti  di  buon  vicinato. 

6°.  II  Governo  reale,  com'e  naturale,  considera  suo  dovere 
d'aprire  un'inchiesta  contro  tutti  coloro  che  sono  o  eventualmente 
si  sarebbero  trovati  immischiati  nel  complotto  del  28  giugno  1914 
e  che  si  troverebbero  nel  territorio  del  Regno.  Quanto  alia 
partecipazione  a  questa  inchiesta  degli  agenti  delle  autorita 
austro-ungariche  che  sarebbero  delegati  a  tale  intento  dal  Governo 
imperiale  e  reale,  il  Governo  reale  non  puo  accoglierla,  perche 
sarebbe  una  violazione  della  Costituzione  e  della  legge  di  procedura 
criminale.     Tuttavia,  in  casi  concreti,  comunicazioni  sui  risultati 


LA   RISPOSTA   SERBA  549 

dell'istruttoria  in  questione  potrebbero  essere  date  agli  organi  del 
Governo  imperiale  e  reale. 

7°.  II  Governo  reale  ha  fatto  procedere  fin  dalla  sera  stessa 
della  consegna  della  nota  all'arresto  del  comandante  VoijnaTanko- 
sic.  Quanto  a  Milan  Ciganovic,  che  e  suddito  della  Monarchia 
austro-ungarica  e  che  sino  al  28  giugno  1914  era  impiegato  come 
aspirante  alia  Direzione  delle  ferrovie,  non  e  stato  ancora  rag- 
giunto.  II  Governo  imperiale  e  reale  e  pregato  di  volere,  nella 
forma  abituale  e  al  piu  presto  possibile,  render  note  le  presunzioni 
di  colpabilita  e  le  prove  eventuali  di  colpabilita  che  sono  state 
raccolte  sino  ad  oggi  dall'inchiesta  di  Serajevo  per  ulteriori 
inchieste. 

8°.  II  Governo  reale  rinforzera  ed  estendera  le  misure  prese 
per  impedire  I'illecito  trafiico  di  armi  e  di  esplosivi  attraverso  la 
frontiera.  Esso  ordinera  subito  un'inchiesta  e  punira  certamente 
i  funzionari  di  frontiera  sulla  linea  Schabatz-Loznica,  i  quali 
hanno  mancato  al  loro  dovere  ed  hanno  lasciato  passare  gli  autori 
del  delitto  di  Serajevo. 

9°.  II  Governo  reale  dara  volentieri  spiegazioni  sui  giudizi 
che  i  suoi  funzionari,  cosi  in  Serbia  come  all'estero,  hanno  espresso 
in  interviste  dopo  il  delitto  e  che,  secondo  I'afFermazione  del 
Governo  imperiale  e  reale,  sono  stati  ostili  alia  Monarchia  austro- 
ungarica,  non  appena  il  Governo  imperiale  e  reale  gli  avra  comu- 
nicato  le  relative  frasi  di  questi  giudizi  e  gli  avra  dimostrato  che  i 
giudizi  stessi  sono  stati  infatti  espressi  dai  funzionari  suddetti: 
giudizi,  a  proposito  dei  quali  il  Governo  reale  avra  cura  di  racco- 
gliere  prove  e  conferme. 

10°.  II  Governo  reale  informera  il  Governo  imperiale  e  reale 
dell'esecuzione  delle  misure  comprese  nei  punti  precedenti,  in 
quanto  questo  non  sia  gia  stato  fatto  dalla  presente  nota,  non  appe- 
na che  ciascuna  misura  sara  stata  ordinata  ed  eseguita. 

Nel  caso  che  il  Governo  imperiale  e  reale  non  fosse  soddisfatto 
di  questa  risposta,  il  Governo  reale,  considerando  essere  nel  comune 
interesse  di  non  precipitate  la  soluzione  di  tale  questione,  e  pronto, 
come  sempre,  ad  accettare  un  accordo  pacifico,  rimettendo  tale 
questione  sia  alia  decisione  del  Tribunale  internazionale  dell'Aia, 
sia  alle  grandi  Potenze  che  hanno  partecipato  alia  elaborazione 
della  dichiarazione  fatta  dal  Governo  reale  il  31  marzo  1909. 

II  comunicato  telegrafico,  annunziante  la  consegna  fatta 
da  Pasic  al  ministro  austriaco  in  Belgrado  della  nota  su 
riferita,  era  concepito,  come  informazione  deirufficioso 
Correspondenz  Bureau  di  Vienna  del  25  luglio  191 4,  cosi: 


550  PARTE  TERZA 

II  presidente  del  Consiglio  serbo  Pasic  s'e  recato  prima  delle 
ore  6  pomeridiane  alia  Legazione  austro-ungarica  a  Belgrade,  e 
ha  dato  una  risposta  insufficiente  alia  nota  austro-ungarica. 

II  ministro  d'Austria-Ungheria,  barone  Giesl,  ha  allora  notifica- 
to  a  Pasic  la  rottura  delle  relazioni  diplomatiche,  ed  ha  lasciato 
col  personale  della  Legazione,  alle  ore  6.30  pomeridiane,  Belgrado. 


Un  eloquente  telegramma  dell'ambasciatore  inglese  a 
Vienna,  Maurizio  de  Bunsen,  a  Sir  Edward  Grey  (27 
luglio  1914).  Un  comunicato  ufficioso  del  govemo 
russo  pubblicato  dal  Corriere  della  Borsa  di  Pietroburgo 
(27  luglio  1914).  La  risposta  dello  zar  Nicola  II  al 
principe  Alessandro  reggente  di  Serbia  (27  luglio  1914). 
I  ringraziamenti  del  principe  Alessandro  alio  zar 
Nicola  II. 

II  27  luglio  1914  rambasciatore  inglese  a  Vienna,  Mauri- 
zio de  Bunsen,  inviava  a  Londra  a  Sir  Edward  Grey  il 
seguente  telegramma: 

Ho  avuto  conversazioni  con  tutti  i  miei  colleghi  rappre- 
sentanti  le  grandi  Potenze.  L'impressione  che  me  ne  e  derivata  e 
che  la  Nota  austro  -ungarica  fu  compilata  in  quel  modo  per  rendere 
inevitabile  la  guerra;  che  il  Governo  austro-ungarico  e  assolutamen- 
te  deciso  ad  avere  la  guerra  con  la  Serbia;  che  esso  considera  la 
propria  posizione  di  grande  Potenza  in  gioco,  e  che  finche  un 
castigo  non  sia  stato  inflitto  alia  Serbia,  e  improbabile  ch'esso 
voglia  prestare  ascolto  a  voci  di  mediazione.  Questo  paese  (I'Au- 
stria-Ungheria)staimpazzendodalla  gioia  all'idea  della  guerra  con- 
tro  la  Serbia,  ed  il  rinviarla,  o  prevenirla,  cagionerebbe  indubbia- 
mente  una  grande  contrarieta. 

II  Corriere  della  Borsa  di  Pietroburgo  in  data  27  luglio 
1914  pubblicava  il  seguente  comunicato  di  carattere  uffi- 
cioso: 

La  Russia  sara  pronta  a  rispondere  con  tutti  i  mezzi  dei  quali 
dispone  una  grande  Potenza  a  qualsiasi  indizio  il  quale  dimostrasse 
che  si  disprezzano  le  sue  legittime  domande.     La  Russia  non 


TELEGRAMMI   INTERESSANTI  551 

permettera  rannientamento  d'uno  Stato  slavo,  ma  e  pronta  a 
sostenere  I'Austria-Ungheria  nelle  sue  domande  giustificate,  come 
a  raccomandare  alia  Serbia  di  non  essere  intransigente.  Tuttavia 
la  Russia  non  permettera  mai  che  si  punisca  I'intero  popolo  serbo 
per  il  delitto  di  un  private.  Ne  la  Russia,  ne  la  Serbia  possono 
consentire  un'ingerenza  sui  diritti  sovrani  d'uno  Stato  balcanico. 

E  lo  zar  Nicola  II,  rispondendo  lo  stesso  giorno  27 
luglio  1914  al  telegramma  supplicativo  indirizzatogli  il 
24  luglio  1914  dal  principe  Alessandro  reggente  di  Serbia, 
faceva  auguri  e  raccomandazioni,  ed  esprimeva  fiducia  nelle 
trattative  "che  impedirebbero"  —  diceva  egli  di  sperare  — 
la  guerra;  ma  soggiungeva:  "se,  malgrado  il  nostro  piii 
sincero  desiderio,  non  riusciremo,  Vostra  Altezza  puo 
essere  sicura  che  in  nessun  caso  la  Russia  si  disinteressera 
delle  sorti  della  Serbia". 

Quando  I'incaricato  russo  in  Serbia,  Strandtman,  con- 
segno  al  primo  ministro  serbo  il  telegramma  confortante 
che  lo  zar  aveva  diretto  al  principe  Alessandro,  Pasic,  dopo 
averlo  letto,  si  fece  il  segno  della  croce  ed  esclamo:  "O 
Signore,  lo  zar  e  grande  e  clemente!"  —  Poi,  non  potendo 
piii  frenare  I'emozione  che  I'aveva  preso,  abbraccio  Strandt- 
man e  pianse. 

E  il  principe  Alessandro  ringraziava  telegraficamente  lo 
zar  in  questi  termini: 

Profondamente  toccato  dal  telegramma  che  Vostra  Maesta  ha 
ben  voluto  indirizzarmi,  m'afFretto  a  ringraziarla  con  tutto  il  mio 
cuore.  Prego  Vostra  Maesta  di  essere  persuasa  che  la  cordiale 
simpatia  da  cui  Vostra  Maesta  e  animata  verso  il  nostro  paese  ci 
e  particolarmente  preziosa  e  riempie  la  nostra  anima  della  speranza 
che  I'avvenire  della  Serbia  e  assicurato,  poiche  questa  nazione  e 
divenuta  I'oggetto  dell'alta  sollecitudine  di  Vostra  Maesta. 
Questi  momenti  penosi  non  possono  che  rinsaldare  i  vincoli  del- 
Tattaccamento  profondo  che  uniscono  la  Serbia  alia  Santa  Russia 
slava;  e  i  sentimenti  di  riconoscenza  eterna  per  la  protezione  e  I'aiuto 
di  Vostra  Maesta  saranno  conservati  devotamente  nell'anima  di 
tutti  i  Serbi. 


552  PARTE  TERZA 


VI 

La  dichiarazione  di  guerra  del  governo  austriaco  al- 
ia Serbia  (27  luglio  1914).  II  proclama  deirimpera- 
tore  Francesco  Giuseppe  ai  suoi  popoli  (28  luglio  1914). 
Lo  zar  Nicola  II  telegrafa  urgentemente  (29  luglio  1914) 
a  Guglielmo  II  imperatore  di  Germania,  pregandolo  di 
scongiurare  la  guerra.  La  risposta  e  le  pubbliche 
dichiarazioni  di  Guglielmo  II  (31  luglio  1914). 

Ma  rirremovibile  proposito  del  governo  austriaco 
veniva  annunziato  il  27  luglio  1914  con  questa  comunica- 
zione  del  governo  stesso  alle  Potenze  europee: 

Per  mettere  fine  alle  mene  sovversive  partenti  da  Belgrade  e 
dirette  contro  I'integrita  territoriale  della  Monarchia  austro- 
ungarica,  il  Governo  imperiale  e  reale  ha  fatto  pervenire  in  data 
23  luglio  1914  al  Governo  reale  di  Serbia  una  Nota  nella  quale  si 
trovava  formulata  una  serie  di  domande  per  I'accettazione  delle 
quali  un  termine  di  48  ore  era  stato  accordato  al  Governo  reale. 
II  Governo  reale  non  avendo  risposto  a  questa  Nota  in  modo  soddi- 
sfacente,  il  Governo  imperiale  e  reale  si  trova  nella  necessita  di 
provvedere  esso  stesso  alia  difesa  dei  suoi  diritti  e  dei  suoi  interessi, 
e  di  ricorrere  a  tale  effetto  alia  forza  delle  armi. 

L'Austria-Ungheria,  che  ha  indirizzato  contemporaneamente 
alia  Serbia  una  dichiarazione  formale,  in  conformita  dell'articolo 
1°  della  Convenzione  del  18  ottobre  1907,  relativa  all'apertura 
delle  ostilita,si  considera  daquesto  momento  in  istato  di  guerra  con 
la  Serbia. 

L'indomani  —  28  luglio  1914  —  I'imperatore  Francesco 
Giuseppe  lanciava  da  Vienna  un  proclama,  nel  quale,  tra 
I'altro,  diceva  ai  "suoi"  popoli: 

II  mio  piu  grande  desiderio  fu  sempre  quello  di  consacrare  gli 
anni,  che  la  grazia  di  Dio  ancora  mi  riserva,  alle  opere  di  pace,  e  di 
preservare  i  miei  popoli  dai  gravi  sacrifici  e  dagli  oneri  della  guerra. 
Ma  la  Provvidenza  ha  deciso  altrimenti.  La  condotta  d'un  avver- 
sario  pieno  d'odio  mi  obbliga,  per  difendere  I'onore  della  mia 
Monarchia,  per  proteggere  la  sua  autorita  e  la  sua  potenza,  per 
garantire  la  sua  posizione,  a  prendere  in  mano  la  spada,  dope 
lunghi  anni  di  pace. 


LO  SCOPPIO  DELLA  GRANDE   GUERRA       553 

Mi  vedo  costretto  a  crearmi  con  la  forza  le  garanzie  indispensa- 
bili  che  devono  assicurare  al  mio  Stato  la  calma  aH'interno  e 
la  pace  permanente  airestero. 

Assume  in  quest'ora  grave  tutto  il  peso  della  mia  decisione 
e  la  responsabilita  a  cui  vado  incontro  di  fronte  all'onnipotente 
Iddio.  Ho  tutto  esaminato  e  tutto  studiato.  In  tutta  coscienza 
m'impegno  nella  via  che  m'e  mostrata  dal  dovere.  Ho  fiducia 
nel  mio  popolo  che  durante  tante  tempeste  si  e  sempre  riunito 
intorno  al  mio  trono;  ho  fiducia  nell'esercito  dell'Austria-Ungheria 
animato  da  sentimenti  di  valore  e  di  devozione.  Ho  fiducia 
nell'onnipotente  Iddio,  che  dara  ai  miei  eserciti  la  vittoria. 

II  29  luglio  1914  lo  zar  Nicola  II  telegrafava  a  Guglielmo 
II  imperatore  di  Germania: 

In  questo  momento  tanto  grave  ti  supplico  d'aiutarmi.  Una 
guerra  vile  e  stata  dichiarata  contro  un  paese  debole.  In  Russia 
lo  sdegno,  ch'io  condivido,  e  enorme.  Prevedo  che  ben  tosto 
non  potro  piii  resistere  alia  pressione  esercitata  su  di  me,  e  saro 
costretto  a  prendere  delle  misure  che  condurranno  alia  guerra 
europea.  Ti  prego,  in  nome  della  nostra  vecchia  amicizia,  di 
fare  tutto  il  possibile  per  impedire  al  Tuo  alleato  d'andare  troppo 
oltre. 

Ma  Guglielmo  II  rispose  insistendo  che  I'Austria  aveva 
agito  bene,  che  bisognava  restringere  il  conflitto  tra  I'Austria 
e  la  Serbia,  che  in  tutti  i  casi  la  Germania  sarebbe  stata  con 
la  sua  alleata  Austria. 

Gli  avvenimenti  non  potevano  che  aggravarsi  e  precipi- 
tare  rapidissimamente. 

Guglielmo  II  a  Berlino,  nel  pomeriggio  del  31  luglio 
1914  —  quando,  acclamato  da  immensa  folia  commossa, 
fu  costretto  ad  afFacciarsi  al  balcone  del  castello  impe- 
riale  con  a  fianco  I'imperatrice,  il  principe  ereditario  e  la 
moglie  di  costui,  il  cancelliere  e  i  piii  alti  personaggi  di  Corte — 
pronunzio  queste  parole: 

Una  difficile  ora  e  oggi  piombata  sulla  Germania.  Da  tutte 
le  parti  ci  costringono  con  mio  rammarico  ad  una  giusta  difesa, 
obbligandoci  a  prendere  le  armi.  Se  all'ultim'ora  gli  sforzi 
nostri  non  riusciranno  a  indurre  i  nostri  avversari  a  ravvedersi 
e  a  mantenere  la  pace  ch'io  ho  cercato  per  25  anni,  spero  che  noi, 
con  I'aiuto  di  Dio,  snuderemo  la  spada,  e  spero  che  la  rinfodereremo 
con  onore. 


554  PARTE  TERZA 

Voi  dovrete  sopportare  enormi  sacrifizi  di  sangue  e  di  benessere, 
ma  li  sopporterete,  io  lo  so:  ed  ai  nostri  avversari  mostreremo  che 
cosa  significhi  aggredire  la  Germania. 

10  vi  raccomando  a  Dio.  Andate  nelle  chiese  e  pregate  il 
Signore  perche  conceda  la  vittoria  all'esercito  tedesco  e  alia 
causa  tedesca. 

11  1°  agosto  1914  la  Germania  dichiarava  guerra  alia 
Russia. 

11  3  agosto  1914  la  Germania  dichiarava  guerra  alia 
Francia. 

II  3  agosto  1914  la  Germania  dichiarava  guerra  al 
Belgio. 

VII 

II  trattato  della  Triplice  Alleanza  stipulate  tra  i  governi 
d'ltalia,  Austria  e  Germania  (1882-1912).  Gli  articoli 
3,  4  e  7  del  trattato  stesso. 

Quando  nel  settembre  1877  Francesco  Crispi,  non  ancora, 
fino  a  quel  momento,  salito  al  governo  d'ltalia,  s'incontro  a 
Wildbad  col  principe  di  Bismarck  e  accenno  a  un'alleanza 
difensiva  possibile  tra  la  Germania  e  I'ltalia,  e  tocco  della 
complicata  "Questione  Orientale",  si  sent!  rispondere  dal 
cancelliere  di  ferro:  *'Se  I'Austria  si  prendera  la  Bosnia, 
ritalia  si  prenda  I'Albania  o  qualche  altra  terra  turca  sul- 
I'Adriatico". 

L'anno  dopo  (1878),  I'Austria,  seguendo  la  decisione  del 
Congresso  di  Berlino,  si  "prese"  la  Bosnia;  ma  I'ltalia  non 
si  "prese"  I'Albania. 

Invece,  il  31  ottobre  1881,  Umberto  I  di  Savoia,  accom- 
pagnato  dalla  regina  Margherita  a  dai  ministri  Depretis  e 
Mancini,  ando  improvvisamente  "per  motivi  di  politica 
estera"  a  visitare  I'imperatore  Francesco  Giuseppe  a  Vienna. 

E  il  20  maggio  1882  i  governi  d'ltalia,  d'Austria  e  di 
Germania  stipulavano  il  famoso  trattato  della  Triplice  Al- 
leanza, che  fu  poi  rinnovato  nel  1887,  nel  1897,  "^1  ^9°^  ^» 
infine,  nel  1912  per  altri  dodici  anni. 

Avvenuta  la  sottoscrizione  del  trattato,  il  principe  di 


TRIPLICE  ALLEANZA  555 

Bismarck,  in  un  discorso  da  lui  pronunciato  al  Parlamento 
germanico  nella  tornata  del  12  giugno  1882,  si  epresse  cosi: 

Noi  siamo  ora  uniti  e  alleati,  o  signori,  con  due  grandi  monar- 
chic —  ritalia  e  I'Austria  —  le  quali  difendono  i  nostri  interessi 
e  vogliono  la  pace  come  noi  la  vogliamo. 

Dai  documenti  pubblicati  dopo  lo  scoppio  della  grande 
guerra,  risulto  che  il  trattato  della  Triplice  Alleanza  stipulate 
tra  ritalia,  I'Austria  e  la  Germania  nel  1882,  e  rinnovato 
I'ultima  volta  nel  1912  per  altri  dodici  anni,  conteneva,  tra 
I'altro,  tre  articoli  (gli  articoli  3,  4  e  7),  i  quali  erano  del 
seguente  tenore: 

Articolo  3.  Qualora  una  o  due  delle  Potenze  contraenti, 
senza  diretta  provocazione  da  parte  loro,  fossero  attaccate  da  due 
o  piu  grandi  Potenze  non  firmatarie  del  presente  trattato  e  si 
trovassero  con  queste  Potenze  in  guerra,  sorgerebbe  immediata- 
mente  il  casus  foederis  per  tutt'e  tre  le  Potenze  contraenti. 

Articolo  4.  Qualora  una  grande  Potenza  non  firmataria  del 
presente  trattato  minacciasse  la  sicurezza  nazionale  di  una  delle 
tre  Potenze  contraenti,  e  la  nazione  minacciata  fosse  per  tal 
modo  costretta  a  dichiarare  la  guerra,  le  altre  due  Potenze  si 
obbligano  a  mantenere  verso  la  loro  alleataunaneutralita  benevola. 
Ognuna  di  esse,  pero,  se  lo  credera  conveniente,  potra  partecipare 
alia  guerra  per  fare  causa  comune  con  I'alleata. 

Articolo  7.  L'Austria  e  I'ltalia,  nell'intento  di  mantenere  lo 
statu  quo  in  Oriente,  s'obbligano  di  adoperarsi  con  tutta  la  loro 
influenza  per  evitare  qualsiasi  mutamento  territoriale  dannoso 
all'una  o  all'altra  delle  Potenze  contraenti.  Esse  si  daranno 
reciprocamente  tutte  le  informazioni  atte  a  chiarire  le  intenzioni 
rispettive,  come  pure  quelle  delle  altre  Potenze.  Se  tuttavia  si 
desse  il  caso  che  nel  corso  degli  avvenimenti  il  mantenimento 
dello  statu  quo  nel  territorio  dei  Balcani  e  suUe  coste  e  nelle  isole 
ottomane  dell'Adriatico  e  dell'Egeo  divenisse  impossibile  e  che  — 
sia  in  conseguenza  dell'azione  d'una  terza  Potenza,  sia  per  altre 
cause  —  I'Austria  e  I'ltalia  fossero  costrette  a  mutare  lo  statu  quo 
con  un'occupazione  temporanea  o  permanente  da  parte  loro, 
questa  occupazione  potra  avvenire  soltanto  dopo  precedenti  ac- 
cordi  tra  le  due  Potenze  in  base  al  principiodi  un  reciproco  consen- 
so  '   per  tutti   i   vantaggi  territoriali  o  d'altra  specie  che  I'una 

'  Qualche  pubblicazione  dice:   "  basati  sul  principio  di  un  reciproco  compenso". 


556  PARTE   TERZA 

o  Taltra  venisse  a  conseguire  oltre  al  presente  statu  quo  e  in  modo 
da  soddisfare  gl'interessi  e  le  pretese  giustificate  d'ambo  le  parti. 


VIII 

Come  il  govemo  d' Austria,  con  la  sua  noiSi- ultimatum 
del  23  luglio  1914  e  la  conseguente  dichiarazione  di 
guerra  del  27  luglio  1914  alia  Serbia,  violo  il  trattato 
della  Triplice  Alleanza  ai  danni  dell'Italia. 

II  Giornale  d' Italia  (il  grande  quotidiano  ufficioso  di 
Roma)  in  data  i°  agosto  1914  pubblicava: 

Durante  la  gravissima  crisi  provocata  dalla  notz-ultimatum 
deH'Austria  alia  Serbia,  il  Governo  italiano  lavoro  attivamente, 
tenendosi  specialmente  in  contatto  col  Governo  inglese,  per 
evitare  le  complicazioni  europee  e  mantenere  la  pace.  Purtroppo 
I'azione  pacificatrice  italo-inglese  non  riusci  nell'intento,  e  di 
giorno  in  giorno  le  probabilita  d'una  conflagrazione  europea  si 
fecero  maggiori,  sicche  il  Governo  italiano  dovette  considerare 
la  situazione  che  in  un  eventuale  conflitto  sarebbe  stata  fatta 
airitalia,  e  si  trovo  Concorde  nel  considerare  alcuni  punti,  che  si 
possono  riassumere: 

1°.  La  notz-ultimatum  dell'Austria  alia  Serbia  fu  comunicata 
al  Governo  italiano  dopo  ch'era  stata  gia  comunicata  al  Governo 
serbo,  sicche  non  vi  fu  da  parte  della  Cancelleria  di  Vienna  ne 
alcun  preavviso,  ne  alcuna  trattativa  col  Gabinetto  di  Roma,  circa 
la  gravissima  decisione  che  immediatamente  ebbe  una  portata 
europea. 

2°.  Una  delle  caratteristiche  fondamentali  del  trattato  della 
Triplice  Alleanza  e  che  nessuna  delle  alleate  possa  intraprendere 
un'azione  nei  Balcani  senza  preventivamente  accordarsi  con  le 
altre  alleate.  Ora,  un  tale  preventivo  accordo  fra  I'Austria  e 
ITtalia  non  vi  fu. 

3°.  La  Triplice  Alleanza  ha  carattere  difensivo,  non  aggres- 
sivo,  e  non  puo  obbligare  gli  alleati  a  seguire  quello  di  essi  che 
intendesse  intraprendere  per  proprio  conto  e  senza  preventiva 
intesa  un'azione  aggressiva,  com'e  appunto  quella  dell'Austria 
contro  la  Serbia. 

4°.  Interesse  fondamentale  dell'Italia  e  che  I'equilibrio 
balcanico  risultante  dalle  recenti  guerre  neU'Oriente  europeo  non 


LA  NEUTRALITA   DELL'ITALIA  557 

venga  turbato,  e  continui  invece  a  prevalere  il  concetto:  i  Balcani 
ai  popoli  balcanici.  Ora,  I'azione  militare  dell'Austria  contro  la 
Serbia  —  tuttoche  la  Cancelleria  di  Vienna  abbia  dichiarato  di 
non  aver  mire  territoriali  —  e  invece  tale  da  poter  provocare  un 
mutamento  dell'equilibrio  suddetto. 

5°.  L'ltalia,  non  essendo  stata  preavvisata  di  quanto  I'Au- 
stria  stava  per  intraprendere,  non  pote  prendere,  nell'eventualita 
di  prevedibilissime  complicazioni  europee,  neanche  talune  pre- 
cauzioni  necessarie  per  la  tutela  dei  propri  piu  vitali  interessi. 

Su  questi  punti  sostanziali  il  Consiglio  dei  ministri  d'ltalia 
tenutosi  il  i°  agosto  1914  si  trovo  d'accordo.  Del  resto  il  Governo 
italiano  non  aveva  mancato  di  far  conoscere  ai  Governi  di  Vienna 
e  di  Berlino  il  proprio  punto  di  vista,  assicurando  che  l'ltalia 
avrebbe  bensi  tenuto  in  qualunque  caso  un  atteggiamento  ami- 
chevole  verso  le  AUeate,  ma  osservando  che  I'improvvisa  e  non 
concertata  azione  dell' Austria  contro  la  Serbia  non  poteva  imporre 
all'Italia  I'obbligo  di  seguire  I'Austria  dovunque,  e  che  I'obiettivo 
dell'Italia  era  essenzialmente  pacifico. 

La  sera  del  2  agosto  1914  lo  stesso  Giornale  d'ltalia 
pubblicava: 

Questa  mattina,  poco  prima  di  mezzogiorno,  I'ambasciatore 
germanico  a  Roma,  barone  von  Flotow,  s'e  recato  dal  nostro 
ministro  degli  esteri  alia  Consulta,  e  gli  ha  comunicato  che  la 
Germania  aveva  dichiarato  guerra  alia  Russia.  II  marchese  di 
San  Giuliano,  ministro  degli  esteri  d'ltalia,  ha  preso  atto  della 
comunicazione  e  ha  dichiarato  che  I'ltaHa,  ispirandosi  alio  spirito 
e  alia  lettera  del  trattato  della  Triplice  Alleanza,  non  ritiene  che 
I'attuale  conflitto,  cosi  com'e  sorto  e  s'e  svolto,  possa  costituire  il 
casus  foederis  per  la  partecipazione  dell'Italia  al  conflitto  stesso. 
Quindi  I'onorevole  di  San  Giuliano  ha  soggiunto  che  l'ltalia  man- 
terra  la  piu  rigorosa  neutralita. 


IX 

La  dichiarazione  di  neutralita  dell'Italia   (4  agosto 
1914). 

II  4  agosto  1914  la  Gazzetta  Ufficiale  del  Regno  d'ltalia 
pubblicava: 

II  Consiglio  dei  ministri  d'ltalia  ha  deliberate  il  testo  seguente 
della  dichiarazione  di  neutralita: 


558  PARTE  TERZA 

Trovandosi  alcune  Potenze  d'Europa  in  istato  di  guerra,  ed  essendo 
r Italia  in  istato  di  pace  con  tutte  le  parti  belligeranti,  il  Governo  del 
Re  e  i  cittadini  e  sudditi  del  Regno  hanno  Vobhligo  di  osservare  i 
doveri  della  neutralitd,  secondo  le  leggi  vigenti  e  secondo  i  principi 
del  diritto  internazionale. 

Chiunque  violerd  questi  doveri  suhird  le  coyiseguenze  del  propria 
operato  e  incorrerd,  quando  sia  il  caso,  nelle  pene  dalla  legge  sancite. 

Tale  proclamazione  di  neutralita  fu  concordemente 
approvata  dai  socialisti,  dai  repubblicani,  dai  radicali,  dai 
democratici,  dai  progressisti  e  da  molti  del  partito  costi- 
tuzionale  liberale,  per  ragioni  pacifiste  astratte  dottrinarie 
di  principi,  per  ragioni  di  partito  e  per  gravitazione  storica 
del  loro  contenuto  sentimentale  e  massonico  contro  I'Austria 
cattolica,  contro  il  militarismo  germanico,  contro  la  Triplice 
Alleanza,  per  la  preoccupazione  delle  condizioni  finanziarie 
economiche  apparse  molto  delicate  per  lo  Stato  e  per  il 
paese  dopo  I'impresa  di  Libia  che  aveva  portato  al  Tesoro 
pubblico  un  aggravio  —  da  fronteggiare  con  tributi  nuovi 
e  con  rincrudimento  di  tributi  vecchi  —  non  inferiore  ad 
un  miliardo  di  lire.  Fu  approvata  da  cittadini  d'ogni  specie 
non  partecipanti  alle  passioni  in  un  sense  o  nell'altro  dei 
partiti,  non  rappresentativi,  non  agitantisi,  per  contra- 
rieta  in  genere  alia  guerra  e  ad  imprese  avventurose,  per  il 
desiderio  —  nell'interesse  generale  della  nazione  —  d'un 
lungo  periodo  di  pace  e  di  fecondo  lavoro.  Fu  invece 
riprovata  e  combattuta  dai  fautori  non  certo  numerosi 
deirintervento  immediato  a  fianco  della  Germania  e  del- 
I'Austria,  dai  triplicisti  ad  oltranza  (liberali,  moderati, 
conservatori,  nazionalisti  giovani),  perche  convinti,  questi, 
della  necessita  da  parte  del  popolo  italiano  d'afFrontare 
in  Europa  il  cimento  della  guerra,  alio  scopo  di  portare  la 
nazione  al  conseguimento  dei  suoi  confini  naturali  da 
ogni  parte  e  alia  sua  maggiore  e  naturale  espansione  sui 
mari  circostanti,  e  prepararle  cosi  un  piii  proficuo,  un  piii 
sicuro,  un  piu  degno  avvenire  nel  mondo. 


LA  DENUNZIA  IL  TRATTATO  559 


X 

II  governo  d'ltalia,  in  data  3  maggio  1915,  denunzia  il 
trattato  della  Triplice  AUeanza. 

Ma  se  la  grande  maggioranza  degl'Italiani  era  stata  per 
la  neutralita  durante  il  1914,  nel  191 5  essa  fu  per  la  guerra. 

In  data  3  maggio  191 5  il  barone  Sydney  Sonnino,  mini- 
stro  degli  affari  esteri  d'ltalia,  faceva  presentare  daU'amba- 
sciatore  italiano  a  Vienna  la  seguente  nota  al  ministro 
degli   affari  esteri  d'Austria-Ungheria: 

L'alleanza  tra  1' Italia  e  rAustria-Ungheria  s'affermo,  fin  dalle 
sue  origini,  come  un  elemento  e  una  garanzia  di  pace,  e  miro 
prima  di  tutto  alio  scopo  principale  della  difesa  comune. 

In  presenza  degli  ulteriori  avvenimenti  e  della  nuova  situa- 
zione  che  ne  risulto,  i  Governi  dei  due  paesi  dovettero  proporsi 
un  altro  scopo  non  meno  essenziale,  e  nel  corso  dei  rinnovamenti 
successivi  del  trattato,  essi  s'adoperarono  a  salvaguardare  la  con- 
tinuazione  della  loro  alleanza,  stipulando  il  principio  degli  accordi 
preliminari  relativamente  ai  Balcani,  alio  scopo  di  conciliate 
gl'interessi  e  le  tendenze  divergenti  delle  due  Potenze. 

£  pill  che  evidente  che  tali  stipulazioni,  osservate  lealmente, 
sarebbero  hastate  a  fornire  una  base  solida  per  un'azione  comune 
e  feconda.  Al  contrario,  TAustria-Ungheria,  durante  Testate  del 
1914,  senza  prendere  nessun  accordo  con  I'ltalia,  senza  fade  per- 
venire  neppure  il  minimo  avviso  e  non  tenendo  alcun  conto  dei 
consigli  di  moderazione  che  le  furono  dati  dal  Governo  Reale, 
notified  alia  Serbia  Vultimatum  del  23  luglio  1914  che  fu  la  causa 
e  il  punto  di  partenza  della  presente  conflagrazione  europea. 

L'Austria-Ungheria,  negligendo  le  obbligazioni  derivanti  dal 
trattato  d'alleanza,  turbo  profondamente  lo  statu  quo  balcanico 
e  creo  una  situazione  dalla  quale  essa  sola  era  chiamata  a  profit- 
tarne,  a  detrimento  degl'interessi  di  grandissima  importanza  che 
la  sua  alleata  aveva  tante  volte  affermati  e  proclamati. 

Una  violazione  cosi  flagrante  della  lettera  e  dello  spirito  del 
trattato,  non  solamente  giustifico  il  rifiuto  dell'Italia  di  schierarsi  a 
fianco  degli  alleati  in  una  guerra  provocata  senza  il  suo  consenso, 
ma  tolse  nel  medesimo  tempo  all'alleanza  il  suo  contenuto  essen- 
ziale e  la  sua  ragione  d'essere. 

La  condizione  stessa  della  neutralita  benevola  prevista  dal 


560  PARTE  TERZA 

trattato  si  trovo  compromessa  per  siffatta  violazione.  La  ragione 
e  il  sentimento,  infatti,  si  trovano  concordi  nello  escludere  che  la 
neutralita  benevola  possa  essere  mantenuta  quando  uno  degli 
alleati  prende  le  armi  per  la  realizzazione  d'un  programma  dia- 
metralmente  opposto  agl'interessi  vitali  dell'altro  alleato,  interessi, 
la  cui  salvaguardia  costituisce  la  ragione  principale  dell'alleanza 
stessa. 

Cio  non  pertanto  I'ltalia  si  sforzo  per  parecchi  mesi  di  creare 
una  situazione  favorevole  al  ristabilimento  tra  i  due  Stati  di 
quei  rapporti  amichevoli  che  costituiscono  il  fondamento  essen- 
ziale  di  ogni  cooperazione  nel  dominio  della  politica  generale. 

Con  questo  scopo  e  con  questa  speranza  il  Governo  Reale 
si  dichiaro  disposto  a  prestarsi  ad  un  accomodamento  che  avesse 
per  base  la  soddisfazione  in  una  misura  equa  delle  legittime  aspira- 
zioni  nazionali  dell'Italia  e  che  fosse  servito  nello  stesso  tempo  a 
ridurre  la  disparita  esistente  nella  situazione  reciproca  dei  due 
Stati  nell'Adriatico. 

Senonche  questi  negoziati  non  dettero  alcun  risultato  ap- 
prezzabile.  Tutti  gli  sforzi  del  Governo  Reale  furono  frustrati 
dalla  resistenza  del  Governo  Imperiale  e  Reale,  il  quale  dopo 
parecchi  mesi  soltanto  si  decise  a  riconoscere  gl'interessi  speciali 
dell'Italia  su  Vallona  e  a  promettere  un'insufficiente  concessione 
di  territori  nel  Trentino,  concessione  che  non  garantiva  in  verun 
modo  ne  dal  punto  di  vista  politico,  ne  dal  punto  di  vista  militate 
I'andamento  normale  della  situazione.  Inoltre  la  detta  concessione 
non  doveva  avere  la  sua  esecuzione  che  ad  un'epoca  indeterminata, 
vale  a  dire  alia  fine  della  guerra. 

In  tale  state  di  cose  il  Governo  italiano  deve  rinunziare  alia 
speranza  di  pervenire  ad  un  accordo,  e  si  vede  costretto  a  ritirare 
tutte  le  sue  proposte  d'accomodamento. 

£  inutile  mantenere  all'alleanza  un'apparenza  formale,  la 
quale  non  sarebbe  destinata  che  a  dissimulare  la  realta  d'una 
sfiducia  continua  e  di  contrasti  quotidiani. 

£  per  questo  che  I'ltalia,  fiduciosa  nel  suo  buon  diritto,  afferma 
e  proclama  ch'essa  riprende  fin  da  ora  la  sua  piena  liberta  d'azione, 
come  fin  da  ora  e  per  sempre  dichiara  nuUo  e  privo  d'effetti  il 
trattato  d'alleanza  con  I'Austria-Ungheria. 

SONNINO. 


IL  GOVERNO  AL  PARLAMENTO       561 


XI 

Antonio  Salandra  presidente  del  Consiglio  dei  ministri 
d'ltalia,  nella  storica  seduta  del  Parlamento  nazionale  a 
Roma  (20  maggio  1915),  espone  le  ragioni  per  le  quali 
il  governo  italiano  e  costretto  a  dichiarare  guerra  al- 
1' Austria. 

II  20  maggio  191 5,  nella  storica  seduta  del  Parlamento 
nazionale  italiano  a  Roma,  Antonio  Salandra,  primo 
ministro  del  Regno  d'ltalia,  presentando  un  disegno  di 
leggi  "per  il  conferimento  al  Governo  del  Re  di  poteri 
straordinari  in  caso  di  guerra",  pronunciava  il  seguente 
discorso: 

Onorevoli  CoUeghi! 

Sin  da  quando  risorse  ad  unita  di  Stato,  I'ltalia  si  afFermo,  nel 
mondo  delle  nazioni,  quale  fattore  di  moderazione,  di  concordia 
e  di  pace;  e  fieramente  essa  puo  proclamare  d'avere  adempiuto 
a  tale  missione  con  una  fermezza  che  non  s'e  piegata  neppure 
dinanzi  ai  piu  penosi  sacrifici. 

NeU'ultimo  periodo  piii  che  trentenne,  essa  ha  mantenuto  un 
sistema  di  alleanze  e  di  amicizie,  dominata  precipuamente  dall'in- 
tento  di  meglio  assicurare  per  tal  modo  Tequilibrio  europeo  e, 
con  esso,  la  pace. 

Per  la  nobilta  di  quel  fine,  I'ltalia  non  soltanto  ha  tollerato 
I'insicuiezza  delle  sue  frontiere,  non  soltanto  ha  subordinato  ad 
esso  le  sue  piu  sacre  aspirazioni  nazionali,  ma  ha  dovuto  assistere, 
con  represso  dolore,  ai  tentativi  metodicamente  condotti  di 
sopprimere  quei  caratteri  d'italianita  che  la  natura  e  la  storia 
avevano  impresso,  indelebili,  su  generose  regioni. 

IJ ultimatum  che  nel  luglio  1914  I'lmpero  austro-ungarico 
dirigeva  alia  Serbia,  annullava  d'un  colpo  gli  efFetti  del  lungo 
sforzo  durato,  violando  il  patto  che  a  quello  Stato  ci  legava.  Lo 
violava  per  il  modo,  avendo  omesso,  non  che  il  preventive  accordo 
con  noi,  persino  un  semplice  avvertimento;  lo  violava  per  la  sostan- 
za,  mirando  a  turbare,  in  danno  nostro,  il  delicato  sistema  di 
possessi  territoriali  e  di  sfere  di  influenza  che  s'era  costituito 
nella  penisola  balcanica. 

Ma  piu  ancora  che  questo  o  quel  punto  particolare,  era  tutto 
lo  spirito  animatore  del  trattato  che  veniva  offeso,  anzi  soppresso; 


562  PARTE  TERZA 

giacche,  scatenando  pel  mondo  la  piu  terribile  guerra  in  contrasto 
coi  nostri  sentimenti  e  coi  nostri  interessi,  si  distruggeva  I'equili- 
brio  che  I'alleanza  doveva  servire  ad  assicurare;  e,  virtualmente, 
ma  irresistibilmente,  risorgeva  il  problema  della  integrazione  na- 
zionale  d'ltalia. 

Pur  nondimeno  per  lunghi  mesi  il  Governo  del  Re  d'ltalia 
s'e  pazientemente  adoperato  nel  cercare  un  componimento  il  quale 
restituisse  all'accordo  la  ragion  d'essere  che  aveva  perduta;  quelle 
trattative,  pero,  dovevano  avere  limiti  non  solo  di  tempo  ma  di 
dignita,  al  di  la  dei  quali  si  sarebbero  compromessi,  insieme, 
gl'interessi  e  il  decoro  del  nostro  paese. 

Per  la  tutela,  dunque,  di  tali  supreme  ragioni,  il  Governo 
del  Re  d'ltalia  si  vide  costretto  a  notificare  al  Governo  Imperiale 
e  Reale  d'Austria-Ungheria,  il  giorno  4  di  questo  mese  di  maggio 
191 5,  il  ritiro  d'ogni  sua  proposta  d'accordo,  la  denunzia  del 
trattato  d'alleanza  e  la  dichiarazione  della  propria  liberta  d'azione. 
Ne,  d'altra  parte,  era  piii  possibile  lasciare  I'ltalia  in  un  isolamento 
senza  sicurta  e  senza  prestigio,  proprio  nel  momento  in  cui  la 
storia  del  mondo  sta  attraversando  una  fase  decisiva. 

Ora,  nel  nome  della  Patria  e  per  la  devozione  ad  essa,  noi 
fervidamente  rivolgiamo  il  piu  commosso  appello  al  Parlamento  e 
al  Paese:  che  tutti  i  dissensi  si  compongano  e  che  su  di  essi,  da 
tutte  le  parti,  sinceramente  discenda  I'oblio. 

I  contrasti  di  partiti  e  di  classi,  le  opinioni  individual!,  in  tempi 
ordinari  rispettabili  sempre,  le  ragioni  stesse,  insomma,  che  dan 
vita  al  quotidiano  fecondo  contrasto  di  tendenze  e  di  principi, 
debbono  oggi  sparire  di  fronte  a  una  necessita  che  supera  ogni 
altra  necessita,  a  un'idealita  che  infiamma  piii  d'ogni  altra  idealita: 
la  fortuna  e  la  grandezza  d'ltalia. 

Ogni  altra  cosa  dobbiamo  da  oggi  dimenticare,  e  ricordar 
questa  sola:  di  essere  tutti  Italiani,  di  amar  tutti  I'ltalia  con  la 
medesima  fede  e  con  il  medesimo  fervore.  Le  forze  di  tutti  s'in- 
tegrino  in  una  forza  sola;  i  cuori  di  tutti  si  rinsaldino  in  un  sol 
cuore;  una  sola  unanime  volonta  guidi  verso  la  meta  invocata; 
e  forza  e  cuore  e  volonta  trovino  la  loro  espressione  —  una,  viva 
ed  eroica  —  nell'esercito  e  nell'armata  d'ltalia  e  nel  Capo  Augusto 
che  li  conduce  verso  i  destini  della  nuova  storia. 


L'ENTRATA   DELL'ITALIA  563 


XII 

La  dichiarazione  di  guerra  del  govemo  d'ltalia 
airimpero  austro-ungarico  (23  maggio  1915). 

II  23  maggio  191 5  il  governo  di  Vittorio  Emanuele  III 
re  d'ltalia,  incitato,  anzi  costretto  dalla  grande  maggioranza 
della  nazione  (quasi  i  nove  decimi),  presentava,  per  mezzo 
del  duca  d'Avarna  ambasciatore  italiano  a  Vienna,  la  se- 
guente  dichiarazione  di  guerra  al  ministro  degli  afFari  esteri 
d'Austria-Ungheria : 

Vienna,  23  maggio  1915. 

Secondo  le  istruzioni  ricevute  da  Sua  Maesta  il  Re,  mio 
augusto  Sovrano,  io  qui  sottoscritto  ho  ronore  di  partecipare  a  Sua 
Eccellenza  il  Ministro  degli  Esteri  d'Austria-Ungheria  la  seguente 
dichiarazione: 

Gid  il  4  del  mese  di  maggio  191 5  vennero  comunicati  al  Governo 
Imperiale  e  Reale  i  motivi  per  i  quali  V Italia,  fiduciosa  nel  suo  buon 
diritto,  ha  considerato  decaduto  il  trattato  d'alleanza  con  VAustria- 
Ungheria  violato  dal  Governo  Imperiale  e  Reale,  lo  ha  dichiarato 
per  I'avvenire  nullo  e  senz'effetto,  ed  ha  ripreso  la  sua  lihertd  d'azione. 

II  Governo  del  Re,  fermamente  deciso  di  assicurare  con  tutti 
i  mezzi  a  sua  disposizione  la  difesa  dei  diritti  e  degli  interessi  ita- 
liani,  non  trascurerd  il  suo  dovere  di  prendere  contro  qualunque 
minaccia  presente  e  futura  quelle  misure  che  vengano  imposte  dagli 
avvenimenti  per  realizzare  le  aspirazioni  nazionali. 

Sua  Maesta  il  Re  dichiara  che  I'ltalia  si  considera  in  istato  di 
guerra  con  V Austria-Ufigheria  da  doniani  {24  maggio  1915)- 

Io  qui  sottoscritto  ho  I'onore  di  comunicare  nello  stesso  tempo 
a  Sua  Eccellenza  il  Ministro  degli  Esteri  austro-ungarico  che  i 
passaporti  vengono  oggi  consegnati  airambasciatore  imperiale  e 
reale  a  Roma. 

Saro  grato  se  vorra  provvedere  a  farmi  consegnare  i  miei. 

Il  Duca  d'Avarna. 


564  PARTE  TERZA 


XIII 


L'imperatore  Francesco  Giuseppe,  in  un  proclama 
diretto  ai  suoi  popoli  il  24  maggio  1915,  accusa  di  tradi- 
mento  Vittorio  Emanuele  III  re  d'ltalia. 

II  giorno  dopo  —  24  maggio  191 5  —  l'imperatore  austro- 
ungarico  Francesco  Giuseppe  pubblicava  il  seguente  pro- 
clama: 

Ai  miei  popoli. 

II  Re  d'ltalia  ci  ha  dichiarato  la  guerra.  Un  tradimento 
quale  la  storia  non  conosce  fu  compiuto  dal  Re  d'ltalia  contro  i 
suoi  due  alleati.  Dopo  un'alleanza  d'oltre  trent'anni,  durante  la 
quale  I'ltalia  pote  ampliare  il  suo  territorio  e  spiegare  un'impensata 
fortuna  di  sviluppo,  I'ltalia  ci  abbandona  e  passa  a  bandiera  spie- 
gata    nel  campo  nemico. 

Noi  non  minacciammo  I'ltalia,  non  diminuimmo  il  suo  prestigio, 
non  intaccammo  ne  i  suoi  beni  ne  i  suoi  interessi;  osservammo 
sempre  i  nostri  doveri  d'alleata  e  le  accordammo  la  nostra  difesa 
quando  ando  in  guerra.  Facemmo  di  piu:  quando  I'ltalia  rivolse 
i  suoi  cupidi  sguardi  sopra  i  nostri  confini,  ci  decidemmo,  per 
mantenere  la  pace  e  I'alleanza,  a  grandi  e  dolorosi  sacrifici  che 
riuscivano  particolarmente  penosi  al  nostro  cuore  paterno.  Ma 
I'avidita  italiana,  che  credeve  di  dovere  sfruttare  il  momento,  fu 
insaziabile.     Si  compia  dunque  il  destino. 

Le  mie  armate,  in  fedele  fratellanza  d'armi  con  quelle  del  mio 
altissimo  alleato,  hanno  sostenuto  vittoriosamente  una  gigantesca 
lotta  di  dieci  mesi  col  potente  nemico  dell'Est. 

II  nuovo  perfido  nemico  del  Sud  non  e  un  ayversario  nuovo. 
I  grandi  ricordi  di  Novara,  Mortara,  Custoza,  Lissa,  che  formano 
I'orgoglio  della  mia  gioventu;  lo  spirito  di  Radetzky,  dell'arciduca 
Alberto  e  di  TegetthofF  ^  che  vive  nel  mio  esercito  e  nella  mia 
armata,  mi  garantiscono  che  sapremo  difendere  con  successo 
anche  a  sud  i  confini  della  Monarchia. 

Saluto  le  mie  truppe  provate  alia  vittoria  e  i  loro  capi,  con 
fiducia  che  il  mio  popolo,  al  cui  mirabile  spirito  di  sacrificio  devo 
la  mia  profonda  gratitudine,  preghi  I'Altissimo  perche  benedica 
la  nostra  bandiera  e  prenda  sotto  la  sua  protezione  la  nostra 
giusta  causa. 

Francesco  Giuseppe. 
'  L'ammiraglio  austriaco  che  a  Lissa  (20  luglio  1866)  vinse  !a  flotta  italiana. 


LE  ACCUSE  GERMANICHE  565 


XIV 

II  "  violento  e  menzognero  "  discorso  pronunziato  dal 
cancelliere  germanico  Bethmann-HoUweg  contro 
I'ltalia  al  Reichstag  di  Berlino  il  28  maggio  1915. 

II  cancelliere  germanico  Bethmann-Hollweg,  nella  seduta 
del  28  maggio  191 5  al  Reichstag  di  Berlino,  pronunzio  il 
seguente  discorso: 

Quando  otto  giorni  or  sono  presi  la  parola,  esisteva  ancora  la 
speranza  che  sarebbe  stato  possibile  evitare  la  guerra  dell'Italia. 
La  speranza  rimase  delusa;  ci  si  rifiutava  di  credere  in  Germania  al- 
ia sola  possibilita  di  un  tale  cambiamento  di  rotta.  Oggi  il  Governo 
Italiano  ha  scritto  per  sempre  nel  libro  della  storia  dei  popoli  a 
lettere  di  sangue  il  suo  atto  sleale. 

Fu,  credo,  Machiavelli  il  quale  disse  un  giorno  che  una 
guerra  necessarin  e  anche  una  guerra  giusta;  ora  questa  guerra 
dell'Italia,  considerata  dal  punto  di  vista  puramente  realista, 
facendo  astrazione  da  ogni  preoccupazione morale,  eessanecessaria? 
Non  e  essa,  piuttosto,  insensata? 

Nessuno,  ne  in  Austria  ne  in  Germania,  minacciava  I'ltalia. 
La  storia  dira  piu  tardi  se  questa  si  e  lasciata  sedurre  dalle  belle 
promesse  dell'Intesa.  L'ltalia  poteva  ottenere  una  serie  di  con- 
cessioni,  delle  quali  ho  dato  recentemente  notizia:  i  territori  del 
Tirolo  e  dell'Isonzo  ove  si  parla  italiano,  I'accoglimento  delle 
rivendicazioni  italiane  a  Trieste,  mani  libere  in  Albania,  il  porto 
di  grande  valore  di  Vallona. 

Perche  I'ltalia  non  accetto  tali  ofFerte?  Pretende  essa  di 
conquistare  il  Tirolo?  Allora  abbasso  le  mani!  Desidera  essa  di 
urtarsi  con  la  Germania,  la  quale  tanto  fece  per  elevarla  al  grado 
di  grande  Potenza  e  dalla  quale  non  e  separata  da  alcuna  di- 
scordanza  d'interessi?  Non  ho  lasciato  sussistere  al  Reichstag 
nessun  dubbio  a  tale  riguardo:  un  attacco  italiano  contro  le 
truppe  austro-ungariche  si  sarebbe  urtato  egualmente  contro 
le  truppe  tedesche. 

Perche  I'ltalia  respinse  le  proposte  austriache?  II  manifesto 
italiano  pubblicato  in  occasione  della  dichiarazione  di  guerra, 
in  cui  la  cattiva  coscienza  viene  dissimulata  sotto  frasi  vuote,  non 
da  alcuna  spiegazione.  Si  e  forse  imbarazzati  a  dichiarare  aperta- 
mente  cio  che  si  diceva  nelle  conversazioni  dei  circoli  parlamen- 


566  PARTE  TERZA 

tari,  e  cioe  che  le  ofFerte  austriache  furono  fatte  troppo  tardi  e 
non  si  doveva  fidarsene?  Che  vuol  dire  cio  in  realta?  Gli  uomini 
di  Stato  italiani  non  avevano  alcun  diritto  di  accordare  la  loro 
fiducia  alia  lealta  della  nostra  Nazione,  soltanto  nella  misura  della 
loro  fedelta  ai  trattati.  La  Germania  dette  la  sua  parola  che  le 
concessioni  austriache  sarebbero  state  realizzate,  percio  non  era  il 
caso  di  diffidare.  Perche  troppo  tardi?  II  4  maggio  191 5  il 
Trentino  non  aveva  cessato  di  essere  cio  che  era  per  I'innanzi, 
e  al  Trentino  venne  ad  aggiungersi  tutta  una  serie  di  concessioni 
alle  quali  non  si  era  pensato  nell'inverno.  Se  era  troppo  tardi, 
non  era  piuttosto  perche  gli  uomini  di  Stato  romani  non  avevano 
avuto  timore,  molto  tempo  prima,  mentre  la  Triplice  Alleanza 
esisteva  ancora  —  alleanza  di  cui  il  re  e  il  governo  d'ltalia  avevano 
formalmente  riconosciuto  I'esistenza  anche  dopo  lo  scoppio  della 
guerra  —  di  compromettersi  cosi  gravemente  con  le  Potenze  della 
Triplice  Intesa  da  non  potersi  piii  liberare  dalla  stretta?  Gia  fin 
dal  dicembre  1914  si  poterono  constatare  gl'indizi  del  cambia- 
mento  del  Gabinetto  romano,  perche  e  sempre  utile  avere  il  ferro 
nel  fuoco.  Del  resto  I'ltalia  non  ha  mai  cessato,  anche  tempo 
addietro,  di  dimostrare  la  sua  predilezione  per  i  giri  di  valzer; 
ma  non  c'e  ora  una  sala  da  ballo,  c'e  un  sanguinoso  campo  di  batta- 
glia  in  cui  la  Germania  e  I'Austria-Ungheria  lottano  per  la  vita 
contro  un  mondo  di  nemici.  Gli  uomini  di  Stato  italiani  gioca- 
rono  contro  il  loro  popolo  lo  stesso  gioco  che  contro  di  noi. 

Indubbiamente  il  paese  di  lingua  italiana  situato  alia  frontiera 
del  nord  era  oggetto  dei  sogni  e  dei  desideri  di  ogni  italiano;  ma  il 
popolo,  nella  sua  grande  maggioranza,  e  la  maggioranza  parla- 
mentare  von  volevano  saperne  afFatto  della  guerra.  Durante  i 
primi  giorni  di  maggio  del  191 5,  secondo  le  osservazioni  del  migliore 
conoscitore  delle  cose  italiane,  il  Senato  (4  maggio  191 5)  e  la 
Camera  dei  deputati  (12  maggio  1915),  compresi  gli  uomini  di 
Stato  i  pill  seri,  erano  ancora  contro  la  guerra. 

Abbiamo  fatto  di  tutto  per  impedire  che  ITtalia  si  distaccasse 
dall'alleanza.  Per  questo  fine  ci  e  toccato  il  compito  ingrato  di 
suggerire  alia  nostra  fedele  alleata,  con  gli  eserciti  della  quale  le 
nostre  truppe  condividono  giornalmente  morte  e  vittoria,  di  com- 
prare  la  fedelta  della  terza  alleata,  cedendole  territori  acquisiti 
da  molto  tempo.  £  noto  che  I'Austria  ando  fine  all'estremo  limite 
delle  concessioni. 

E  il  principe  di  Bulow,  nuovamente  al  servizio  attivo  dellTm- 
pero,  mise  in  opera  con  instancabile  energia  tutta  la  sua  abilita 
diplomatica  e  la  sua  conoscenza  cosi  precisa  degli  uomini  e  delle 


LA   DIFESA   DELL'ITALIA  567 

cose  in  Italia  per  determinare  I'accordo.     Se  anche  il  suo  lavoro 
riusci  vano,  il  popolo  intero  gliene  e  riconoscente  lo  stesso. 


XV 

Antonio  Salandra  presidente  dei  ministri  d'ltalia,  in 
un  solenne  discorso  documentato,  pronunziato  nel 
Campidoglio  a  Roma  il  2  giugno  1915,  difende  I'ltalia  dalle 
accuse  dell'imperatore  austro-ungarico  e  del  cancelliere 
germanico.* 

II  2  giugno  191 5  il  primo  ministro  d'ltalia,  Antonio 
Salandra,  pronunzio  nel  Campidoglio  a  Roma,  nella  gran- 
diosa  sala  degli  Orazi,  il  seguente  memorabile  discorso: 

Occorre  che  della  giustizia  della  nostra  causa,  della  santita 
della  nostra  guerra  gl'Italiani  d'ogni  ceto  abbiano  non  solo,  come 
meravigliosamente  mostrano  d'avere,  la  sensazione  spontanea, 
istintiva,  profonda,  ma  anche  la  persuasione  ragionata.  Occorre 
ne  sia  persuaso  il  mondo  civile. 

Airitalia  e  al  mondo  civile  io  mi  rivolgo,  per  mostrare  non  con 
parole  veementi,  ma  con  fatti  precisi  e  documentati,  come  la 
rabbia  nemica  abbia  invano  tentato  di  sminuire  I'alta  dignita 
morale  e  politica  della  causa  che  le  nostre  armi  faranno  prevalere. 

Parlero  con  la  serena  compostezza  della  quale  ha  dato  no- 
bilissimo  esempio  il  Re  d'ltalia  chiamando  alle  armi  i  suoi  soldati 
di  terra  e  di  mare.^  Parlero  come  debbo,  osservando  il  rispetto 
dovuto  al  mio  grado  e  al  luogo  onde  parlo.  Potro  non  curare  le 
ingiurie  scritte  nei  proclami  imperiali,  reali  e  arciducali.     Poiche 

^  Questo  discorso  fu  pubblicato  neH'ottobre  1915  dai  giornali  nord-americani, 
ma  mutilate  e  travisato  in  piu  parti,  specialmente  nella  parte  documentata. 

^  Vittorio  Emanuele  III  re  d'ltalia,  assumendo  il  comando  supremo  delle 
forze  di  terra  e  di  mare,  emano  il  seguente  ordine  del  giorno: 

"Soldati  di  terra  e  di  mare! 

"L'ora  solenne  delle  rivendicazioni  nazionali  e  suonata. 

"Seguendo  I'esempio  del  mio  Grande  Avo,  assumo  oggi  il  comando  supremo 
delle  forze  di  terra  e  di  mare,  con  sicura  fede  nella  vittoria  che  il  vostro  valore,  la 
vostra  abnegazione,  la  vostra  disciplina  sapranno  conseguire. 

"II  nemico  che  vi  accingete  a  combattere  e  agguerrito  e  degno  di  voi.  Favorito 
dal  terreno  e  dai  sapienti  apprestamenti  dell'arte,  egli  vi  opporra  tenace  resistenza, 
ma  il  vostro  imdomito  slancio  sapra,  di  certo,  superarla. 

"Soldati,  a  voi  la  gloria  di  piantare  il  tricolore  d'ltalia  sui  terreni  sacri  che 
natura  pose  ai  confini  della  Patria  nostra,  a  voi  la  gloria  di  compiere,  finalmente, 
I'opera  con  tanto  eroismo  iniziata  dai  nostri  padri. 

"Gran  Quartiere  Generale,  26  maggio  1915. 

"ViTTORio  Emanuele." 


568  PARTE  TERZA 

parlo  dal  Campidoglio  e  rappresento  in  quest'ora  solenne  il  Popolo 
e  il  Governo  d'ltalia,  io,  modesto  borghese,  mi  sento  di  gran  lunga 
piij  nobile  del  capo  degli  Asburgo-Lorena. 

I  mediocri  uomini  di  Stato,  i  quali  con  temeraria  leggerezza, 
errando  in  tutte  le  loro  previsioni,  appiccarono  nel  luglio  del  1914 
il  fuoco  all'Europa  intera  e  alle  stesse  loro  case,  accorgendosi  ora 
del  nuovo  colossale  errore,  nei  Parlamenti  di  Budapest  e  di  Berlino 
si  sono  sfogati  con  brutali  parole  contro  I'ltalia  e  contro  il  suo 
Governo,  col  fine  evidente  di  farsi  perdonare  dai  loro  concittadini, 
ubriacandoli  con  truci  visioni  di  odio  e  di  sangue.  II  Cancelliere 
deirimpero  germanico  disse  essere  egli  compreso,  se  non  di  odio, 
di  collera.  E  dovette  dire  il  vero;  poiche  egli  ragiono  male,  come 
si  ragiona  negli  accessi  di  furore.  Io  non  saprei,  se  anche  volessi, 
imitare  il  loro  linguaggio.  II  ritorno  atavistico  alia  barbaric 
primitiva  e  piu  difficile  a  noi  che  ne  siamo  di  venti  secoli  piu 
lontani. 

Ma  non  badiamo  alle  parole;  atteniamoci  alle  ragioni  ed  ai 
fatti. 

La  tesi  fondamentale  degli  uomini  di  Stato  deglTmperi  Cen- 
trali  si  racchiude  nelle  due  parole  tradimento  e  sorpresa  rivolte 
airitalia,  tradimento  e  sorpresa  verso  i  suoi  fedeli  alleati.  Sa- 
rebbe  facile  domandare  se  abbia  il  diritto  di  parlare  di  alleanza  e  di 
rispetto  ai  trattati  chi,  rappresentando  con  tanta  minor  genialita 
di  mente  ma  con  uguale  indifferenza  morale  la  tradizione  di  Fe- 
derico  il  Grande  e  di  Ottone  di  Bismarck,  ha  proclamato  che 
necessitd  non  ha  legge,  ed  ha  acconsentito  che  il  suo  paese  calpestas- 
se,  bruciasse,  seppellisse  in  fondo  all'Oceano  tutti  i  documenti  e 
tutte  le  civili  consuetudini  del  diritto  pubblico  internazionale. 

Ma  sarebbe  troppo  facile  e  soltanto  pregiudiziale  argomento. 
Esaminiamo  invece  positivamente  se  gli  alleati  abbiano  il  diritto 
di  dirsi  traditi  e  sorpresi  da  noi. 

Note  da  gran  tempo  erano  le  nostre  aspirazioni,  e  noto  era  il 
nostro  giudizio  sopra  I'atto  di  follia  criminale  pel  quale  essi  — 
gli  alleati  —  scompigliarono  il  mondo  e  tolsero  all'alleanza  stessa 
la  sua  intima  ragione  d'essere. 

II  Libro  Verde  preparato  da  Sidney  Sonnino,  che  piu  d'ogni 
altro  fascicolo  di  documenti  diplomatici  e  penetrato  nella  coscienza 
del  popolo  italiano,  dimostra  le  lunghissime  penose  trattative 
trascinatesi  dal  dicembre  1914  al  maggio  191 5.  Ma  non  e  vero, 
come  artificiosamente  si  tenta  far  credere,  che  il  Ministero,  rico- 
stituitosi  nel  novembre  1914,  mutasse  I'indirizzo  della  nostra 
politica  internazionale. 


LA  DIFESA  DELL'ITALIA  569 

II  Governo  italiano,  la  cui  linea  di  condotta  nonha  mai  mutato, 
giudico  severamente,  al  momento  stesso  che  ne  ebbe  conoscenza, 
I'aggressione  dell'Austria  alia  Serbia,  e  ne  previde  le  conseguenze 
non  prevedute  da  coloro  che  con  tanta  incoscienza  avevano  pre- 
meditate il  colpo. 

Eccone  la  prova. 

Leggero,  perche  si  tratta  di  documenti . 

II  25  luglio  1914  (due  giorni  dopo  che  I'Austria  aveva  consegnato 
la  famosa  notz-ultimatum  alia  Serbia)  il  marchese  di  San  Giuliano, 
ministro  degli  esteri  del  Regno  d'Italia,telegrafava  al  duca  d'Avar- 
na  ambasciatore  italiano  a  Vienna  come  segue: 

Oggi  abbiamo  avuto  una  lunga  conversazione  a  ire  —  il  Pre- 
sidente  del  Consiglio  dei  ministri,  il  signor  Flotow  {ambasciatore 
gernianico  in  Roma)  ed  io  —  che  riassumo  per  informazione  personale 
di  Vostra  Eccellenza  e  per  eventuale  norma  di  linguaggio. 

Abbiamo  —  Salandra  ed  io — fatto  notare  anzitictto  air  am- 
basciatore che  r Austria  non  avrebbe  avuto  il  diritto,  secondo  Io 
spirito  del  trattato  della  Triplice  Alleanza,  di  fare  un  passo  come 
quello  che  ha  fatto  a  Belgrado,  senza  previo  accordo  coi  suoi  alleati. 

V Austria  infatti,  pel  modo  come  la  Nota  alia  Serbia  e  concepiia 
e  per  le  cose  che  domanda,  le  quali,  mentre  sono  poco  efficaci  contro 
il  pericolo  panserbo,  sono  profondamente  offensive  per  la  Serbia 
e  indirettamente  per  la  Russia,  ha  chiaramente  dimostrato  che  vuole 
provocare  una  guerra.  Abbiamo  percio  detto  al  signor  Flotow  che, 
per  tal  modo  di  procedere  deW Austria  e  per  il  carattere  difensivo 
e  conservatore  del  trattato  della  Triplice  Alleanza,  I'ltalia  non  ha 
obbligo  di  venire  in  aiuto  deW Austria  in  caso  che,  per  effetto  di 
questo  suo  passo,  essa  si  trovi  poi  in  guerra  con  la  Russia,  poiche 
qualsiasi  guerra  europea  e  in  questo  caso  conseguenza  di  un  atto  di 
provocazione  e  di  aggressione  dell' Austria. 

Poco  dopo,  il  27  o  28  luglio  1914,  noi  ponemmo  a  chiare  note 
a  Berlino  e  a  Vienna  la  questione  della  cessione  delle  province  italia- 
ne  dell'Austria;  e  dichiarammo  che  se  non  si  ottenessero  adeguati 
compensi  (leggo  le  testuali  parole),  la  Triplice  Alleanza  sarebbe 
stata  irreparabilmente  spezzata. 

La  storia  imparziale  dira  che  I'Austria,  avendo  trovata  I'ltalia 
ostile  nel  luglio  191 3  enell'ottobredello  stesso  anno  ai  suoi  propositi 
di  aggressione  alia  Serbia,  tento  Testate  scorsa  (1914),  d'accordo 
con  la  Germania,  la  via  della  sorpresa  e  del  fatto  compiuto. 

L'esecrando  delitto  di  Serajevo  fu  sfruttato  come  un  pretesto 
un  mese  dopo  ch'era  stato  compiuto.  Lo  prova  il  rifiuto  austriaco 
di  accettare  le  profferte  remissive  della  Serbia.     Ne  al  momento 


570  PARTE  TERZA 

della  conflagrazione  generale  si  sarebbe  contentata  I'Austria 
dell'accettazione  integrale  deW ultimatum.  II  31  luglio  1914  il 
conte  Berchtold  (ministro  degli  esteri  d'Austria-Ungheria) 
dichiarava  al  nostro  ambasciatore  a  Vienna  che,  ove  la  mediazione 
avesse  potuto  essere  esercitata,  non  avrehhe  dovuto  fare  interrompere 
le  ostilitd  gid  iniziate  con  la  Serbia.  Era  la  mediazione  intorno  a 
cui  s'afFaticavano  I'lnghilterra  e  I'ltalia.  In  ogni  caso  il  conte 
Berchtold  non  era  disposto  ad  accettare  la  mediazione  intesa  ad 
attenuare  le  condizioni  indicate  nella  Nota  austro-ungarica,  le  quali 
non  avrehhero  potuto  naturalmente  che  essere  aumentate  alia  fine  della 
gtierra.  D^altra  parte,  se  la  Serbia  si  fosse  decisa  nel  frattempo  di 
aderire  sen'z  altro  alia  Nota  suddetta,  dichiarandosi  pronta  ad  ese- 
guire  le  condizioni  impostele,  cid  non  avrebbe  potuto  indurre  ilGoverno 
Imperiale  e  Reale  a  cessare  le  ostilitd. 

E  non  e  vero  che  I'Austria  s'impegnasse,  come  ha  detto  il 
Presidente  del  Consiglio  ungherese,  a  non  compiere  acquisti 
territoriali  a  danno  della  Serbia,  la  quale,  del  resto,  accettando  tutte 
le  condizioni  impostele,  sarebbe  diventata,  se  anche  territorialmen- 
te  integra,  uno  Stato  vassallo. 

II  30  luglio  1914  I'ambasciatore  austriaco  in  Roma,  Merey, 
disse  al  marchese  di  San  Giuliano  le  seguenti  parole: 

V Austria  non  pud  fare  una  dichiarazione  impegnativa  al  riguar- 
do,  perche  non  pud  prevedere  se,  nel  corso  della  guerra,  non  sard 
obbligata,  contro  la  sua  volontd,  a  conservare  dei  territori  serbi. 

E  il  29  luglio  1914  Berchtold  aveva  fatto  intendere  ad  Avarna 
che  non  sarebbe  stato  disposto  a  prendere  impegno  alcuno  circa 
quanto  gli  aveva  detto  in  ordine  aW eventuale  condotta  deW Austria 
nel  caso  di  conflitto  con  la  Serbia. 

Dov'e  dunque  il  tradimento,  dove  I'iniquita,  dove  la  sorpresa 
se,  dopo  nove  mesi  di  sforzi  vani  per  arrivare  ad  un'intesa  onorevole 
la  quale  riconoscesse  in  equa  misura  i  nostri  diritti  e  tutelasse  i 
nostri  interessi,  noi  riprendemmo  la  nostra  liberta  d'azione  e 
provvedemmo  come  I'interesse  della  Patria  ci  consigliava? 

Sta  invece  in  fatti  che  Austria  e  Germania  credettero  fino 
agli  ultimi  giorni  di  avere  a  fare  con  un'Italia  imbelle,  rumorosa 
ma  non  fattiva,  capace  di  tentare  un  ricatto,  non  mai  di  far  valere 
con  le  armi  il  suo  buon  diritto,  con  un'Italia  che  si  potesse  para- 
lizzare  spendendo  qualche  milione  di  lire  e  frapponendosi  con  in- 
confessabili  raggiri  fra  il  Paese  e  il  Governo. 

Sovrani  e  ministri  hanno  parlato  dell'alleanza,  che  noi  abbiamo 
denunciata  dopo  ch'essi  sostanzialmente  I'avevano  infranta, 
come  di  una  Provvidenza  sotto  le  cui  grandi  ali  I'ltalia  ha  vissuto 


LA  DIFESA  DELL'ITALIA  571 

per  tanti  anni,  si  e  sviluppata  economicamenteesie  territorialmen- 
te  accresciuta.  Non  neghero,  sarebbe  stoltezza,  i  benefici  del- 
Talleanza;  benefici  pero  non  unilateral!,  ma  di  tutti  i  contraenti, 
e  non  forse  piu  di  noi  che  degli  altri.  Perche,  altrimenti,  gl'Imperi 
Centrali  I'avrebbero  voluta  e  rinnovata?  Era  forse  un  sentimen- 
tale,  un  innamorato  del  bel  paese  dove  fiorisce  I'arancio,  il  prin- 
cipe  Ottone  di  Bismarck?  E  furono  forse  in  qualunque  tempo 
teneri  di  noi  i  principi  e  gli  uomini  di  governo  della  Monarchia 
austro-ungarica  ? 

Giova  sapere  in  realta,  e  con  precisione  di  date  e  di  fatti,  come 
abbia  funzionato  I'alleanza  in  questi  ultimi  anni  nel  suo  spirit© 
vero  e  come  abbia  contribuito  al  nostro  unico  ingrandimento 
territoriale  che  fu  I'impresa  di  Libia. 

II  continue  sospetto,  le  intenzioni  aggressive  della  Monarchia 
austro-ungarica  contro  I'alleata  sono  notorie  e  risultano  da  prove 
autentiche. 

II  capo  dello  stato  maggiore  austriaco  generate  Conrad  ha 
sostenuto  sempre  il  concetto  che  la  guerra  contro  V Italia  e  inevita- 
bile,  sia  per  la  questione  delle  province  irredente,  sia  per  la  gelosia 
del  Regno  d" Italia  al  riguardo  di  tutto  cid  che  la  Monarchia  austro- 
ungarica  intraprende  nei  Balcani  e  nel  Mediterraneo  orientale. 

E  altrove: 

V Italia  vuole  estendersi  non  appena  si  sia  preparata;  e  intanto  si 
oppone  a  tutto  cid  che  noi  vogliamo  intraprendere  nei  Balcani.  Ne 
consegue  che  bisogna  batterla  per  aver  noi  le  mani  libere. 

E  deplorava  che  fin  dal  1908  non  si  fosse  attaccata  I'ltalia.^ 

Lo  stesso  Minister©  austriaco  degli  afFari  esteri  riconosceva 
che  nel  partito  militare  dell'Impero  era  diffusa  Vopinione  che  si 
debba  opprimere  in  guerra  il  Regno  d' Italia,  perche  da  questo  viene 
la  forza  d'attrazione  per  le  province  italiane  dell'Impero;  e  che  quindi, 
con  la  vittoria  sul  Regno  d'ltalia  e  il  suo  annientamento  politico^ 
cesserebbe  ogni  speranza  per  gl'irredenti.  Intanto,  fino  al  momenta 
della  guerra,  si  dovrebbero  opprimere  le  province  italiane  col  rigore 
penale  e  con  I'opporsi  ad  ogni  desiderio  riguardante  le  questioni  di 
cultural 

^  A  pie  d'una  relazione  sugli  apparecchi  militari  al  confine  italo-austriaco,  il 
suddetto  generale  Conrad  scrisse: 

"Oh,  perche  non  fui  ascoltato  quando  propugnai  di  attaccare  I'ltalia  nel  1908?" 

In  altri  termini  lo  zelante  capo  dello  stato  maggiore  austro-ungarico  rimpian- 
geva  I'opportunita  di  invadere  I'ltalia,  che  I'Austria  s'era  fatta  sfuggire  allorquando 
ritalia  fu  colpita  daH'orribile  terremoto  calabro-siculo  della  fine  di  dicembre  del 
1908! 

*I1  conte  Berchtold  riconobbe  pur  esso  "la  gravita  del  problema  degl'Italiani 
dell'impero  austriaco",  ma  afFermo  trattarsi  di  un  male  "senza  rimedio".  Invece 
V Armee  Zeitung  confesso  francamente  che  "  bisognava  distruggere  quegritaliani 


572  PARTE   TERZA 

Da  questo  pensiero  risulta  evidente  con  quanta  sincerita  e 
buona  fede  sia  stata  trascinata  per  tanti  anni  la  questione  del- 
rUniversita  italiana  a  Trieste! 

Ed  ora  vediamo  come  gli  alleati  ci  abbiano  alutato  nell'acquisto 
della  Libia. 

Non  diro  se  non  cio  che  risulta  da  documenti. 

Le  operazioni  brillantemente  iniziate  dal  Duca  degli  Abruzzi 
contro  le  torpediniere  turche  raccolte  a  Prevesa  furono  arrestate 
dall'Austria  in  modo  brusco  e  assoluto.  II  conte  Aehrenthal 
(allora  ministro  degli  esteri  d'Austria-Ungheria)  significava  il  i° 
ottobre  191 1  al  nostro  ambasciatore  a  Vienna  che  le  nostre  opera- 
zioni militari  lo  avevano  penosamente  impressionato  e  che  non  si 
poteva  ammettere  che  esse  continuassero;  era  urgente  che  vi  fosse 
posto  termine,  e  che  ordini  fossero  dati  per  impedire  che  esse  avve- 
nissero  di  nuovo  nelle  acque  sia  deWAdriatico  sia  deWIonio. 

Piu  minacciosamente  ancora  il  giorno  dopo  I'ambasciatore  di 
Germania  a  Vienna  informava  confidenzialmente  il  nostro  amba- 
sciatore che  Aehrenthal  lo  aveva  pregato  di  telegrafare  al  propria 
Governo  che  facesse  intendere  al  Governo  italiano  che  se  avesse  con- 
iinuato  nelle  sue  operazioni  navali  neW Adriatic 0  e  neWIonio,  il 
Governo  italiano  avrebhe  avuto  a  che  fare  direttamente  con  V Austria} 

E  non  soltanto  nell'Adriatico  e  nellTonio  I'Austria  paralizzava 
la  nostra  azione.  II  5  novembre  191 1  il  conte  Aehrenthal  in- 
formava il  duca  D'Avarna  di  aver  saputo  che  alcune  navi  da  guerra 
italiane  erano  state  segnalate  nelle  vicinanze  di  Salonicco,  dove 
avrebbero  proceduto  a  proiezioni  a  luce  elettrica,  e  dichiarava  che 
una  nostra  azione  sulle  coste  ottomane  della  Turchia  europea,  come 
sulle  isole  del  Mare  Egeo,  non  avrehhe  potuto  essere  ammessa  ne 
daW Austria  ne  dalla  Germania,  perche  contraria  al  trattato  della 
Triplice  Alleanza. 

per  supreme  ragioni  strategiche,  per  non  trovarsi  ad  avere  elementi  infidi  alle 
spalle  nel  giorno  in  cui  I'Ausfria  avesse  dichiarato  guerra  all'Italia". 

E  dei  preparativi  di  guerra  dell'Austria  contro  I'ltalia,  non  mai  deprecati  dalla 
Germania,  fu  recato  un  giorno  alia  Camera  italiana  in  Roma  un  singolar  documento, 
un  manuale-vocabolario  di  dialoghi  tedesco-italiani  per  uso  dell'escercito  austriaco, 
preordinato  al  piano  d'invasione  dell'Italia  e  garantito  nella  sua  autenticita,  non 
mai  smentita  dal  governo  di  Vienna,  dal  bollo  del  Comando  militate  di  Gratz. 

Si  provvedeva,  nel  detto  manuale-vocabolario,  alia  traduzione  delle  domande  di 
maggiore  urgenza  e  utilita,  per  quando  le  truppe  austriache  avessero  varcato  i 
confini  del  Regno  d'ltalia. 

"Qual'e  Tanimo  dei  soldati  italiani?  Sono  essi  alteri,  baldanzosi,  sfiduciati, 
tristi?" 

"Dove  sono  chiusi  i  denari  erariali?  Dove  stanno  i  deposit!  del  grano,  del  vino, 
dei  viveri?" 

^  Risulto  pcrfino  che  il  governo  austriaco,  per  i  pochi  proiettili  lanciati  allora 
dalle  siluranti  del  Duca  degli  Abruzzi  contro  Prevesa,  mise  le  navi  della  propria 
squadra  in  pressione. 


LA  DIFESA  DELL'ITALIA  573 

Nel  marzo  del  1912  Berchtold,  succeduto  frattanto  ad  Aehren- 
thal,    dichiarava    aH'ambasciatore    di    Germania   in  Vienna   che 

per  cid  che  riguardava  una  nostra  operazione  contro  le  coste  ottomane 
europee  e  le  isole  deWEgeo,  egli  manteneva  il  punto  di  vista  di  Aehren- 
tkal,  secondo  il  quale  quelle  operazioni  erano  considerate  dal  Governo 
Imperiale  e  Reale  contrarie  agfimpegni  da  noi  assunti  con  I'articolo 
7  del  trattato  della  Triplice  Alleanza.  Quanta  alia  nostra  operazione 
contro  i  Dardanelli  S  egli  la  considerava  in  opposizione:  i°.  alia 
promessa  da  noi  fatta  di  non  procedere  ad  alcun  atto  che  potesse 
mettere  a  cimento  lo  statu  quo  dei  Balcani;  2°.  alio  spirito  stesso  del 
trattato  che  si  basava  sul  mantenimento  di  quello  statu  quo. 

Di  poi,  quando  la  nostra  squadra,  trovandosi  all'imboccatura 
dei  Dardanelli,  veniva  bombardata  dai  forti  turchi  di  Kum  Kalessi 
e  rispondeva  danneggiando  i  forti  stessi,  Berchtold  si  lamento 
deH'accaduto,  considerandolo  in  contradizione  delle  promessa 
fatte;  e  dichiaro  che  se  il  Regio  Governo  italiano  desiderava  riprendere 
la  sua  libertd  d'azione,  il  Governo  Imperiale  e  Reale  avrehbe  potuto 
fare  altrettayito.  Aggiunse  che  non  avrebbe  potuto  ammettere  che 
noi  avessimo  fatto  in  avvenire  operazioni  simili  a  quelle  compiute, 
o  in  qualsiasi  modo  in  opposizione  al  suo  punto  di  vista. 

Cosi  pure  ci  fu  impedita  la  disegnata  occupazione  di  Chio.^ 
Non  occorre  rilevare  quante  vite  di  soldati  italiani  e  quanti 
milioni  di  lire  ci  sia  costato  il  persistente  impedimento  ad  ogni 
nostra  azione  risolutiva  contro  la  Turchia,  la  quale  si  sapeva 
protetta  dalle  nostre  alleate  contro  ogni  attacco  alia  sua  parti 
vitali.' 

^  Allude  ad  alcune  torpediniere  italiane  che  riuscirono,  in  quell'anno  1912,  a 
penetrare  nello  Stretto  dei  Dardanelli,  compiendo  un  arditissimo  raid. 

^  Isola  turca  nel  Mare  Egeo. 

'  E  nelle  conferenze  diplomatiche  di  Londra  per  la  guerra  della  Lega  Balcanica 
contro  la  Turchia  (1912-1913),  I'Austria,  "traendo"  seco  I'ltalia,  "impose" 
I'esclusione  del  Montenegro  dalla  conquistata  Scutari  e  la  creazione  di  quella 
Albania  autonoma  e  indipendente,  dove,  nelle  rispettive  zone  d'influenza — a 
Durazzo  I'Austria,  a  Vallona  I'ltalia —  le  due  Potenze  alleate  credevasi  avrebbero 
trovato  il  modo  di  soddisfare  e  far  tacere  alcune  cause  della  loro  innegabile  fatale 
rivalita.  Senonche  le  incessanti  trattative  fra  I'Austria  e  I'ltalia  diedero  ripetuta- 
mente  la  sensazione  della  scarsa  sincerita  dell'Austria  verso  I'ltalia,  specialmente  da 
quando,  nel  marzo  1914,  fu  insediato  sul  trono  della  nuova  Albania  il  tedesco 
principe  Guglielmo  di  Wied,  attorno  al  quale,  non  v'ha  dubbio,  I'Austria  creo 
tutto  un  lavorio  d'intrigo  cattolico-austrofilo-antitaliano,  che  non  fu  I'ultima  causa 
di  quella  pertinace  ribellione  degli  elementi  albanesi-musulmani  guardanti  (naturale 
reazione)  con  simpatia  all'influenza  italiana,  onde  si  vide,  nel  settembre  1914, 
dileguarsi,  tra  il  turbinio  della  piu  grande  guerra,  I'effimera  sovranita  del  principe 
piovuto  in  Albania  dalla  Germania. 

La  lotta  austriaca  nell'Albania  mirava  a  fare  della  costa  albanese  una  barriera 
impenetrabile  ai  traffici  italiani  verso  I'Oreinte. 

E  a  tutto  il  Mediterraneo  italiano  s'estesero  I'invidia  e  la  gara. 

Cosi  quando,  d'accordo  coU'Inghilterra,  I'ltalia   ottenne   nell'Asia  Minora  — 


574  PARTE  TERZA 

Un  altro  rimprovero  che  ci  e  stato  amaramente  fatto  e  di  non 
esserci  accontentati  delle  prodigiose  concessioni  le  quali  ci  furono 
offerte  in  questi  ultimi  tempi. 

Anzitutto  si  potrebbe  domandare:  Queste  concessioni  erano 
offerte  in  buona  fede?  II  sospetto  nasce  leggendo  gli  ultimi 
documenti. 

L'imperatore  Francesco  Giuseppe  ha  detto  che  I'ltalia  guardava 
con  cupidi  sguardi  verso  il  patrimonio  della  sua  Casa. 

II  cancelliere  Bethmann-HoUweg  ha  detto  che  con  queste 
concessioni  s'intendeva  comperare  la  nostra  jedeltd.  E  allora,  o 
signori,  applauditeci  per  non  averle  accettate. 

Ma  guardiamo  tuttavia  alia  sostanza  delle  cose.  Queste 
concessioni,  pur  movendo  dall'ultima  tardiva  edizione  che  pervenne 
nelle  mani  del  Ministro  degli  Esteri  e  mie  dopo  ch'era  stata  tra  le 
mani  di  uomini  politici  e  di  giornalisti  di  varia  provenienza  .  .  .  , 
queste  tardive  concessioni,  se  pure  le  avessimo  potuto  accettare 
per  buone,  non  rispondevano  in  alcun  modo  agli  obiettivi  che  la 
politica  italiana  doveva  proporsi. 

Tali  obiettivi  possono  ridursi  a  tre:  i°.  la  difesa  dell'italianita,  il 
maggiore  nostro  dovere;  2°.  un  confine  militare  sicuro,  che  sostituis- 
se  quello  che  nel  1866  ci  fu  imposto  e  per  il  quale  le  porte  e  le 
sponde  d'ltalia  sono  aperte  ai  nostri  avversari;  3°.  una  posizione 
strategica  nell'Adriatico  meno  malsicura,  meno  infelice  di  quella 
che  abbiamo  e  di  cui  si  vedono  in  questi  giorni  gli  effetti. 

Tutti  questi  vantaggi,  per  noi  essenziali,  ci  erano  sostanzial- 
mente  negati. 

L'offerta,    a   grado   a   grado   accresciuta,   del   Trentino,   non 

arrivava,  non  e  maiarrivata,  all'Alto  Adige,  ed  escludeval'Ampez- 

zano,  quella  Cortina  in  cui  i  nostri  soldati  sono  ora  gloriosamente 

giunti,  nonche  la  parte  superiore,  indubbiamente  italiana,  della 

Val  di  Non,  col  pretesto  per  I'Ampezzano  che  si  trattasse  non  di 

genti  italiane  ma  di  genti  ladine:    come  se  la  differenza  fra  ladini 

e  italiani  non  fosse  infinitamente  minore  che  fra  ladini  e  tedeschi. 

E  noi  non  vi  aspiravamo  per  I'importanza  di  quel  territori,  ma 

perche  col  confine  segnatoci  dall'Austria,  in  cui  potere  sarebbero 

rimaste  le  testate  delle  valli,  avremmo  avuto,  come  prima,  aperte 

le  porte  di  casa  nostra.^ 

a  Adalia  —  una  concessione  ferroviaria,  gli  spettri  degli  alleati  la  seguirono,  Cia- 
scuno  di  essi  secondo  il  suo  metodo:  I'Austria,  che  non  ci  aveva  pensato  mai, 
reclamo  una  zona  accanto  a  quella  dove  avea  da  sorgere  la  ferrovia  italiana;  e  la 
Germania  s'affretto  a  mandarvi  gli  agenti  della  Deutsche  Bank,  i  quali,  col  pretesto 
di  vendere  macchine  agricole,  ccrcarono  d'accaparrarsi  essi  i  terreni  attraverso  i 
quali  doveva  correre  la  linca  ferroviaria  italiana. 

'  A  proposito  del  nuovo  confine  ofFerto  dal  governo  austriaco  all'Italia,  il  pro- 
fessor Gino  Fani  del  Politecnico  di  Torino  fece  notare,  in  una  sua  conferenza,  come 


LA   DIFESA   DELL'ITALIA  575 

Nel  Libro  Verde  si  puo  leggere  un  ingenuo  documento  austriaco 
in  cui  si  dice  press'a  poco:  Noy  questo  non  possiamo  darvelo, 
perche  ci  guasterebbe  il  confine  militare.  Ma  non  si  trattava  di  un 
confine  militare  di  difesa  per  I'Austria,  nel  qual  caso  sarebbe  stata 
giusta  la  pretesa  di  non  lasciarsi  aperta  la  porta  di  casa  sua,  bensi 
di  un  confine  militare  di  ofFesa  per  I'ltalia,  perche  si  trattava  — 
lo  ripeto  —  di  lasciare  aperte  le  porte  di  casa  nostra. 

SuU'Adriatico  nessuna  concessione  ci  fu  mai  offerta,  neanche 
all'ultimo.  E  quando  noi,  col  pianto  nell'anima,  ma  pensando 
che  ogni  massimo  sforzo  si  dovesse  fare  per  evitare  la  guerra,  ci 
piegammo  a  chiedere  come  minimo  che  Trieste  e  una  zona  circo- 
stante  fossero  considerate  non  parte  del  Regno  d'ltalia,  ma  non 
piu  parte  dell'Impero  austriaco  e  fossero  costituite  a  Stato  libero, 
questo  ci  fu  negato,  e  a  Trieste  si  promise  che  cosa?  I'autonomia 
amministrativa! 

Un  altro  punto  importantissimo  della  questione  dibattuta 
fu  quello  della  esecuzione. 

lo  penso  che  cosa  avreste  detto  voi,  voi  Italiani,  che  cosa 
avrebbe  detto  il  nostro  Parlamento  se  noi,  uomini  di  governo,  ci 
fossimo  presentati  annunziando  che  eravamo  in  pieno  accordo  con 
TAustria-Ungheria,  che  avremmo  avuto  una  parte  del  Trentino  e 
qualche  altro  piccolo  lembo  di  terra  non  oltre  ITsonzo,  ma  a  pace 
compiuta.  La  pace  compiuta,  poi,  si  attenuo  con  I'offerta,  nell'ul- 
timissimo  giorno,  della  nomina  di  commission!  miste  le  quali 
avrebbero  studiato  il  confine,  dopo  di  che  sarebbero  venute  le 
ratifiche;  e  dopo,  entro  un  mese  da  queste,  si  sarebbero  occupati 
i  territori.  Quanto  tempo  e  quanti  probabili  cavilli  nell'esauri- 
mento  di  questa  procedural 

Ma  ci  si  oppone  che  dell'esecuzione  non  avremmo  dovuto 
dubitare,  perche  ci  sarebbe  stata  la  guarentigia  della  Germania. 

Supponiamo  questa  guarentigia  data  con  perfetta  intenzione 
di  dimostrarla  efficace.  Supponiamo  che  la  Germania  alia  fine 
della  guerra  sarebbe  stata  in  condizione  di  poter  mantenere  la 
parola  data,  cio  che  non  e  sicuro;  quale  sarebbe  stata  la  nostra 

"questa  nuova  ed  insidiosa  frontiera  costituiva  una  linea  convenzionale  che  lasciava 
sempre  all'Austria  le  teste  delle  nostre  valli  e  quindi  la  possibilita  d'un'invasione 
del  nostro  territorio  con  nessuna  possibilita  di  difesa  quando  fosse  avvenuta  im- 
provvisa  (I'invasione)  e,  comunque,  difficilissima  in  qualsiasi  momento.  Infatti 
le  teste  delle  valli  di  Non,  Avisio,  Cordevole  e  Boite,  nonche  la  grande  strada 
delle  Dolomiti  (Bolzano-Lago),  sarebbero  rimaste  in  mano  dell'Austria,  per  modo 
che,  mentre  avremmo  guadagnato  qualche  nucleo  di  popolazione  italiana,  lasciando 
sempre  fuori  dalla  madre  patria  altri  importanti  nuclei  italiani,  dal  lato  politico 
e  strategico  nulla  avremmo  certo  guadagnato. 

"Cosicche  I'accettazione,  mentre  costituiva  una  definitiva  rinuncia,  continuava 
a  metterci  alia  merce  della  nostra  vicina,  e  aggravava  la  nostra  soggezione." 


576  PARTE  TERZA 

condizione  dopo  questo  accordo?  Si  sarebbe  costituita  una  nuova 
Triplice,  una  Triplice  rinnovata,  ma  in  ben  altre  e  per  noi  inferiori 
condizioni  da  quella  di  prima,  poiche  sarebbe  stata  formata  da  uno 
Stato  sovrano  e  da  due  Stati  sostanzialmente  vassalli. 

II  giorno  in  cui  una  delle  clausole  del  trattato  non  fosse  stata 
eseguita,  il  giorno  in  cui,  dopo  breve  tempo,  dopo  anni,  I'auto- 
nomia  municipale  di  Trieste  fosse  stata  infranta  da  un  qualsiasi 
decreto  imperiale  o  da  un  qualsiasi  luogotenente  austriaco,  a  chi 
avremmo  potuto  rivolgerci?  Avremmo  dovuto  ricorrere  al  co- 
mune  superiore,  alia  Germania. 

Ora,  Signori,  io  voglio  dirvi  che  della  Germania  non  intendo 
parlare  senza  ammirazione  e  senza  rispetto.  Io  sono  Primo 
Ministro  d'ltalia,  non  Cancelliere  tedesco,  e  non  perdo  il  lume  della 
ragione.  Ma,  con  tutto  il  rispetto  dovuto  alia  dotta,  alia  potente, 
alia  grande  Germania,  mirabile  esempio  di  organizzazione  e  di 
resistenza,  in  nome  del  mio  Paese  debbo  dire:  vassallaggio  no, 
protettorato  no,  verso  nessuno. 

II  sogno  dell'egemonia  universale  e  stato  infranto.  II  mondo 
e  insorto.  La  pace  e  la  civilta  dell'umanita  futura  debbono 
fondarsi  sul  rispetto  delle  compiute  autonomic  nazionali,  tra  le 
quali  la  grande  Germania  dovra  vivere  pari  alle  altre,  non  padrona. 

Ma  il  pill  notevole  esempio  dell'orgoglio  smisurato  con  cui 
gli  uomini  che  dirigono  la  politica  dellTmpero  germanico  conside- 
rano  le  altre  nazioni,  si  trae  dal  quadro  che  il  cancelliere  Bethmann- 
Hollweg  ha  fatto  del  mondo  politico  italiano.  Voglio  leggerlo  in 
un  riassunto  piu  completo  di  quelle  che  fu  dato  dai  giornali,  in 
un  riassunto  arrivato  il  giorno  dopo.  Ecco  che  cosa  il  Cancelliere 
germanico  disse  di  noi: 

Gli  uomini  di  Stato  italianifecero  contra  il  loro  popolo  il  medesimo 
giuoco  che  contra  di  noi.  Senza  dubhio  il  possesso  di  territori  di 
lingua  italiana  al  nord  delle  sue  frontiere  era  oggetta  dei  sagni  e  dei 
desideri  d'ogni  italiano.  Ma  il  fatto  e  che  gran  parte  del  popolo 
italiano  e  la  maggioranza  del  Parlamento  non  volevano  saperne  della 
guerra. 

Nei  primi  giarni  di  niaggio  (191 5),  secondo  le  osservazioni  del 
miglior  conoscitore  delle  cose  italiane,  i  quattra  quinti  del  Senate 
e  i  due  terzi  della  Camera  erano  ancora  contra  la  gtierra. 

Tra  essi  si  trovavano  gli  uomini  di  Stato  piu  seri  ed  autorevoli. 
Ma  la  voce  del  buon  sensa  non  era  piu  ascoltata;  soltanto  la  plehaglia 
regnava. 

Con  la  henevola  tolleranza  e  Vappaggia  dei  principali  membri  di 


LA   DIFESA   DELL'ITALIA  577 

un  Gahinetto  rimpinzato  (Voro  dalla  Triplice  Intesa,  il  popolaccio, 
guidato  da  ageyiti  provocatori  senza  scrupoli,  fu  spinto  a  frenesia 
sanguinariay  minacciando  al  Re  la  rivoluzione  e  a  tutti  i  vioderati 
Vassassinio,  se  non  si  fossero  ahbandonati  al  delirio  della  guerra. 

Si  lascio,  per  deliberato  proposito,  ignorare  al  popolo  italiano 
r andamento  dei  negoziati  italiani  con  V Austria  e  la  portata  delle 
concessioni  austriache,  di  guisa  che,  dopo  le  dimissioni  del  Gabinetto 
Salandra,  non  si  trovo  alcuno  che  avesse  il  coraggio  di  accettare  e  di 
formare  un  nuovo  Gabinetto;  e  nel  corso  delle  discussioni  decisive 
nessun  membro  dei  partiti  costituzionali  del  Senato  e  della  Camera 
tento  neppure  di  apprezzare  il  valore  delle  concessioni  cost  estese 
deir Austria.  In  questa  frenesia  di  guerra,  onesti  uomini  politici 
divennero  muti.  Ma  quando,  nel  seguito  delle  operazioni  viilitari, 
come  noi  speriamo  e  desideriamo,  il  popolo  italiano  sard  rientrato 
nel  buon  senso,  riconoscerd  quanto  leggermente  sia  stato  spinto  a 
partecipare  a  questa  guerra  mondiale. 

lo  non  so,  Signori,  se  vi  sia  stata  in  quest'uomo  (Bethmann- 
Hollweg),  accecato  dalla  rabbia,  intenzione  di  ofFendere  per- 
sonalmente  i  colleghi  miei  e  me.  Se  cosi  fosse,  non  lo  rileverei. 
Uomini  noi  siamo  di  cui  conoscete  il  passato,  uomini  che  hanno 
servito  lo  Stato  fino  a  questa  tarda  eta,  uomini  di  fama  inconta- 
minata,  uomini  che  danno  al  paese  la  vita  dei  loro  figli.  Ma  non 
pensate  a  noi.  Ponete  mente  invece  all'ingiuria  atroce  che  quel 
brano  di  prosa  vandalica  scaglia  contro  il  Re,  contro  il  popolo 
d'ltalia,  contro  la  Camera  e  il  Senato,  contro  gli  stessi  uomini 
politici  che  avevano  un'opinione  politica  diversa  dalla  nostra. 
Tutti  muti,  si  disse:   dunque  tutti  vili. 

Le  informazioni  sulle  quali  questo  giudizio  e  fondato,  sono 
attribuite  dal  Cancelliere  dell'Impero  germanico  a  quegli  che  egli 
chiama  il  miglior  conoscitore  delle  cose  italiane.  Forse  allude,  con 
fraterno  desiderio  di  addossargliene  la  responsabilita,  al  principe 
di  Bulow. 

Ora,  o  Signori,  io  voglio  che  delle  intenzioni  del  principe  di 
Bulow  voi  non  abbiate  un  erroneo  apprezzamento;  lo  credo  che, 
animato  da  vera  simpatia  per  il  nostro  Paese,  egli  abbia  fatto  tutto 
quello  che  poteva  per  riuscire  ad  un'intesa.  Ma  quali  e  quanti 
errori  nel  tradurre  in  atto  le  sue  buone  intenzioni!  Egli  suppose 
che  ritalia  potesse  sviarsi  dalla  sua  rotta  per  qualche  milione  di 
lire  male  speso,  per  I'influenza  di  poche  persone  che  hanno  perso  la 
percezione  dell'anima  nazioriale,  per  obliqui  contatti  tentati,  ma 
spero  e  credo  non  riusciti,  con  uomini  politici  italiani. 

Ne  derive  refFetto  opposto.     Un  immense  scoppio  d'indigna- 


578  PARTE  TERZA 

zione  si  accese  in  tutta  ITtalia,  e  non  nel  popolaccio,  ma  nelle 
classi  veramente  piii  elevate,  nei  cuori  piu  nobili,  in  tutti  colore 
che  sentono  la  dignita  della  Nazione,  nella  gioventii  che  e  pronta  a 
dare  all'idealita  della  Patria  il  suo  purissimo  sangue;  uno  scoppio 
di  indignazione  si  accese  al  sospetto  che  un'Ambasciata  straniera 
in  Roma  si  inframmettesse  tra  Governo,  Parlamento  e  Paese. 

In  questo  fuoco  si  fusero  le  discordie  interne,  e  la  Nazione 
tutta  si  rinsaldo  in  una  meravigliosa  unita  morale  che  sara  la 
nostra  massima  forza  nel  duro  cimento  e  che  deve  condurci,  per 
virtu  nostra,  non  per  altrui  benevola  concessione,  alia  efFettua- 
zione  dei  piii  alti  destini  della  Patria. 


PARTE  QUARTA 

I 

Prima  ragione:    Patriottismo. 

I  fatti  narrati  nella  prima  parte  di  questo  lavoro  sono  il 
compendio  di  cid  che  ufficialmente  si  chiama  Storia  del 
Risorgimento  Italiano.  A  eccezione  dell'episodio  di  Balilla, 
che  si  puo  considerare,  a  rigor  di  logica,  come  il  preludio 
di  detta  storia. 

Solo  nella  forma  essi  —  i  fatti  in  parola  —  difFeriscono 
pill  o  meno  da  quelli  narrati  da  altri  scrittori.  E  cio  e 
naturale,  non  essendo  la  forma,  massime  nelle  narrazioni 
storiche,  se  non  una  riflessa  qualita  dell'individuo  che  scrive; 
qualita  derivante  da  un  complesso  di  cause  puramente 
letterarie,  estetiche.  La  sostanza  e  perfettamente  identica. 
Ed  e  anche  naturale  che  sia  cosi,  non  potendo  la  diversita 
della  forma,  per  quanto  aulica  o  ribelle,  alterare  in  verun 
modo  gli  elementi  positivi  dei  fatti,  il  lor  dinamico  sub- 
strate morale,  quella  Veritas  che  regola,  sovrastando  sempre, 
tutte  le  manifestazioni  dell'umano  pensiero,  tutti  i  doveri 
dell'umana  coscienza. 

Ora,  tali  fatti,  nella  loro  suggestiva  eloquenza,  furono 
sempre,  dal  1870  in  poi,  insegnati  obbligatoriamente  nelle 
scuole  d'ltalia,  giusta  i  programmi  governativi.  Furono 
sempre  rievocati  da  un'intera  letteratura  nazionalista  sten- 
dentesi  fino  al  giornale  quotidiano.  Furono  sempre  com- 
memorati  davanti  ai  monumenti  eretti  nelle  grandi  e  nelle 
piccole  citta  italiane  ai  martiri  e  agli  eroi  delle  rivoluzioni 
e  delle  guerre  liberatrici  provocate  in  Italia  dalla  crudele 
dominazione  austriaca.  Furono  sempre  rappresentati  dalle 
cicatrici,  dai  ricordi  aneddotici,  dal  patrio  entusiasmo  dei 
veterani  ancora  sopravviventi.  Furono  sempre  il  cibo 
spirituale  —  preponderante,  se  non  unico  —  di  quelle  idea- 
lita  che  nutrirono  e  tennero  costantemente  satura  e  vibrante 
di  se  I'intera  penisola  nella  sua  risorta  unita  politica. 

579 


580  PARTE   QUARTA 

E  questo  cumulo  di  cose,  dalle  pulsazioni  ritmiche 
incessant!,  non  poteva  che  rattizzare  e  tenere  permanente- 
mente  acceso,  in  un  popolo  passionate  come  I'italiano, 
I'odio  d'una  volta  contro  I'Austria.  Non  poteva  che  irri- 
goglire,  anche  negli  animi  i  piii  francescani,  la  mala  pianta 
del  patriottismo  vendicativo  militarista  feroce.  La  mala 
pianta  che  non  puo  produrre  se  non  un  solo  frutto:  quello 
amarissimo  e  tristissimo  della  guerra. 

£  vero  che  Giordano  Bruno  afFermo  essere  egli  un  citta- 
dino  del  mondo,  figlio  della  madre  Terra  e  del  padre  Sole. 

£  vero  che  Tommaso  Campanella  dimostro  essere 
impossibile  la  pace,  il  buon  essere,  la  felicita  senza  la  re- 
pubblica  universale. 

£  vero  che  lo  stesso  Mazzini  e  lo  stesso  Garibaldi  lot- 
tarono,  attraverso  un  sano  principio  di  nazionalita,  per  la 
fratellanza  di  tutti  i  popoli. 

Ma  al  pensiero  e  all'azione  di  questi  sommi  Italiani,  le 
caste  privilegiate  ebbero  cura  di  contrapporre  sempre  — 
teoricamente  e  praticamente,  a  mezzo  dei  loro  asserviti 
governi  dinastici  e  non  dinastici  —  I'egoistico  vecchio 
assioma  divide  et  impera. 

Si  che  i  popoli,  accecati  dall'astuzia  e  abbrutiti  dalla 
periidia  di  siffatte  idre  parassite,  non  poterono  mai  vedere 
la  luce  diffusa  dagli  apostoli  della  verita;  non  poterono  mai 
assimilate  gli  elementi  rigeneratori  profusi  dagli  apostoli 
della  civilta;  non  poterono  mai  liberarsi  da  quell'errore 
cancrenoso  che  e  il  falso  patriottismo  suaccennato,  causa 
fondamentale  di  tutte  le  calamita,  di  tutti  i  dolori  che  op- 
primono,  oggi  piii  che  mai,  la  povera  umanita. 

Nelle  scuole  delle  different!  nazioni  (dico  nelle  scuole, 
poiche  ivi  si  plasma  la  coscienza  dei  futuri  cittadini  del 
mondo),  la  storia  delle  guerre  aggressive  e  delle  dominazioni 
straniere  si  dovrebbe  insegnare  con  metodi  rigorosamente 
compendiosi  e  oggettivi.  Si  dovrebbero,  cioe,  eliminare 
dall'insegnamento  storico  non  solo  i  dettagli  di  fatto  descri- 
venti  le  mostruosita  commesse  dagli  aggressor!  e  da!  domina- 
tori,  ma  anche  i  comment!  esecranti  tali  mostruosita  e 
magnificanti  gli  eroismi,  i  sacrifici,  le  magnanimita  com- 
piuti  dai  popoli  conquistati  e  tiranneggiati. 


IRREDENTISMO  581 

Parlando,  per  esempio,  delle  Cuique  Giornate  di  MilanOy 
i  libri  di  testo  e  i  maestri  dovrebbero  semplicemente  dire: 
*'Nel  1848  i  Milanesi  si  ribellarono  ai  loro  dominatori 
(gli  Austriaci) :  e,  dopo  cinque  giorni  di  lotta,  li  scacciarono 
dalla  citta". 

Cosi  nelle  anime  sensibili,  quanto  candide,  degli  alunni 
non  si  porrebbero  i  semi  velenosi  che  generano  le  nemicizie 
per  cui  "I'uomo  e  poi  lupo  all'altro  uomo",  come  dice 
Orazio. 

I  dettagli  di  fatto  (per  esempio:  *'i  soldati  austriaci, 
durante  le  cinque  giornate  di  Milano,  infilzarono  bambini 
vivi  alle  baionette,  ne  inchiodarono  ai  muri,  tagliarono  e 
intascarono  mani  inanellate  di  donne  morte")  bisognerebbe 
lasciarli  agli  adulti,  nei  quali  I'abito  dello  studio  ha  gia 
eliminato,  o  per  lo  meno  attutito,  I'esiziale  eccitabilita 
delle  basse  passioni;  agli  adulti,  nei  quali  il  processo  evolu- 
tivo  della  mente  ha  gia  sviluppato  al  massimo  grado, 
o  ad  un  alto  grado,  il  senso  della  ragione  e  il  suo  piia  nobile 
derivato:    I'amore,     L'amore  per  il  prossimo. 

Si  principierebbe  in  tal  modo  a  curare  la  maledetta 
frenesia  della  guerra. 

E  non  sarebbe  poco! 

II 

Seconda  ragione:    Irredentismo. 

I  fatti,  quasi  tutti  documentati,  esposti  nella  seconda 
parte  del  presente  volume,  basterebbero  da  soli  a  giustili- 
care  I'entrata  dell'Italia  nella  grande  guerra. 

Si  trattava,  da  parte  degl'Italiani,  di  liberare  migliaia 
di  fratelli  consanguinei  oppressi  in  casa  propria  —  vale 
a  dire  su  suolo  geograficamente,  storicamente,  moralmente 
italiano  —  da  una  tirannide  straniera  che  I'ltalia  ben  cono- 
sceva;  migliaia  di  fratelli  consanguinei  che,  lottando  lottando 
lottando  contro  sifFatta  tirannide,  sempre  avevano  anelato 
e  implorato  di  ritornare  nei  grembo  della  primigenia  madre 
latina. 

Si   trattava,    da   parte   degl'Italiani,    di   completare,    a 


582  PARTE   QUARTA 

nord-est  della  loro  penisola,  I'unita  nazionale  secondo 
la  legge  di  Roma,  secondo  la  legge  autorevolmente  riaffer- 
mata,  anzi  eternata,  dall'Alighieri  nella  sua  Divina  Corn- 
media  (Inferno,  canto  IX). 

a  Pola  presso  del  Quarnero, 
che  Italia  chiude  e  i  suoi  termini  bagna. 

Si  trattava,  da  parte  degl'Italiani,  d'adempiere  una 
buona  volta  a  un  sacro  dovere  d'amore  e  d'onore  troppo  a 
lungo  protratto. 

L'ltalia  non  avrebbe  mai  potuto,  senza  rischio  della 
propria  integrita  territoriale  e  peggio,  attaccare  da  sola 
I'Austria,  superiore  a  lei  in  numero  d'abitanti,  in  ric- 
chezza,  in  preparazione  militate  e  per  il  sicuro  spalleggia- 
mento  della  Germania. 

L'ltalia  dove  attaccare  la  nemica,  soltanto  quando 
questa  si  trovo  impegnata  a  fondo  nella  grande  guerra. 
Dove  attaccarla  nel  momento  propizio,  quando  la  fatalita 
storica  voile  che  il  martirologio  secolare  sintetizzato  nel 
binomio  Treyito  e  Trieste  entrasse,  alfine,  nella  sua  naturale 
fase  risolutiva. 

Chi  oserebbe  dare  torto  al  popolo  italiano? 

Chi  oserebbe  dire  ch'esso,  attaccando  I'Austria  nella 
primavera  del  191 5,  abbia,  dal  punto  di  vista  patriottica- 
mente  irredentista,  cimentato  ingiustamente  il  proprio 
sangue? 

Ill 
Terza  ragione:    Una  visita  non  restituita. 

L'imperatore  Francesco  Giuseppe  non  restitui  mai  la 
visita  che  i  reali  d'ltalia  —  Umberto  I  e  Margherita  di 
Savoia  —  gli  fecero  ufficialmente  a  Vienna  nel  1881. 

Perche? 

Perche  egli  avrebbe  dovuto  recarsi  a  Roma,  dove 
Umberto  I  e  Margherita  risiedevano. 

Ora,  Roma  non  fu  mai  riconosciuta  dal  Vaticano  come 
conquista  intangibije  e  tanto  meno  come  capitale  legittima 
del  Regno  d'ltalia. 


COESIONE   NAZIONALE  583 

La  presa  della  citta  eterna  (20  settembre  1870),  da  parte 
dei  soldati  della  nuova  Italia,  fu  dal  Vaticano  considerata 
sempre  com'un'usurpazione  violenta  e  sacrilega.  E 
usurpatore  sacrilego  fu  dallo  stesso  Vaticano  considerate 
il  re  d'ltalia.  E  usurpatore  sacrilego  fu  dallo  stesso  Vati- 
cano considerate  il  popolo  italiano. 

Francesco  Giuseppe,  cattolico  sfegatato,  approve  a  piene 
mani  I'attitudine  anti-italiana  del  governo  papale.  Se  ne 
rese  solidale.  E  manco  con  piena  coscienza  e  con  piena 
volonta  alle  regole  impostegli  dal  Galateo\  ai  doveri  impo- 
stigli  dall'alleanza. 

Tanta  scortesia  e  tanta  insincerita  furono  aggravate 
dalle  spavalderie  del  principe  ereditario  d'Austria  Fran- 
cesco Ferdinando,  I'assassinato  di  Serajevo.  Cestui,  non 
meno  bigotto  delle  zio  imperatere,  si  vanto  piii  volte,  in 
private  e  in  pubblico,  di  volere  invadere  con  un  grosso  eser- 
cito  ritalia,  per  prender  Roma,  restituirla  alia  Chiesa  catto- 
lica  e  ristabilire  cosi  I'antico  potere  temporale  dei  papi. 

Quanto  ne  sia  rimaste  offese  il  sentimento  cavalleresco 
e,  pill  che  questo,  il  sentimento  nazionale  del  popolo  italiano, 
ben  si  puo  immaginare,  quando  si  consideri  che  Roma  e  — 
come  fu  nel  passato,  come  sara  nell'avvenire  —  la  sorgente 
e,  ad  un  tempo,  il  centre  di  gravita  di  tutte  le  virili  bellezze 
italiche,  di  tutte  le  trionfanti  grandezze  italiche. 


IV 

Quarta  ragione :    Coesione  nazionale  ed  efficienza  militare. 

La  superiorita  civile  d'un  popolo,  seconde  I'opiniene  dei 
pill,  consiste  (consisteva,  almeno,  fine  alio  sceppio  della 
grande  guerra)  nella  sua  coesione  nazionale  e  nella  sua 
efficienza  militare. 

In  Europa  —  e  anche  fuori  d'Europa,  purtroppo!  —  si 
credeva  che  il  popolo  italiano  difettasse  dell'una  e  dell'altra. 
Di  coesione  nazionale,  perche  I'ltalia,  dopo  raggiunte  la 

^  Libro  del   classico  italiano  monsignor  Giovanni   Della  Casa   (secolo  XVI), 
dove  s'insegnano  le  buone  creanze. 


584  PARTE  QUARTA 

sua  unita  e  la  sua  indipendenza,  fu  spesso  turbata  da 
discordie  intestine  di  carattere  spiccatamente  regionale. 
D'efficienza  militare,  per  lo  scacco  subito  in  Africa  nella 
guerra  del  1896  contro  I'Abissinia,  e  per  la  poca  abilita 
dimostrata,  anche  in  Africa,  nella  guerra  del  1911-1912 
contro  la  Turchia. 

S'era  quindi  sicuri  che  la  penisola,  tanto  famosa  per  il 
suo  antico  fulgore,  non  fosse  altro,  oramai,  che  uno  stam- 
bergone  di  locanda  e  un  carcassone  di  museo,  dove  un  popolo 
frivolo  e  poltrone  non  sapesse  fare  altro  —  tra  una  mando- 
linata,  una  tarantella  e  una  maccheronata  alia  napoletana 
—  che  servire  camorristicamente  i  signori  visitatori  piovuti 
d'oltr'alpe  e  d'oltremare,  e  mostrar  loro,  gofFamente  quanto 
vanagloriosamente,  le  mummificate  reliquie  d'un  passato, 
il  quale  non  ha  piu  nulla  a  che  vedere  con  la  vita  presente  e 
tanto  meno  con  la  vita  futura. 

Una  flaccida  scrittrice  nord-americana,  per  esempio, 
scimmiottando  il  poeta  francese  Alfonso  di  Lamartine  che 
chiamo  I'ltalia  "terra  dei  morti"^  si  spinse  fino  aH'impu- 
denza  d'asserire  che  la  razza  latina  "e  un  cadavere  in  via 
di  putrefazione"^ 

E  non  solo  negli  ambienti  privati,  ma  anche  nelle  sffere 
ufficiali,  s'aveva  all'estero  una  cognizione  tutt'altro  che 
esatta  e  benevola  della  coesione  nazionale  e  dell'efficienza 
militare  del  popolo  italiano. 

Basta  ricordare  il  seguente  episodio. 

II  14  gennaio  1912,  durante  la  guerra  italo-turca,  la 
torpediniera  italiana  Agordat  fermo  a  sud  della  Sardegna 
il  piroscafo  francese  Carthago,  sul  quale  era  stata  segnalata 
al  governo  italiano  la  presenza  d'un  velivolo  destinato 
ai  Turchi  in  Tripolitania.  Dopo  la  requisizione  fatta 
dagli  ufficiali  italiani,  il  Carthago  fu  d^WJgordat  scortato 
a  Cagliari  ed  ivi  messo  a  disposizione  del  governo  di  Roma. 

Pochi  giorni  dopo,  cioe  il  18  gennaio  191 2,  la  stessa 
torpediniera  Agordat  fermo  il  vapore  postale  francese 
Manouba   che   faceva   servizio   tra   Marsiglia   e  Tunisi,    e 

^  Vedere  la  risposta  che  al  Lamartine  diedc  il  poeta  satirico  italiano  Giuseppe 
Giusti. 

^  Vedere  nel  mio  iibro  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America 
(da  pag.  118  a  pag.  123)  la  risposta  ch'io  diedi  a  qucsta  buona  donna. 


COESIONE   NAZIONALE  585 

trovo  che  a  bordo  d'esso  vi  erano  zgufficiali  turchi  camuffati 
da  membri  della  Mezzaluna  Rossa,  diretti  clandestinamente 
in  Tripolitania  per  ivi  combattere  alia  testa  degli  Arabi 
i  soldati  italiani.  I  29  sedicenti  membri  della  Mezzaluna 
Rossa  furono  dagli  ufficiali  dtW Agordat  sbarcati  a  Cagliari, 
ed  ivi  messi  anche  a  disposizione  del  governo  di  Roma, 
mentre  il  Manouba  veniva  rilasciato, 

Poincare,  ch'era  da  pochi  giorni  presidente  dei  ministri 
e  ministro  degli  esteri  della  Repubblica  francese,  nel  pro- 
testare  contro  gli  atti  "arbitrari"  commessi  dalla  torpe- 
diniera  italiana  Agordat,  ebbe,  tra  I'altro,  il  coraggio  di 
dichiarare  in  pieno  Parlamento  che,  se  il  governo  di  Roma 
non  avesse  rilasciato  immediatamente  il  Carthago  e  i  29 
ufficiali  turchi,  la  flotta  francese  avrebbe  senz'altro  attac- 
cato  la  flotta  italiana  e  I'avrebbe  mandata  a  fondo  nel 
giro  di  pochi  minuti.  Proprio  come  se  si  fosse  trattato  di 
mandare  a  fondo  le  tre  gloriose  caravelle  di  Cristoforo 
Colombo! 

Ora,  un  popolo  cosi  misconosciuto,  che  con  Roma 
tocco  I'apogeo  della  coesione  nazionale  e  dell'efficienza 
militare,  doveva  pur  sentire  il  bisogno  di  mostrare  coi 
fatti  (sarebbe  stato  impossibile  con  le  parole)  quanto  falsa 
fosse  I'opinione  che  il  mondo  s'era  formata  di  lui. 

E  impose  al  governo  di  Vittorio  Emanuele  III  la  guerra 
contro  I'Austria,  per  provare  ch'esso  —  il  popolo  italiano  — 
nonostante  le  sue  discordie  intestine  spiccatamente  regionali 
(discordie  dovute,  piij  che  altro,  a  ingiustizie  di  governo),  ha 
anche  oggi,  come  ai  tempi  di  Catone,  una  saldissima  coesione 
nazionale;  per  provare  ch'esso  —  il  popolo  italiano  —  nono- 
stante lo  scacco  subito  nella  guerra  contro  I'Abissinia  e 
nonostante  le  deficienze  dimostrate  nella  guerra  contro  la 
Turchia  (scacco  e  deficienze  dovute,  piii  che  altro,  a  errori 
di  governo),  ha  anche  oggi,  come  ai  tempi  di  Giulio  Cesare, 
una  formidabile  efficienza  militare.  Formidabile,  s'intende, 
in  senso  non  quantitative,  ma  qualitative :  in  genio,  in  ga- 
gliardia,  in  entusiasmo,  in  perseveranza,in  fede  nella  vittoria. 

Impose  I'intervento  nella  grande  guerra  il  popolo 
italiano,  per  provare  ch'esso  —  per  una  di  quelle  leggi 
naturaH   (legge   di  continuita)   che  sfugge   agl'ignoranti  — 


586  PARTE   QUARTA 

puo  sempre  rinnovellarsi  nelle  virtu  dei  potentissimi  avi; 
puo  sempre  risorgere  —  eterna  araba  fenice  —  dalle  ceneri 
dalle  sue  millenarie  civilta. 


V 

Quinta  ragione:    II  timore  dell'isolamento. 

II  popolo  italiano  capi  subito  che  la  grande  guerra 
scoppiata  in  Europa  alia  fine  di  luglio  del  1914  avrebbe 
prodotto  cambiamenti  politici  internazionali  della  massima 
importanza.  E  intravide  gli  efFetti  funesti  che  da  tali 
cambiamenti  sarebbero  derivati  alia  patria,  s'essa  fosse 
rimasta  neutrale. 

Se  avessero  vinto  gl'Imperi  Centrali  (Germania  ed 
Austria),  I'ltalia  sarebbe  rimasta  alia  merce  di  queste  due 
Potenze,  rese  ancora  piii  baldanzose  dalla  recente  vittoria. 
Sarebbe  stata  fatta  segno  alia  vendetta  che  i  Teutoni  le 
avevano  giurato,  per  non  essersi  essa  schierata  dalla  parte 
loro.  Sarebbe  stata  invasa  e  conquistata.  Sarebbe  ridiven- 
tata  serva  dell'Austria.  E  I'lnghilterra,  la  Francia,  la 
Russia,  ch'essa  aveva  lasciato  sconfiggere  e  umiliare, 
non  avrebbero  fatto  altro  che  sorridere  gelidamente  con 
odio  e  disprezzo. 

Se  fosse  rimasta  vincitrice  la  Triplice  Intesa  (Inghil- 
terra,  Francia,  Russia),  I'ltalia  avrebbe  dovuto  subire, 
come  punizione  della  sua  neutralita,  I'influenza  padronesca 
di  queste  tre  Potenze,  influenza  cresciuta  a  dismisura  dopo 
la  recente  vittoria.  Sarebbe  stata  bloccata  da  tutti  i  lati 
nel  Mediterraneo,  tanto  da  non  poter  piu  accedere  libera- 
mente  neppure  alle  sue  colonie  africane.  Sarebbe  stata 
paralizzata  in  ogni  suo  movimento  espansivo.  Sarebbe 
stata  ridotta  alia  poverta.  E  la  Germania  e  I'Austria,  ch'essa 
aveva  lasciato  sconfiggere  e  umiliare,  non  avrebbero  fatto 
altro  che  sorridere  gelidamente  con  odio  e  disprezzo. 

A  buon  conto  I'ltalia,  se  fosse  rimasta  neutrale  nella 
grande  guerra  scoppiata  in  Europa  alia  fine  di  luglio  del 
1914,    avrebbe    perduto    ogni    credito,    ogni    simpatia    nel 


IL   DIRITTO   DI   VIAGGIARE  587 

mondo.  Avrebbe  messo  a  repentaglio  la  sua  stessa  unita 
nazionale,  la  sua  stessa  indipendenza.  Si  sarebbe  preclusa 
la  via  del  progresso.  Non  sarebbe  stata  piii  rispettata  e 
amata  da  nessuno.  Sarebbe  stata  sfuggita  e  schifata  da 
tutti  —  dai  vinti  e  dai  vincitori  —  com'una  cagna  affamata, 
com'una  carogna  verminosa. 

Per  scongiurare  una  si  immensa  iattura,  il  popolo 
italiano  impose  al  governo  di  Vittorio  Emanuele  III  I'in- 
tervento  armato  della  nazione. 

La  conservazione  della  propria  vita,  sia  negli  esseri 
singoli  che  negli  esseri  collettivi,  non  e  forse  una  suprema 
legge  naturale?  la  legge  protoplasma  di  tutte  le  leggi 
umane?  non  e  forse  una  suprema  necessita?  la  piii  im- 
pellente  delle  necessita  fisiche  e  morali? 


VI 

Sesta  ragione:    II  diritto  di  viaggiare. 

Un  uomo  ha  il  diritto,  in  qualunque  momento  della 
sua  vita,  di  girare  il  mondo  per  lungo  e  per  largo.  Ha  il 
diritto  d'andare  dove  la  sua  volonta  lo  spinge,  dove  i  suoi 
interessi  lo  chiamano.  Diritto  naturale  che  nessuno  puo 
contestargli,  per  la  semplice  ragione  ch'esso  —  il  diritto 
di  viaggiare  —  nacque  col  primo  uomo  e  per  i  bisogni  e  i 
godimenti  degli  uomini;  per  la  semplice  ragione  ch'esso  — 
il  diritto  di  viaggiare  —  e  una  forza  motrice  dell'umano 
progresso.  Forza  che  piii  d'ogni  altra  contribuisce  a  creare, 
coltivare,  rinsaldare  —  tra  i  popoli  che  sono  separati  dalle 
distanze  e,  piii  che  dalle  distanze,  dai  pregiudizi  di  razza 
e  di  nazionalita  —  quelle  correnti  di  simpatia  che  tendono, 
per  un'irresistibile  propulsione  d'amore,  alia  fratellanza 
universale,  vale  a  dire  all'apogeo  della  civilta  umana.  All'a- 
pogeo  che  ha,  come  contenuto  sostanziale  —  oltre  alio 
splendore  delle  scienze,  delle  arti,  delle  lettere  —  la  purita 
morale  dello  spirito,  per  cui  I'uomo  non  puo  che  sinceramente 
sentire  e  operare  il  bene,  non  mai  il  male,  verso  i  suoi  simili. 

Id  enunciai  e  sostenni  questo  concetto  nel  mio  libro 


588  PARTE   QUARTA 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America 
a  pagina  104,  dove  dissi  che  —  "per  quel  grande  e  sacro 
principio  sociale,  in  base  a  cui  ogni  uomo  e  padrone  d'entrare 
in  qualsiasi  paese  del  mondo  per  esercit-arvi  liberamente  e 
onestamente  i  diritti  del  suo  lavoro"  —  gl'Italiani  emigrati 
negli  Stati  Uniti  non  dovevano,  con  servile  senso  di  grati- 
tudine,  considerare  e  magnificare  come- ospitale  il  popolo 
americano.  Tanto  piii  che  questo  popolo  non  li  accoglieva, 
almeno  allora,  da  pari  a  pari.  Tanto  piii  che  questo  popolo 
ritraeva,  almeno  allora,  dalle  braccia  poderose  e  operose 
degli  emigrati  italiani,  gran  parte  della  prosperita  che 
rendeva  esso  popolo  tanto  irragionevole,  ingiusto,  altezzoso. 

E  corroborai  tale  concetto,  soggiungendo:  "Non  mai 
glTnglesi,  i  Francesi,  i  Tedeschi,  gli  stessi  Americani  e 
tutti  gli  altri  forestieri  che  si  trovano  in  Italia  a  speculare 
e  ad  arricchirsi  con  industrie  e  commerci  fiorenti,  non  mai 
si  son  sognati  di  considerarsi  ospiti  del  popolo  italiano, 
ma  uomini  liberi,  andati  nel  nostro  paese  per  esercitarvi 
appunto  i  diritti  della  loro  volonta  e  dei  loro  interessi". 

Solo  i  tiranni,  che  vogliono,  provocano  e  dirigono  le 
guerre,  osano  contestare,  anzi  conculcare  nel  peggiore  dei 
modi,  il  diritto  che  I'uomo  ha,  in  qualunque  momento  della 
sua  vita,  di  girare  il  mondo  per  lungo  e  per  largo. 

Essi  —  i  tiranni  che  vogliono,  provocano  e  dirigono  le 
guerre  —  bloccando  le  terre  e  le  acque  che  a  loro  fa  comodo 
di  bloccare  —  dimenticano,  o  fingono  di  dimenticare,  che  il 
globo  abitato  dagli  uomini  e  di  tutti  gli  uomini:  com'e 
di  tutti  gli  uomini  I'aria  che  circonda  il  globo  stesso:  com'e 
di  tutti  gli  uomini  il  sole  che  illumina,  scalda  e  feconda  il 
globo  stesso. 

Essi  —  i  tiranni  che  vogliono,  provocano  e  dirigono  le 
guerre  —  impedendo  all'uomo  (massimamente  a  quello  che 
non  e  implicato  nelle  guerre,  che  e  contro  le  guerre)  d'andare 
dove  la  sua  volonta  lo  spinge,  dove  i  suoi  interessi  lo  chia- 
mano,  commettono  un  atto  arbitrario  della  massima  gravita: 
atto  che  nessun  popolo,  avente  a  cuore  la  propria  liberta  e  la 
liberta  degli  altri  popoli,  dovrebbe  tollerare.  II  popolo  della 
nuova  Italia,  forte  della  sua  risvegliata  coscienza,  non  lo 
tollero.    E  impose  al  governo  monarchico  dei  Savoia  I'inter- 


SOLIDARIETA  UMANA  589 

vento  armato  della  nazione  nella  grande  guerra,  per  difen- 
dere  col  pioprio  sangue  uno  dei  piu  preziosi  doni  della 
natura. 

Cosi  esso  —  il  popolo  della  nuova  Italia  —  seguT  in 
modo  mirabile  gli  esempi  dei  suoi  apostoli.  I  quali  preferi- 
rono  le  carceri,  le  torture,  i  roghi,  piuttosto  che  piegarsi, 
per  conto  loro  o  per  cento  deH'umanita  ch'essi  degnamente 
rappresentavano,  a  qualsiasi  restrizione  di  liberta. 


VII 

Settima  ragione:   Solidarieta  umana. 

II  popolo  italiano,  per  una  di  quelle  leggi  naturali  che 
caratterizzano  psicologicamente  le  razze  umane  I'una 
dall'altra,  ha  insiti  in  se  due  sentimenti:  un  sentimento  di 
simpatia  per  gli  esseri  deboli,  e  un  sentimento  d'indigna- 
zione  contro  i  forti  che  degli  esseri  deboli  abusano  e  ne 
fanno  scempio.  Due  sentimenti  che  formano,  nella  pecu- 
liare  armonia  della  loro  essenza  spirituale  e  della  loro 
estrinsecazione  pratica,  il  granitico  fondamento  della  sua 
vita  sociale. 

Si  dia  uno  sguardo  alia  storia  d'ltalia  —  dai  tempi  in 
cui  sorsero  e  fiorirono  nel  sud  della  penisola  le  famose 
repubbliche  della  Magna  Grecia,  fino  ai  tempi  odierni  —  e 
si  vedra  che  il  popolo  italiano  si  commosse  sempre  della 
sorte  dei  deboli;  abbraccio  sempre  —  a  fatti  e  non  a  parole, 
per  magnanimo  impulso  morale  e  non  per  egoistici  interessi 
materiali  —  la  loro  causa,  specie  quando  essa  implied 
liberta  nazionali  calpestate  o  semplicemente  minacciate  da 
tiranni  prepotenti. 

A  corroborazione  di  tale  mia  affermazione,  basta  ricor- 
dare  qui  qualcuno  dei  fatti  storici  piii  recenti. 

Giuseppe  Garibaldi,  alia  testa  d'un  corpo  di  volontari 
italiani,  corse  in  difesa  della  Francia  repubblicana  nella 
guerra  del  1870  contro  la  Prussia,  compiendo  gesta  eroiche 
vittoriose  degne  d'epopea  a  Digione  ^ 

'  In  quella  memorabile  campagna,  Garibaldi  fu  "il  solo  capitano —  cosl  afFermo 
Victor  Hugo —  che  seppe  vincere  eroicamente". 


590  PARTE   QUARTA 

Ricciotti  Garibaldi,  figlio  vivente  dell'Eroe,  alia  testa 
dun  corpo  di  volontari  italiani,  corse  in  difesa  della  Grecia 
nella  guerra  del  1897  contro  la  Turchia,  compiendo  gesta 
eroiche  vittoriose  degne  d'epopea  a  Domokos  ^ 

Peppino  Garibaldi,  figlio  vivente  di  Ricciotti,  alia 
testa  d'un  corpo  di  volontari  italiani,  corse  in  difesa  della 
Francia  repubblicana  nella  grande  guerra  odierna  contro 
la  Germania,  compiendo  gesta  eroiche  vittoriose  degne 
d'epopea    alle   Argonne  ^. 

E  non  solo  nelle  lotte  di  carattere  pubblico  coUettivo, 
ma  benanche  negli  alterchi  di  carattere  privato  individuale, 
il  popolo  italiano  mise  sempre  in  evidenza,  o,  meglio,  in 
azione,  i  suoi  innati  sentimenti  di  simpatia  verso  i  deboli 
e  d'indignazione  verso  i  forti  (forti  nel  senso  brutalmente 
fisico  della  parola,  s'intende). 

In  America,  per  esempio,  particolarmente  nella  citta 
dov'io  risiedo  da  parecchio  tempo,  m'accadde  spesso  di 
vedere,  nelle  strade,  persone  (due  alia  volta)  disputare 
brevemente  tra  loro  per  motivi  ordinariamente  futili,  e 
poi  azzufFarsi  e  tempestarsi  di  pugni.  Non  uno  degli  astanti 
si  mosse  mai  per  appaciare  i  due  disputanti,  o  per  evitare, 
almeno,  che  la  zuffa  ingaggiata  finisse  con  la  peggio  del 
debole.  II  forte  pote  sempre  a  suo  bell'agio  atterrare  il 
debole;  cavalcargli  sul  petto;  martellargli  le  mascelle,  il 
naso,  gli  occhi;  trasformargli  il  viso  (il  nobile  viso  umano!) 
in  un'orrida  piaga  sanguinolenta;  ridurlo  in  fin  di  vita.  Gli 
astanti  —  anche  se  conoscenti,  amici,  congiunti  del  debole 
—  assistirono  sempre  indifFerenti,  come  ad  una  scena  cine- 
matografica  o  con  ignava  volutta,  alFaccanitoyigA^  sentendo 
perfino  ammirazione  per  il  forte. 

In  Italia,  specialmente  nella  mia  terra  di  Calabria  a 
buon  diritto  qualificata  "forte  e  generosa",  non  puo  acca- 
dere  mai  nulla  di  simile.  Ivi  gli  astanti,  anche  se  estranei, 
s'interpongono  fin  dalle  prime  frasi  alterate  tra  i  due  dispu- 
tanti.    E  se  non  riescono  con  le  ragioni,  con  le  preghiere 

^  Nella  battaglia  di  Domokos  cadde,  tra  gli  altri,  il  deputato  repubblicano  al 
Parlamento  nazionaie  italiano  Antonio  Fratti,  a  cui  Guglielmo  Oberdan  aveva 
affidato  il  suo  testamento  politico. 

^  Nel  combattimento  delle  Argonne  tra  volontari  garibaldini  e  soldati  tedeschi, 
caddero,  tra  gli  altri  italiani,  i  giovani  Bruno  e  Sante  Garibaldi,  fratelli  di  Peppino. 


SOLIDARIETA   UMANA  591 

a  calmarli,  a  ristabilire  tra  loro  la  pace,  a  evitare  la  zufFa 
bestiale,  simpatizzano  senz'altro  per  il  debole;  si  schierano 
apertamente  e  risolutamente  dalla  parte  sua;  non  permettono 
che  gli  si  torca  un  capello;  preferiscono  ricever  essi  stessi 
i  colpi,  sia  pure  mortali,  del  forte,  sul  quale  non  tarda  a 
rovesciarsi  I'esecrazione  generale. 

Ora,  un  popolo  cosi  sensibile,  cosi  giusto,  cosi  umano, 
avente  a  sua  disposizione  un  esercito  e  una  flotta  formida- 
bili  —  abbastanza  formidabili  —  non  poteva  assolutamente 
rimanere  inerte  di  fronte  alia  violenza  commessa  dalla 
forte  e  prepotente  Austria  contro  la  piccola  Serbia.  Non 
poteva  rimanere  inerte  di  fronte  al  delitto  commesso  dalla 
forte  e  prepotente  Germania  contro  il  piccolo  Belgio.  Non 
poteva  rimanere  inerte  di  fronte  al  torvo  e  brutale  mili- 
tarismo  teutonico,  minacciante,  con  crescente  incalzante 
gravita,  quella  Francia  repubblicana  che  aveva  versato 
fiumi  di  sangue  per  I'unita  e  I'indipendenza  della  sorella 
latina  e  per  il  trionfo  dei  principi  democratici  in  tutta 
I'Europa.  Non  poteva  rimanere  inerte  di  fronte  al  torvo 
e  brutale  militarismo  teutonico,  minacciante,  con  crescente 
incalzante  gravita,  quell'Inghilterra  che  ospito  sempre,  con 
larga  e  afFettuosa  liberalita,  anche  in  tempi  di  generale 
reazione,  tutti  gli  esuli,  tutti  i  grandi  perseguitati  politici 
italiani  (da  Giordano  Bruno  a  Ugo  Foscolo,  da  Mazzini  a 
Malatesta  ^);  quell'Inghilterra  che  con  le  sue  navi  Intre- 
pido  e  Argus  protesse  e  facilito,  nella  primavera  del  i860, 
il  memorabile  sbarco  dei  Mille  a  Marsala,  sbarco  che 
decise  dell'unita  nazionale  italiana;  quell'Inghilterra  che 
accolse  Garibaldi  com'  un  dio,  quando  I'Eroe  impersonante 
il  popolo  della  nuova  Italia  si  reco  nell'aprile  del  1864  a 
visitare  Londra.  Non  poteva  rimanere  inerte  di  fronte  al 
torvo  e  brutale  militarismo  teutonico,  minacciante,  con 
crescente  incalzante  gravita,  quella  Russia  che,  a  mezzo 
dei  suoi  grandi  uomini  come  Turgheniew,  Tolstoi,  Tcher- 

^11  dottor  Enrico  Malatesta — uno  dei  leaders  anarchici  italiani  viventi  — 
tra  il  7  e  il  10  giugno  1914  capeggio  nelle  province  d'Ancona,  Forli  e  Ravenna  un 
moto  rivoluzionario  tendente  ad  abbattere  la  monarchia  dei  Savoia  e  proclamare 
la  Repubblica  d'ltalia.  Perseguitato  dal  governo  di  Vittorio  Emanuele  III,  erro 
per  tutta  I'Europa  e  fu  dovunque  respinto.  Trovorifugio  soltanto  a  Londra,  dove 
attualmente  risiede. 


592  PARTE  QUARTA 

nichewski,  Gogol,  Gorki,  sempre  ammiro  e  glorifico  leal- 
mente  I'ltalia  ^;  quella  Russia  che  fu  la  prima  a  mandare  i 
suoi  marinari  in  Calabria  e  Sicilia  per  soccorrere  quelle 
popolazioni  colpite  dal  terribile  terremoto  del  1908. 

Se  fosse  rimasto  inerte,  esso  —  il  popolo  italiano  — 
avrebbe  rinnegato  la  sua  incomparabile  personalita  morale 
materiata  tutta  d'altruismo  e  gratitudine;  avrebbe  offuscato 
le  sue  piii  fulgide  tradizioni  di  pensiero  e  d'azione;  avrebbe, 
quel  che  e  peggio  —  nel  momento  in  cui  la  morte  s'accingeva 
a  plasmare  sui  campi  di  battaglia  della  vecchia  Europa 
la  nuova  vita  del  mondo  —  tradito  la  causa  dell'umanita. 
La  quale  deve  stare  al  disopra  d'ogni  e  qualunque  interesse 
personale  e  nazionale,  come  la  vita  fisica  dell'universo  sta, 
perennemente,  al  disopra  delle  singole  parti  che  la  com- 
pongono. 

Perche  e  inutile  negarlo!  La  parola,  contrapposta  al 
fatto,  non  ebbe  mai  valore.  E  non  ne  avra  mai,  finche 
nel  fondo  di  certi  esseri  umani  risiedera  —  come  morchia 
in  fondo  a  giare  piene  d'olio,  come  feccia  in  fondo  a  botti 
piene  di  vino,  come  melma  in  fondo  a  pozzi  pieni  d'acqua 
—  quell'istinto  malvagio  che  e  in  aperta  antitesi  con  i 
sentimenti  della  bonta,  della  pieta,  dell'amore,  su  cui 
dovrebbero  poggiare  ed  evolversi  tutte  le  civilta. 

Si  disse  sempre,  in  tutti  i  toni,  ai  potentati  d'Europa, 
di  non  alimentare  il  militarismo.  Ma  essi  ralimentarono, 
e  come! 

Si  disse  sempre,  in  tutti  i  toni,  ai  potentati  d'Europa, 
di  non  provocare  le  guerre.    Ma  essi  le  provocarono,  e  come! 

Bisognava  lasciare,  in  su  I'aurora  del  ventesimo  secolo, 
che  i  soldatoni  imperiali  —  imitando  le  ataviche  orde 
d'Alarico  e  d'Attila  —  invadessero  i  territori  delle  nazioni 
piccole  indipendenti  e  vi  trucidassero  gli  uomini,  v'insoz- 
zassero  le  donne,  vi  mutilassero  i  bambini,  vi  rubassero  il 
frutto  di  tanti  sudori,  v'incendiassero  case,  radessero  al 
suolo  intere  citta  —  cinicamente,  impunemente  —  come  si 
lascio,  ad  esempio,  che  i  Turchi  facessero  per  anni  e  anni  coi 
poveri  Armeni? 

'  Basta  ricordare  il  solo  Gorki,  che,  dopo  respinto  dagli  Stati  Uniti  d'America 
per  colpa  d'un  ipocrito  puritanismo,  si  stabili  a  Capri  ed  ivi,  ospitato  rispetfosa- 
mente  e  amorosamente,  rilevo  e  magnifico  nei  suoi  scritti  le  virtu  del  popolo  italiano. 


SOLIDARIETA   UMANA  593 

Ma  allora  addio  solidarieta  umana! 

Essa  —  dopo  tante  promesse,  dopo  tanti  entusiasmi  — 
non  sarebbe  stata  per  i  deboli,  i  quali  avevano  avuto  la 
semplicita  di  credere  e  aspettare,  se  non  una  frase  arcadica, 
vuota,  schernitrice,  epilogante  ancora  una  volta  I'ignobile 
farsa  dei  pulpitisti  (preti  e  non  preti)  che  sanno  soltanto 
predicar  bene  e  razzolar  male;  dei  pulpitisti  che,  alia  prova 
del  foco,  sanno  soltanto  mettere  in  pratica  la  loro  egoistica 
teoria  ingusciata  tutta  nella  parabolica  formula:  "lontano 
da  me,  e  dove  va  va". 

I  testoni  coronati  non  avrebbero  voluto  altro! 
Fortunatamente  il  popolo  italiano,  con  la  sua  svegliata 

intelligenza,  comprese  subito  che  le  parole  non  avrebbero 
potuto  impedire  i  fatti  ^ 

E  si  slancio  nella  grande  guerra,  esso  —  il  popolo  italiano 
—  col  suo  cuor  di  fanciullo,  per  contrapporre  fatti  a  fatti, 
azione  ad  azione,  forza  bruta  a  forza  bruta  (una  specie  di 
similia  similibus  curantur);  per  insegnare  alia  turba  dei 
queruli  dottrinai,  che  il  diritto  conculcato  dei  deboli  si 
difende  non  con  le  parole,  ma  col  sacrificio  della  propria 
vita;  che  le  vittime  innocenti  della  barbarie  (militaresca  e 
non  militaresca)  si  vendicano  non  con  le  parole,  ma  col 
sacrificio  della  propria  vita;  che  la  vera  fratellanza  dei 
popoli  —  ideale  a  cui  tende  di  continuo  per  immutabile 
legge  naturale  I'anima  umana  —  s'afferma,  s'esalta,  si 
perpetua  non  con  le  parole,  ma  col  sacrificio  della  propria 
vita. 

II  popolo  italiano  sa  bene  che,  dopo  la  grande  guerra, 
non  gli  tocchera  che  una  sola  ricompensa:  quella  della 
fame,  del  disprezzo,  dell'oblio  peggio  di  prima.     Ma  che 

^  Nel  mese  di  maggio  del  1915,  cioe  alia  vigilia  della  dichiarazionedi  guerra  fatta 
dal  governo  italiano  al  governo  austriaco,  le  mura  delle  citta  d'ltalia  erano  tutte 
tappezzate   di   cartelloni  che  dicevano: 
"Non  dimentichiamo  mai 
il  Belgio, 

il  Lusitania, 

i  bimbi  sgozzati, 

i  vecchi  massacrati, 
le  donne  violate, 

i  paesi  devastati, 

gli  ospedali  bombardati 
per  sola  mania  di  distruzione  daU'esercito  di  Sua  Maesta  Gugliclmo  II." 


594  PARTE  QUARTA 

gl'importa?  Esso  —  spirito  eminentemente  poetico  e  filo- 
sofico  a  un  tempo,  provato  a  tutte  le  privazioni,  a  tutte  le 
ingratitudini,  a  tutti  i  dolori  —  pensera  d'avere  tracciata, 
col  suo  purissimo  sangue,  la  via  che,  unica,  dato  I'attuale 
ordine  di  cose,  potra  condurre  alia  tanto  sospirata  pace 
universale.  E  un  tale  pensiero  sara  piii  che  sufficiente  a 
renderlo  contento,  felice,  beato. 

Ho  detto  "dato  I'attuale  ordine  cose".  Ho  detto 
"unica".     E  mi  spiego. 

La  vita  d'una  nazione,  oggigiorno,  per  quanto  complessa, 
poggia  in  gran  parte  su  basi  essenzialmente  industrial, 
costruite  dal  popolo  non  per  il  proprio  tornaconto,  ma  per 
il  tornaconto  d'una  minoranza  ventraiola  e  crudele  chia- 
mata  plutocrazia,  la  quale  col  popolo  non  ha  altro  di  comune 
se  non  la   semplice   darviniana   origine  scimmiesca. 

Un  sifFatto  industrialismo  nazionalista,  per  mantenersi 
e  prosperare  —  sempre,  s'intende,  a  beneficio  della  mino- 
ranza ventraiola  e  crudele  chiamata  plutocrazia  —  deve, 
necessariamente,  spingersi  a  competizioni  commerciali  con 
I'industrialismo  d'un'altra  nazione  o  d'altre  nazioni,  e 
viceversa. 

Ma  le  competizioni  commerciali,  affinche  diano  risultati 
finanziari  proporzionati  alle  voglie  ingorde  della  pluto- 
crazia nazionalista,  debbono  essere  ineluttabilmente  e 
strenuamente  favorite  e  protette  dallo  Stato. 

Si  presta  a  una  partigianeria  tanto  sfacciata  e  iniqua 
il  governo  d'uno  Stato  odierno? 

Sicuro  che  vi  si  presta! 

E  come  potrebbe  non  prestarvisi,  se  esso  —  il  governo 
d'uno  Stato  odierno  —  sia  che  si  copra  con  la  maschera 
sormontata  da  una  corona  reale  o  imperiale,  sia  che  si 
copra  con  la  maschera  sormontata  da  un  berretto  frigio 
repubblicano  —  non  e  altro,  oramai,  se  non  un  ente  volon- 
tariamente  asservito  alia  minoranza  ventraiola  e  crudele 
chiamata  plutocrazia.'' 

Ora,  un  siffatto  governo  non  potrebbe,  francamente, 
senza  darsi  con  la  zappa  sui  piedi,  cimentare  le  forze  militari, 
cioe  le  forze  positive  della  nazione,  se  non  per  favorire  e 
proteggere  gl'interessi  del  padrone,  o,  per  essere  grammati- 


SOLIDARIETA  UMANA  595 

calmente  piu  esatti,  della  padrona  (plutocrazia,  in  lingua 
italiana,  e  di  genere  femminile).  Le  guerre  della  nuova 
Italia  in  Africa  (per  esempio  quella  contro  I'Abissinia  e 
quella  contro  la  Turchia)  non  ebbero  altro  scopo,  almeno 
originario,  se  non  la  cosidetta  *'penetrazione  commerciale", 
voluta  ed  efFettuata  dal  governo  monarchico  dei  Savoia 
per  conto  della  plutocrazia  italiana.  E  la  stessa  grande 
guerra  che  da  tre  anni  infuria  suU'  Europa  non  fu  provocata 
che  dall'invidia  della  plutocrazia  germanica  per  il  primato 
commerciale   della   plutocrazia   inglese   nel   mondo  ^ 

Nelle  cause  di  puro  carattere  umanitario  —  quelle  cioe 
che  involgono  I'elevamento  intelletuale  morale  economico, 
la  giustizia,  la  liberta,  la  felicita  dei  popoli  —  il  governo  d'uno 
Stato  odierno  non  cimenta  mai  le  forze  militari  della  nazione. 
Ed  e  naturale;  poiche  le  forze  militari,  facendo  trionfare  la 
causa  umanitaria,  non  sortirebbero  che  un  solo  effetto: 
la  fine  della  plutocrazia,  vale  a  dire  la  fine  di  tutte  le  disugua- 
glianze,  di  tutte  le  ingiustizie,  di  tutte  le  tirannidi  sociali. 
Un  eflFetto,  come  si  vede,  ben  diverso  da  quello  per  cui  le 
forze  militari  delle  nazioni  oggigiorno  esistono. 

Nelle  cause  di  puro  carattere  umanitario,  esso  —  il 
governo  d'uno  Stato  odierno  —  impiega  solo  la  forza  nega- 
tiva  della  nazione:  la  diplomazia.  La  quale  non  ha  altro 
compito,  se  non  quello  di  ciarlare,  arruffare  il  piii  che  sia 
possibile  la  matassa,  gettare  polvere  negli  occhi  ai  gonzi, 
cloroformizzare  la  nazione,  riducendo  ogni  palpito  di  vita 
collettiva  alio  statu  quo,  a  questa  comoda  ellissi  latina 
(comoda  per  i  forti,  ma  nefasta  per  i  deboli)  fossilizzata  e 
fossilizzatrice. 

Debbono  i  popoli  continuare  ad  afFrontare  una  situa- 
zione  tanto  tangibile  nel  suo  vizioso  male  cronico,  contrap- 
ponendo  le  solite  innocue  parole  ai  fatti  assassini  delle 
feroci  e  sorde  plutocrazie? 

Ma,  in  tal  modo,  essi  —  i  popoli  —  non  farebbero  che 
ribadire  sempre  piii  con  le  proprie  mani  le  catene  della 
schiavitu;  non  farebbero  che  perpetuate  le  guerre,  sempre  a 

^  Le  altre  cause  che  determinarono  la  grande  guerra  (panslavismo,  revenge 
francese,  irredentismo  italiano,  ecc.)  non  furono  che  cause  d'importanza  affatto 
secondaria. 


596  PARTE  QUARTA 

vantaggio  dei  furbi  che,  oziando,  godono,  e  a  danno  de- 
gl'ingenui  che,  lavorando,  soffrono. 

Finche  esistono  grindustrialismi  nazionalisti  con  le 
rispettive  competizioni  commerciali:  finche  esistono  le 
plutocrazie  che  nelle  loro  mani  hanno  accentrate,  e  pos- 
sono  disporne  a  lor  talento,  tutte  le  forze  positive  delle 
nazioni  (dalla  forza  finanziaria  a  quella  militare)  co- 
tidianamente  legalizzate  dai  governi  e  benedette  dalle 
religioni  che  sono  anche,  per  grazia  di  Dio,  al  servizio  dei 
forti:  finche  sifFatte  plutocrazie,  per  sempre  maggiore  sete  di 
ricchezza  e  di  dominio  —  sete  originata  da  innata  e  incallita 
malvagita  d'animo  —  provocano  le  guerre,  I'inerzia  dei 
popoli,  armata  solo  di  vecchio  rettoricume  lacrimoso  e  sia 
pure  sdegnoso,  non  e  altro,  secondo  me,  che  un'incongruenza, 
un  anacronismo,  una  follia,  un  suicidio.  E  il  fragile  vetro 
che  vuol  resistere  ai  colpi  del  maglio  possente.  E  la  bolla 
di  sapone  che  vuol  resistere  al  cozzo  della  viva  roccia 
calcarea. 

Bisogna  cambiar  rotta.  Siamo  in  un  secolo  nel  quale 
non  si  puo  piii  credere,  ragionevolmente,  se  non  ad  una  sola 
verita:  a  quella  che  ci  viene  insegnata  o,  meglio,  dimostrata 
dalla  scienza  positiva.  Bisogna  quindi  vivere  un  po'  meno 
nel  mondo  metafisico  dei  sogni,  e  un  po'  piii  nel  mondo 
fisico  della  realta.  Le  parole  con  le  quali  Giosue  fermo 
il  sole  elaluna;  le  parole  con  le  quali  Cristo  risuscito  Lazzaro 
di  Betania,  non  sono  altro,  oramai,  che  arrugginiti  ferra- 
vecchi  biblici. 

I  popoli  debbono  far  fatti.  Debbono,  tutti  indistinta- 
mente,  creare  tra  loro  una  salda  alleanza  spirituale  (pro- 
dromo  della  loro  unione  politica  universale)  e  stabilire, 
come  principio  fondamentale  di  giustizia  inviolabile  e 
invariabile,  che  quando  una  controversia  sorta  tra  due 
nazioni  degenera  in  guerra,  ciascuno  di  essi  —  ciascuno  dei 
popoli  non  implicati  nella  controversia  degenerata  in 
guerra  —  deve,  a  priori,  impOrre  al  proprio  Governo  I'in- 
tervento  armato  in  favore  della  nazione  debole  che  si  trova 
dalla  parte  della  ragione.  Dalla  parte  della  ragione  non 
secondo  il  porcino  punto  di  vista  della  minoranza  ventraiola 
e   crudele   chiamata   plutocrazia;   non   secondo   le   verbose 


SOLIDARIETA  UMANA  597 

leggi  partigiane  votate  dai  Parlamenti  e  sanzionate  dai 
re,  dagrimperatori  e  dai  president!  delle  repubbliche;  non 
secondo  le  cervellotiche  sentenze  sputate  dagl'ingonnellati 
commedianti  dei  diversi  tribunali  arbitrali  dell'Aia.  Ma  dalla 
parte  della  ragione,  secondo  il  giudizio  che  scaturisce  spon- 
taneo,  scevro  di  preconcetti  e  di  passioni,  dalla  libera 
intelligenza,  dalla  Candida  coscienza  dei  popoli  stessi; 
secondo,  sopratutto,  quel  naturale  diritto  alia  vita  che  rende 
sempre  bella,  sacra,  degna  di  trionfo  la  causa  dei  deboli. 

Solo  in  tal  modo  —  per  ora  —  si  puo  frenare  la  morbosa 
fregola  aggressiva  dei  forti.  Solo  in  tal  modo  si  possono 
subitamente  evitare  le  guerre. 

Infatti,  se  il  governo  di  Francesco  Giuseppe,  per  esem- 
pio,  avesse  saputo  in  antecedenza  che  i  popoli  d'Europa, 
anzi  del  mondo  intero,  sarebbero  insorti  e  intervenuti 
prontamente  con  tutte  le  forze  positive  delle  loro  nazioni 
in  difesa  della  Serbia,  esso  —  il  governo  di  Francesco  Giu- 
seppe —  per  quanto  potente  e  prepotente,  per  quanto  spal- 
leggiato  da  quel  colosso  militaresco  ch'era  I'impero  germanico 
—  non  si  sarebbe  azzardato  di  fare  la  voce  troppo  grossa 
contro  la  piccola  nazione  balcanica  difendente  la  propria 
unita,  la  propria  indipendenza;  non  avrebbe  commesso 
I'insana  temerita  di  mandarle,  nel  luglio  del  1914,  quel- 
Vultimatum  che  doveva  scatenare  sul  mondo  il  piu  terribile 
degl'inferni. 

Ma,  purtroppo,  Talleanza  spirituale  dei  popoli,  prodrome 
della  loro  unione  politica  universale,  non  si  potra  mai 
effettuare,  se,  prima,  i  due  piii  avanzati  gruppi  di  dottrinai, 
che  sui  popoli  hanno  uno  straordinario  ascendente  morale, 
non  sapranno  efficacemente  adattare  la  loro  concezione 
paciflsta,  sfrondata  d'ogni  intransigenza  dogmatica,  agli 
avvenimenti  che  giorno  per  giorno  si  svolgono  sulla  Terra. 

Primo  gruppo.  Quelli  che  —  circoscrivendo  il  progresso 
umano  alia  sola  lotta  di  classe  (problema  economico)  — 
sono  in  favore  della  guerra,  soltanto  nel  caso  in  cui  si  tratti 
di  difendere  da  un'invasione  nemica  il  paese  nel  quale  stanno 
riconcentrati  tutti  gl'interessi  material!  del  proletariato 
nazionale  ch'essi  rappresentano.    Astensionisti  condizionali. 


598  PARTE   QUARTA 

Secondo  gruppo.  Quelli  che  —  aspettando  dalla  rivolu- 
zione  la  distruzione  d'ogni  autorita  politica,  giudizlaria, 
militare,  economica,  religiosa  —  sono  contrari  a  tutte  le 
guerre,  poiche  esse  non  si  combattono  che  per  il  rotondissimo 
ventre   di   "lor   signori".     Astensionisti  assoluti. 

I  membri  di  questi  due  gruppi  sono,  senza  dubbio, 
animati  da  rette  intenzioni;  mirano  all'alto  fine,  cui  mira 
ogni  mente  aperta  e  operosa,  ogni  cuore  sensibile  e  gentile: 
all'emancipazione  di  tutte  le  creature  oppresse. 

lo  percio  voglio  ragionare  un  po'  con  loro,  serenamente^ 

E  dico  agli  astensionisti  condizionali: 

La  tesi  della  guerra  per  sola  difesa  nazionale,  da  voi 
sostenuta,  e  in  aperta  contradizione  con  le  dottrine  che  voi 
dite  di  professare.  Dottrine  che,  nel  loro  contenuto  ideali- 
stico  spiccatamente  e  rigorosamente  internazionale,  non 
ammettono  restrizioni  di  sorta. 

II  grido  *'lavoratori  di  tutti  i  paesi,  unitivi!"  —  sinte- 
tizzante  codeste  dottrine  —  non  va  interpretato  nel  senso 
esclusivamente  economico  che  voi  credete.  Esso  —  a 
meno  che  non  si  voglia  impicciolire  il  merito  di  chi  lo  lancio 
—  va,  logicamente,  interpretato  in  un  senso  molto  piii 
vasto.  In  un  senso  abbracciante  tutti  i  problemi  sociali, 
dai  quali  quello  economico  non  si  puo  astrarre,  senza 
turbare  I'armonia  o  rompere  addirittura  la  compagine  delle 
cose  che  regolano  e  perpetuano  il  vero  progresso  umano. 

Perche  la  questione  sociale  e  poliedrica. 

E  il  problema  economico  non  e  altro  che  una  parte 
della  questione  sociale  (una  faccia  del  poliedro).  Una  parte 
intimamente  connessa  alle  altre,  anzi  dipendente  dalle  altre 
e  specialmente  da  una:    dall'ignoranza. 

Lo  disse  autorevolmente  tre  secoli  addietro,  fra  le 
pill  orribili  torture  dell'inquisizione  laica  ed  ecclesiastica, 
quell'arditissimo  padre  del  comunismo  universale  che  fu 
il   mio   enciclopedico   concittadino  Tommaso   Campanella. 

Secondo  il  pensiero  di  questo  gigante  precursore  delle 

^  Non  mi  occupo  degli  altri  gruppi  pacifist!,  perche  essi,  essendo  emanazione 
piu  o  mcno  dirctta  delle  plutocrazie,  non  possono  essere  sin.ceri. 
"Non  ragioniam  di  lor,  ma  Riiarda  e  passa." 

(Dante,  Divina  Commcdia,  Inferno,  canto  III). 


SOLIDARIETA   UMANA  599 

civili  rivendicazioni  umane  —  pensiero  confermato  appieno 
dai  fatti  —  la  questione  sociale  abbraccia: 

Primo:  Vignoranzay  la  quale,  impedendo  di  far  conoscere 
i  veri  vizi  e  le  vere  virtu,  genera  e  nutrisce  i  mali  '*sotto  cui 
freme  e  piange  il  mondo". 

Secondo:  il  cieco  amor  propria^  ossia  I'egoismo,  figlio 
degno  dell'ignoranza. 

Terzo:  la  tirannide  (falsa  possanza),  il  sofisma  (falsa 
scienza),  Vipocrisia  (falso  amore),  cioe  i  tre  mali  estremi 
(la  "trina  bugia")  che  hanno  radice  e  fomento  nel  cieco  amor 
proprio. 

Quarto:  le  carestie,  ossia  la  miseria  (il  problema  econo- 
mico),  le  guerre,  le  pestiy  Vinvidia,  VingannOy  V ingiustizia, 
la  lussuria,  Yaccidia,  lo  sdegno,  derivanti  tutti  dai  tre  mali 
estremi,  ai  quali  gerarchicamente  sottostanno. 

II  problema  economico,  dunque,  non  si  puo  astrarre 
dagli  altri.  Non  si  puo  risolvere  indipendentemente  dagli 
altri.  Se  si  potesse  risolvere  indipendentemente  dagli 
altri,  la  sua  soluzione  isolata  non  raggiungerebbe  lo  scopo 
(il  miglioramento  morale  del  mondo)  a  cui  tende  I'intera 
questione  sociale.  E  la  prova  di  questa  mia  afFermazione, 
che  a  prima  vista  puo  sembrare  un  paradosso,  ce  la  da  in 
modo  irrefutabile  la  stessa  plutocrazia.     Proprio  cosi! 

E  un  fatto  —  e  spero  che  su  questo  punto  non  ci  saranno 
divergenze  —  che  la  plutocrazia  e  composta,  al  pari  del 
proletariato,  d'uomini  di  carne  e  d'ossa  della  medesima 
specie. 

Questi  uomini  (i  plutocrati)  hanno  gia  risolto,  e  splendida- 
mente  risolto,  a  loro  vantaggio,  il  problema  economico. 
Spero  che  neanche  su  questo  punto  ci  saranno  divergenze. 

Ma  la  soluzione  di  tale  problema,  che  ha  portato  tutte 
le  comodita,  tutti  i  piaceri  sensuali  della  vita  ai  plutocrati, 
ha  essa,  nello  stesso  tempo,  portato  loro  un  proporzionato 
miglioramento  morale?     Neppure  per  sogno! 

La  soluzione  del  problema  economico  (comodita,  piaceri 
sensuali  a  bizzeffe)  ha  invece  portato  ai  plutocrati  un  enorme 
peggioramento  morale,  visibile  perfino  ai  ciechi.  Ha  in- 
segnato  ch'essa  —  la  detta  soluzione  —  scompagnata  dalla 
soluzione  degli  altri  problemi  sociali,  non  e,  e  non  potra  mai 


600  PARTE   QUARTA 

essere,  la  panacea  predicata  dai  teorici  di  superficiale  od 
ottenebrata  mentalita;  ha  dimostrato  ancora  una  volta,  ed 
oggi  piu  che  mai,  il  valore  positive  della  verita  proclamata 
in  tempi  difficili  dal  sommo  apostolo  stilese.  II  quale  fu  — 
col  Vinci,  col  Pomponazzi,  col  Telesio,  col  Bruno,  col 
Galilei  —  un  genio  creatore  del  positivismo  moderno:  di 
quel  positivismo  che,  alia  volubile  autorita  della  parola, 
sostitui  la  stabile  autorita  dei  fatti:  di  quel  positivismo, 
culminato  ai  nostri  giorni  nella  monumentale  opera  filoso- 
fica  di  quell'altra  gloria  italiana  che  e  il  vivente  professor 
Roberto   Ardigo. 

E  se  il  grido  sintetizzante  la  dottrina  professata  da  voi, 
astensionisti  condizionali,  ha  un  contenuto  idealistico 
spiccatamente  e  rigorosamente  internazionale,  non  capisco 
con  quale  coscienza  o,  peggio,  con  che  cuore,  voi  possiate 
restringere  la  guerra  alia  sola  difesa  nazionale,  lasciando  che 
le  nazioni  forti,  trovantisi  dalla  parte  del  torto,  aggredissero 
e  schiacciassero  a  lor  piacimento  le  nazioni  deboli,  trovan- 
tisi dalla  parte  della  ragione. 

Un  siffatto  principio  restrittivo  (guerra  per  sola  difesa 
nazionale)  e  d'una  crudelta  egoistica  inaudita.  E  la  piii 
ripugnante  ironia  dell'internazionale,  o  internazionalismo 
che  dir  si  voglia.  E  I'assoluta  negazione  d'ogni  solidarieta 
umana  e  animale.  Dico  animale,  perche  financo  gli  animali 
sentono  e  mettono  in  pratica,  tra  loro,  quella  che  noi  chia- 
miamo  solidarieta  morale  verso  i  deboli.  II  cane  (basta 
questo  solo  esempio)  arrischia  continuamente  la  propria  vita 
per  difendere  le  pecore  (animali  deboli  e  innocenti)  dal  lupo 
(animale  forte,  selvaggio  e  prepotente). 

E  la  vostra  stessa  nazione,  astensionisti  condizionali, 
non  tarderebbe  a  cadere  vittima  della  malvagita,  delle 
cupidige  plutocratiche  d'una  nazione  piii  forte;  vittima  del 
vostro  stesso  errore. 

Perche  non  basta  volersi  difendere.  Bisogna  potersi 
difendere.  La  Serbia  voleva  anche  difendersi  dall'Austria. 
II  Belgio  voleva  anche  difendersi  dalla  Germania.  Ma  I'una 
e  I'altro,  essendo  troppo  piccoli  e,  per  conseguenza,  troppo 
deboli  di  fronte  ai  loro  aggressori,  dovettero  soccombere, 
nonostante  poggiassero  la  loro  difesa  su  diritti  d'indipen- 


SOLIDARIETA  UMANA  601 

denza  e  su  punti  d'onore  piu  che  sacri.  E  non  si  rialzereb- 
bero  piu,  e  rimarrebbero  per  sempre  schiavi  dei  tiranni  che 
con  soldatesca  brutalita  li  calpestarono,  se  essi  —  i  due 
popoli  eroici  serbo  e  belga  —  dovessero  aspettare  aiuto 
dai  fratelli  i  quali  si  strombazzano  internazionalisti,  stando 
rinchioccioliti  neH'astensionismo  nazionalista. 

E  se  la  questione  sociale  abbraccia  moiti  altri  problemi, 
oltre  a  quelle  economico:  e  se  I'emancipazione  delle  crea- 
ture oppresse  dipende  dalla  soluzione  parallela  di  tutti 
questi  problemi  e  non  dalla  soluzione  d'un  solo  d'essi,  non 
capisco  perche  voi,  seguaci  del  grido  sintetizzante  la  que- 
stione sociale  in  tutta  la  sua  idealistica  interezza^  dobbiate 
persistere  nella  soluzione  del  solo  problema  economico. 
Non  capisco  perche  dobbiate  disinteressarvi,  o  interessarvi 
assai  poco,  degli  altri  problemi,  quand'  e  assodato  che 
la  parallela  soluzione  di  tutti,  non  la  soluzione  isolata 
d'uno  d'essi,  potra  eliminare  i  mali"sotto  cui  freme  e  piange 
il  mondo":  i  mali  che  impediscono  I'emancipazione  tanto 
sospirata. 

Si  sa  che  le  guerre,  oggigiorno,  non  si  fanno  per  vendicare 
I'onore  offeso  d'un  qualsiasi  Menelao  piij  o  meno  coronato, 
come  si  fece,  per  esempio,  la  mitologica  guerra  dell'antica 
Grecia  contro  Troia  d'omerica  memoria. 

Le  guerre,  oggigiorno,  come  ho  accennato  piii  su  e  come 
voi  stessi  astensionisti  condizionali  riconoscete,  si  fanno 
per  fini  essenzialmente  economici:  per  quei  fini  ai  quali 
tende  appunto  la  dottrina  che  voi  dite  di  professare,  pure 
a  volerla  interpretare  nel  senso  il  piii  angusto. 

E  se  si  fanno  per  fini  essenzialmente  economici,  non 
vedo  la  ragione  per  cui  voi,  seguaci  dell'internazionalismo 
ridotto  sia  pure  ai  minimi  termini,  vale  a  dire  ai  termini 
strettamente  economici,  dobbiate  asternervi  dall'inter- 
venire  in  esse. 

Perche  tali  fini,  obietterete,  non  compromettono  gl'interessi 
economici  del  nostro  proletariato  nazionale. 

Che  gl'interessi  economici  del  proletariato  d'una  nazione 
astensionista  (neutrale)  sieno  compromessi  —  data  la 
presente    organizzazione    industriale    e    commerciale    del 


602  PARTE  QUARTA 

mondo  —  da  una  guerra  tra  due  o  piu  nazloni  e  massima- 
mente  da  una  guerra  di  gigantesche  proporzioni  come 
quella  che  da  tre  anni  infuria  sulla  vecchia  Europa  e,  per 
riflesso,  su  tutto  il  mondo,  e  una  verita  accessibile  a  tutte 
le  intelligenze. 

Ma  se  anche,  per  una  lontana  ipotesi,  gl'interessi  econo- 
mici  del  proletariato  nazionale  neutrale  non  fossero  meno- 
mamente  compromessi  dalle  guerre  altrui,  voi,  astensionisti 
condizionali,  avreste  egualmente  il  dovere  d'intervenire  in 
esse,  per  difendere  gl'interessi  economici  del  proletariato 
della  nazione  piii  debole  aggredita  da  una  nazione  pluto- 
craticamente  piii  forte.  E  cio  per  coerenza  fattiva,  non 
parolaia,  con  la  dottrina  sia  pure  strettamente  economica 
che  voi   dite   di  professare. 

Gli  scrupoli  sentimentali  di  non  volere  intervenire 
nelle  guerre,  perche  sareste  costretti  ad  ammazzare  i  fra- 
telli  vostri,  dovreste  ormai  lasciarli  da  parte. 

Non  sono  fratelli  vostri  i  soldati  invasori  che  dovreste 
ammazzare  in  caso  di   difesa  nazionale? 

Non  sono  fratelli  vostri  —  e  fratelli  della  vostra  stessa 
nazione!  —  i  crumiri  (scabs)  che  voi  combattete  e  ammaz- 
zate  durante  gli  scioperi? 

E  gli  scioperi  stessi,  a  cui  voi  ricorrete  sovente  come 
mezzo  difensivo  nella  lotta  di  classe,  non  sono  essi,  in  so- 
stanza,  guerre  tra  fratelli  sfruttati  e  fratelli  sfruttatori? 
guerre  d'odio  e  di  sangue  tra  fratelli  proletari  unionisti  e 
fratelli  proletari  non  unionisti? 

Voi  proletari  appartenenti  alle  unioni,  quando  siete  in 
isciopero,  assalite  e  ammazzate  senza  tanti  complimenti  i 
vostri  fratelli  proletari  non  appartenenti  alle  unioni. 
Perche? 

Per   difendervi   dalla   loro  concorrenza   economica. 

Eppure  raramente  i  proletari  non  appartenenti  alle 
unioni  vi  sostituiscono  nel  lavoro  per  cattivezza  d'animo. 

Essi,  nella  maggior  parte  dei  casi,  non  sono  (ed  io  lo  so, 
lo  so!)  che  figli,  fratelli,  mariti,  padri  ridotti  all'estrema 
miseria.  Non  sapendo  a  qual  santo  votarsi  nei  tristi  giorni 
della  loro  esistenza,  non  sapendo  dove  battere  la  testa,  i 
disgraziati  aflFrontano  con  la  disperazione  addosso  i  vostri 


SOLIDARIETA  UMANA  603 

insulti,  le  vostre  violenze,  il  vostro  disprezzo:  e  corrono  alia 
conquista  del  tozzo  di  pane  e  del  pezzo  di  carbone  che 
debbono  servire  a  salvare  le  loro  amate  creature  agonizzanti 
di  fame  e  di  freddo. 

Voi  non  volete  saperne  di  cio.  Voi  non  volete  saperne 
dei  motivi,  pur  derivanti  da  forza  maggiore,  che  costringono 
i  vostri  sventurati  fratelli  a  farvi  la  concorrenza  nel  lavoro. 
Voi  sapete  solo  ch'essi  vi  fanno  male.  Eppero  li  combattete 
e  ammazzate. 

E  i  poliziotti  —  sia  quelli  pubblici  che  quelli  privati 
(con  questi  ultimi  intendo  alludere  ai  ferocissimi  poliziotti 
privati  nord-americani  soprannominati  gunmen)  —  adibiti 
"a  mantenere  I'ordine"  durante  gli  scioperi,  non  sono  an- 
ch'essi,  in  fin  dei  conti,  fratelli  vostri?  E  perche  li  combat- 
tete e  ammazzate? 

Perche  essi  non  esitano  punto  a  sparare  contro  di  voi. 
Perche  essi  non  esitano  punto  a  trucidare  le  vostre  donne 
e  i  vostri  bambini. 

lo  paragono  i  crumiri  ai  soldati  di  leva  forzata;  paragono 
i  poliziotti  ai  soldati  di  professione.  L'azione  involontaria 
degli  uni  (crumiri  e  soldati  di  leva  forzata)  e  ispirata,  come 
l'azione  volontaria  degli  altri  (poliziotti  e  soldati  di  pro- 
fessione), dalla  plutocrazia,  e  incitata  dalla  plutocrazia, 
si  risolve  a  vantaggio  della  plutocrazia. 

Ora  se  voi  —  proletari  unionist!  rappresentanti  I'inter- 
nazionalismo  sintetizzato  nel  grido  "lavoratori  di  tutti 
i  paesi,  unitevi!" — combattete  e  ammazzate  i  crumiri 
e  i  poliziotti  durante  gli  scioperi,  perche  non  dovreste 
combattete  e  ammazzate  anche  i  soldati  durante  le 
guerre? 

I  crumiri  e  i  poliziotti  sono,  ripeto,  fratelli  vostri  al 
pari  dei  soldati.  II  male  che  fanno  questi  ultimi  (i  soldati) 
ha  la  stessa  radice  del  male  che  fanno  gli  altri  (crumiri  e 
poliziotti);  ha  un'unica  radice:  la  plutocrazia,  questo  mo- 
derno  vaso  di  Pandora. 

E  se  con  la  lotta  di  classe,  culminante  negli  ammazza- 
menti  dei  crumiri  e  dei  poliziotti  durante  gli  scioperi,  voi, 
astensionisti  condizionali,  difendete  economicamente  i 
vostri  interessi  proletari  nazionali  contro  la  vostra   pluto- 


604  PARTE   QUARTA 

crazia  nazionale,  dovete  nello  stesso  tempo,  per  coerenza  alia 
dottrina  internazionale  che  voi  dite  di  professare,  ammettere 
rintervento  armato  in  tutte  le  guerre  odierne  in  difesa 
non  solo  dell'integrita  territoriale  della  vostra  nazione  rac- 
chiudente  in  se  gl'interessi  materiali  del  vostro  proletariato 
nazionale,  ma  anche  in  difesa  dell'integrita  territoriale 
racchiudente  gl'interessi  materiali  del  proletariato  di  tutte 
le  nazioni  deboli  aggredite  per  ingordigia  economica  dal 
comune  nemico:    dalla  plutocrazia. 

Se  persisterete  nella  vostra  attitudine  restrittiva,  voi, 
astensionisti  condizionali,  finirete  col  discreditare  il  grido 
sintetizzante  la  dottrina  della  quale  vi  vantate  propu- 
gnatori. 

Perche  esso  grido  fu  lanciato  per  colpire  a  morte,  a 
mezzo  dell'unione  dei  lavoratori  di  tutti  i  paesi,  non  la 
plutocrazia  d'una  sola  nazione,  ma  le  plutocrazie  di  tutte 
le  nazioni. 

Se  le  plutocrazie  di  tutte  le  nazioni,  invece  di  morire, 
continuano  a  vivere  e  ad  impinguire  sempre  piii  col  sangue 
dei  lavoratori  di  tutti  i  paesi,  significa  che  la  vostra  azione 
restrittiva  (astensionismo  condizionale)  non  e  la  giusta 
interpretazione  del  grido  sintetizzante  la  dottrina  ridotta 
sia  pure  ai  termini  strettamente  economici. 

Del  resto,  se  i  proletariati  di  cinque  tra  le  maggiori 
nazioni  del  mondo  (Francia,  Inghilterra,  Russia,  Giappone, 
Italia)  —  proletariati  che  piii  e  meglio  degli  altri  avevano 
ascoltato  il  verbo  della  dottrina  sintetizzata  nel  grido 
"lavoratori  di  tutti  i  paesi,  unitevi!"  —  si  schierarono  nella 
grande  guerra  a  fianco  della  Serbia  e  del  Belgio,  significa 
ch'essi  —  i  suddetti  proletariati  —  ripudiarono  I'interpre- 
tazione  restrittiva  dell'astensionismo  condizionale  e  misero 
risolutamente  in  pratica  (specialmente  il  proletariato  italia- 
no)  tutto  il  contenuto  idealistico  spiccatamente  e  rigorosa- 
mente  internazionale  ch'esso  grido  sintetizzava. 

Voi,  astensionisti  condizionali,  ravvedetevi  lealmente 
dell'errore  in  cui  cadeste  (errore  relativamente  ai  tempi, 
relativamente  alia  formidabile  efficienza  positiva  raggiunta 
dalle  plutocrazie,  s'intende),  e  seguite  il  buon  senso  pratico 
dei  popoli,  se  non  volete  che  le  vostre  file  s'assottiglino 


SOLIDARIETA  UMANA  605 

sempre  piu,  se  non  volete  rimanere  travolti  nel  turbine 
imperversante  dei  fatti. 

Ostinandovi  a  non  seguire  i  popoli  nel  loro  buon  senso 
pratico,  significa  che  voi  non  sapete  comprendere  la  loro 
anima. 

E  i  popoli  vi  abbandoneranno  e  si  daranno  a  chi  sapra 
condurli  —  per  vie  meno  tortuose,  meno  impervie  —  alia 
tanto  necessaria  emancipazione. 

Perche  i  popoli  sono  stanchi  d'aspettare.  Le  loro  sofFe- 
renze  fisiche  e  morali  sono  cresciute  in  proporzione  delle 
comodita,  dei  piaceri  sensuali  delle  plutocrazie.  Hanno 
raggiunto  —  le  sofFerenze  fisiche  e  morali  dei  popoli  —  il 
grado  massimo  raggiunto  dalle  comodita,  dai  piaceri  sen- 
suali delle  plutocrazie. 

I  popoli  sono  stanchi  d'aspettare. 

Astensionisti   condizionali,    meditate   queste   verita. 

E  dico  agli  astensionisti  assoluti: 

E  vero,  come  voi  sostenete  e  com'io  stesso  sostengo,  che 
le  guerre,  oggigiorno,  si  combattono  per  il  rotondissimo 
ventre  di  *'lor  signori".  Ma  chi  e  che  le  combatte?  Forse 
"lor  signori"?  Essi  le  provocano  e  le  dirigono  solamente. 
Chi  in  realta  le  combatte  sono  i  popoli,  sui  quali  le  pluto- 
crazie dominano. 

Ora,  in  mezzo  ai  popoli  che  fanno  le  guerre  vi  sono  anche 
astensionisti  assoluti  travestiti  da  soldati  non  per  volonta 
propria,  ma  per  forza  d'una  di  quelle  leggi  partigiane 
favorevoli  alle  plutocrazie  nazlonaliste  (coscrizione  militate 
obbligatoria),  delle  quali  ho  fatto  cenno  piii  su. 

E  se  sono  i  popoli,  se  sono  i  fratelli  vostri,  se  ne  va  di 
mezzo  la  loro  vita  individuale  e  collettiva,  come  fate  voi  a 
disinteressarvene,   a   restarvene  inerti? 

Potreste  disinteressarvene,  restarvene  inerti,  se  "lor 
signori"  abitassero  un  pianeta  diverso  da  quello  abitato 
dai  popoli,  dai  fratelli  vostri,  e  ivi  avessero  vaghezza  di 
scannarsi  a  vicenda,  distruggersi  tra  loro,  soltanto  tra  loro. 

Ma  dai  momentoche  "lor  signori"  abitano  il  pianeta  abitato 
dai  popoli,  dai  fratelli  vostri  e,  per  i  mezzi  positivi  di  cui 
dispongono,  possono  a  lor  talento  provocare  e  dirigere  le 


606  PARTE   QUARTA 

guerre,  e  necessario  che  voi  ve  ne  interessiate,  prendendovi 
parte  attiva. 

Perche  essi  —  "lor  signori"  —  dalle  guerre  non  perdono 
mai  nulla;  guadagnano  sempre. 

Sono  i  popoli,  sono  i  fratelli  vostri,  sono  gli  umili,  i  quali 
lavorano  e  penano  giorno  e  notte,  che  nelle  guerre  perdono 
sempre    e    tutto. 

II  vostro  astensionismo  assoluto  —  di  fronte  ai  deboli 
trucidati  sui  campi  di  battaglia,  di  fronte  alle  donne  stu- 
prate,  ai  bambini  mutilati,  alle  case  saccheggiate,  alle  citta 
incendiate  —  vi  mette  nella  stessa  lista  di  quei  tali  anacoreti 
(santificati  poi  dalla  Chiesa  cattolica),  i  quali  si  ritiravano 
nelle  solitudini  dei  deserti,  ed  ivi,  infischiandosi  delle 
creature  oppresse  nel  mondo,  non  pensavano  ad  altro  — 
egoisticamente,  quanto  stupidamente  —  che  alia  salvezza 
eterna  delle  loro  anime. 

Obietterete: 

Ma  perche  i  popoli  non  entrano  neU'orbita  delle  nostre  idee, 
le  quali  non  hanno  altro  scopo  se  non  quello  di  liberare  per  mezzo 
della  rivoluzione,  poiche  con  altri  mezzi  non  e  stato  finora  possi- 
bile,  i  popoli  stessi  dalla  tirannide  plutocratica  che  li  afFama  e  li 
spinge  continuamente  al  macello  fratricida? 

Prima  di  rispondere  a  una  tale  domanda,  dichiaro  ch'io, 
personalmente,  credo  possibile  il  regime  di  vita  individua- 
lista  da  voi  bramato  e  propugnato.  Lo  credo  possibile 
non  per  snobismo  piii  o  meno  dottrinario,  ma  perche  gli 
uomini  —  se  non  tutti,  certo  una  buona  parte  —  han  gia 
toccato  il  grado  di  purita  morale  necessario  per  far  passare 
il  detto  regime  dallo  stato  teorico  alio  stato  pratico.  Non 
ho  bisogno  di  cercare  tra  le  morte  generazioni.  Mi  basta 
guardare  tra  le  viventi,  e  nella  sola  Italia,  per  trovare  le 
prove  corroboranti  una  tale  mia  credenza,  una  tale  mia 
affermazione.  Roberto  Ardigo,  Pasquale  Villari,  Teodoro 
Moneta,  Guglielmo  Marconi.  Chi  oserebbe  dire  che  questi 
uomini,  ed  altri  come  questi  o  anche  di  minore  entita  morale, 
avrebbero  bisogno  d'una  qualsiasi  autorita  politica,  giudizia- 
ria,  militare,  economica,  religiosa  per  vivere  tra  loro  in  per- 
fetto  buon  essere,  in  perfetta  pace,  in  perfetta  armonia? 


SOLIDARIETA  UMANA  607 

E  un'infinita  d'aziende  private  (senza  contare  le  nume- 
rose  tribu  ingiustamente  chiamate  selvagge)  non  si  reggono 
esse  prosperosamente,  tranquillamente,  felicemente  con 
leggi  che  non  sono  scritte  in  nessun  codice?  con  leggi  che 
non  hanno  altra  sostanziale  autorita  se  non  quella  prove- 
niente  dai  doveri  che  ciascun  socio  delle  aziende  in  parola 
sente  naturalmente  in  se,  e  osserva  immancabilmente,  a 
favore  degli  altri  soci? 

Chi  ammette  la  legge  dell'evoluzione,  deve,  onestamente, 
ammettere  I'individuaHsmo. 

Perche  la  legge  dell'evoluzione,  moralmente  parlando, 
non  e  altro  che  lo  studio  delle  umane  virtii;  mentre  I'indi- 
vidualismo  non  e  altro  che  I'esercizio  delle  umane  virtii. 

L'evoluzione  non  e  altro  che  la  teoria  del  vivere  civile. 
L'individualismo  non  e  altro  che  la  pratica  del  vivere  civile. 

L'individualismo  —  in  quanto  rappresenta  il  grado  di 
perfezione  morale  a  cui  I'uomo  e  gia  pervenuto,  e  per  il 
quale  egli  si  sente  irresistibilmente  inclinato,  anzi  capace, 
di  praticare  sempre  il  bene,  non  mai  il  male,  verso  i  suoi 
simili  —  e  I'ideale  supremo  dell'evoluzione;  e,  direi  quasi, 
il  complement©  dell'evoluzione,  se  non  sapessi  che  l'evolu- 
zione, come  sinonimo  di  progesso,  e  infinita  e  non  puo  avere, 
per  conseguenza,  almeno  in  senso  assoluto,  un  complement©. 

Detto  questo,  a  onore  della  verita,  rispondo  alia  vostra 
obiezione,    astensionisti    assoluti. 

I  popoli  non  entrano  nell'orbita  delle  vostre  idee,  perche 
essi  non  sono  ancora  arrivati  a  quell'elevazione  intellettuale 
necessaria  per  comprendere  la  sublimita  del  fine  a  cui  voi 
tendete.  E  non  fanno  la  rivoluzione,  perche  essi  —  o 
quelli  d'essi  che  a  tale  elevazione  son  gia  arrivati  —  rifug- 
gono,  per  innata  delicatezza  d'animo  o  per  altre  rispettabili 
ragioni,  da  un  mezzo  di  lotta  cosi  violento  e  cruento.  Tanto 
pill  ch'esso  —  il  mezzo  in  parola  (la  rivoluzione)  non  diede 
mai  —  come  la  storia  insegna  —  risultati  pratici  proporzio- 
nati  agli  sforzi,  ai  sacrifici  fatti  dai  rivoluzionari;  non  debello 
mai,  come  avrebbe  dovuto,  e  neppure  arresto  in  qualche 
modo,  la  rigogliosa  vitalita  delle  plutocrazie  incarnanti 
tutti  i  mali  sociali. 

Ma  sol  perche  i  popoli  non  sono  ancora  arrivati  alia 


608  PARTE  QUARTA 

suddetta  elevazione  intellettuale:  sol  perche  essi  non 
possono  o  non  vogliono  fare  la  rivoluzione,  voi,  astensionisti 
assoluti,  vi  credete  in  diritto  di  lasciarli,  durante  le  guerre, 
in  balia  di  se  stessi,  in  balia  dei  piii  astuti,  dei  piii  forti,  dei 
piii  cattivi? 

Una  siffatta  intransigenza  vendicativa,  quanto  negativa, 
non  si  concilia,  a  dire  il  vero,  coi  vostri  aprioristici  principi 
di  fratellanza  universale;  e  indegna  del  vostro  civile  apo- 
stolato,  specie  se  si  consideri  che  voi,  fuori  delle  guerre  — 
delle  guerre  militaresche,  s'intende  —  non  esitate  a  rompere 
la  rigidita,  che  dovrebb'essere  invulnerabile,  del  vostro 
astensionismo  assoluto,  scendendo  in  campo  per  combattere 
battaglie  di  carattere  strettamente  economico,  che  non 
sono  di  certo  favorevoli  alle  vostre  teorie  individualistiche. 

Intendo  parlare  degli  scioperi,  E  degli  scioperi  parziali. 
Perche  dovrei  parlare  degli  scioperi  generali  nazionali  o 
internazionali  —  gli  scioperi,  cioe,  abbraccianti  tutte  le 
categorie  dei  lavoratori  d'una  nazione  o  di  tutte  le  nazioni 
—  se  essi,  dacche  la  lotta  di  classe  e  entrata  nella  sua  fase 
pratica,  non  si  sono  fatti  che  a  furia  di  sole  frasi  rettoriche 
piii  o  meno  reboanti? 

Voi  dunque,  astensionisti  assoluti,  scendete  in  un  campo 
assolutamente  ostile  al  vostro,  per  difendere  apertamente 
ed  energicamente  i  diritti  di  coloro  che  scioperano  contro  la 
crudele  ingordigia  della  plutocrazia,  contro  la  concorrenza 
dei  crumiri,  contro  le  violenze  dei  poliziotti. 

Eppure  coloro  che  scioperano  non  sono  tutto  il  prole- 
tariato,  ma  una  piccola  parte  del  proletariato  (la  parte 
privilegiata).  E  una  parte,  ripeto,  che  e  agli  antipodi 
delle  vostre  idee. 

Perche  voi  —  secondo  il  contenuto  idealistico  delle 
dottrine  che  dite  di  professare  —  tendete  al  completo 
miglioramento  di  tutte,  indistintamente,  le  creature  op- 
presse  (e  ce  ne  sono  centinaia  di  milioni  fuori  delle  unioni); 
mentre  gli  unionisti,  che  scioperano,  non  tendono  che  al 
loro  esclusivo  miglioramento  materiale. 

Voi  vi  agitate  per  la  distruzione  delle  plutocrazie,  poiche 
siete  convinti,  e  non  a  torto,  che  da  siffatta  distruzione 
dipende    la    soluzione    dell'intera    questione    sociale.      Gli 


SOLIDARIETA  UMANA  609 

unionist!,  invece,  appena  ottenuto  il  miglioramento  mate- 
riale  per  il  quale  hanno  scioperato,  s'acquetano  come  il 
famoso  Cerbero  dantesco. 

Cerbero,  fiera  crudele  e  diversa, 
Con  tre  gole  caninamente  latra 
sovra  la  gente  che  quivi  e  sommersa.^ 

Quando  ci  scorse  Cerbero,  il  gran  vermo, 
le  bocche  aperse,  e  mostrocci  le  sanne;      ' 
non  avea  membro  che  tenesse  fermo, 

E  il  duca  mio  ^  distese  le  sue  spanne, 
prese  la  terra,  e  con  piene  le  pugna 
la  getto  dentro  alle  bramose  canne. 

Qual  e  quel  cane  che  abbaiando  agugna, 
e  si  racqueta  poi  che  il  pasto  morde, 
che  solo  a  divorarlo  intende  e  pugna: 

Cotai  si  fecer  quelle  facce  lorde 
dello  dimonio  Cerbero  che  introna 
I'anime  si,  ch'esser  vorrebber  sorde. 

E  quando  credono  d'essere  pagati  bene,  essi  —  gli 
unionisti  —  non  combattono  piii  i  plutocrati.  Ne  ricono- 
scono  anzi  la  legittima  esistenza.  Li  consolidano,  li  ingras- 
sano  sempre  piii.  Arrivano  perfino  ad  ammirarli,  a  magni- 
ficarli,  a  idolatrarli.  Lo  si  puo  vedere  in  mille  casi.  lo, 
per  amore  di  brevita,  ne  cito  qui  solamente  due,  davvero 
tipici.  Uno,  comprovante  la  mia  prima  affermazione  (gli 
unionisti  s'acquetano  egoisticamente  dopo  che  hanno 
ottenuto  I'aumento  di  paga  per  il  quale  hanno  scioperato). 
L'altro,  comprovante  la  mia  seconda  affermazione  (gli 
unionisti,  quando  credono  d'essere  pagati  bene,  ricono- 
scono  la  legittima  esistenza  della  plutocrazia,  sia  pure 
indirettamente;  ingrassano  sempre  piii  i  plutocrati,  sia  pure 
involontariamente;  li  ammirano,  li  magnificano,  li  idola- 
trano,  sia  pure  ipocritamente). 

*  Sopra  gli  epicure!  e  i  golosi  del  terzo  cerchio  infernale  {Divina  Commedia, 
Inferno,  canto  VI). 

*  Virgilio. 


610  PARTE  QUARTA 

Primo  caso.  Gli  unionist!  che  lavorano  nella  grande 
manifattura  d'abiti  da  uomo  Hart,  Schaffner  e  Marx  di 
Chicago,  Illinois  (Stati  Uniti  d'America)  un  bel  giorno 
scioperano  per  ottenere  un  aumento  di  paga.  Hart,  Schaff- 
ner &  Marx  aumentano  la  paga,  secondo  i  desiderata  degli 
scioperanti.  Costoro,  sodisfatti,  ritornano  al  lavoro."^  Da 
allora  in  poi  non  si  fanno  piii  vivi,  non  si  movono  piu, 
nemmeno  quando  i  loro  compagni  d'unione,  cioe  gli  altri 
sarti  di  Chicago,  ridotti  agli  estremi,  scioperano  compatti 
e  lottano  disperatamente  parecchie  settimane  per  ottenere 
anch'essi  dalle  altre  sartorie  locali  un  qualsiasi  aumento 
di  paga.^ 

Secondo  caso.  Gli  operai  del  fabbricante  d'automobili 
Henry  Ford  di  Detroit,  Michigan  (Stati  Uniti  d'America) 
credono — beati  loro!  —  d'essere  da  lui  pagati  bene.  Ma  cid 
non  impedisce  che  il  munifico  plutocrate  accresca  di  milioni 
e  milioni  di  dollari  all'anno  la  sua  immensa  ricchezza  perso- 
nale  ammassata  (vedete  miracolo!)  sul  lavoro  degli  operai 
ch'egli  paga  bene. 

D'altra  parte,  gli  unionisti  non  arrivano  neppure,  in 
fin  dei  conti,  a  conseguire  essi  stessi  i  benefici  per  i  quali 
hanno  scioperato. 

Quando  i  plutocrat!  cedono,  aumentando  la  paga  agli 
scioperanti,  costoro  credono  d'avere  vinto.  Ma  non  si 
tratta  che  d'una  semplice  illusione.  La  verita  e  tutt'altra. 
Ed  e  che  i  plutocrat!  non  perdono  mai.  Quello  ch'essi 
danno  con  una  mano,  a  causa  degli  scioperi  da  loro  perduti, 
se  lo  riprendono  subito  con  I'altra.  E  se  lo  riprendono  al 
doppio,  o  moltiplicato  (essi  —  i  plutocrati  —  sanno  benis- 
simo  I'aritmetica;  non  sanno  altro,  intellettualmente  par- 
lando,  che  I'aritmetica). 

Un  esempio.  I  minatori  di  carbone  scioperano  per 
ottenere  un  aumento  di  paga.  I  plutocrati  —  padroni  delle 
miniere  —  cedono,  aumentando  la  paga.  Ma  essi,  dopo, 
vendono  il  carbone  agli  stessi  minatori  con  un  aumento  di 
prezzo  corrispondente  o  superiore  all'aumento  di  paga  che 

^Durante  lo  sciopero  di  Chicago  del  1915,  al  quale  alliido,  risiilto  che  alcune 
sartine  non  ricevevano  dai  loro  padroni  piu  di  $1.75  alia  settimana.  Con  questa 
paga,  esse  dovevano  spendere  dieci  soldi  al  giorno  per  solo  tranvai. 


SOLIDARIETA  UMANA  611 

lo  sciopero  li  ha  costretti  ad  accordare.  Senza  contare  che 
un  siffatto  aumento  di  paga,  sapientemente  trasformato 
dai  plutocrat!  in  aumento  di  prezzo,  va  a  cadere  pure  sulle 
spalle  degli  unionist!  delle  altre  categoric  di  lavoratori 
che  non  hanno  scioperato;  va  a  cadere  pure  sulle  spalle  dei 
proletari  che  non  possono  o  non  vogliono  appartenere  alle 
unioni;  va  a  cadere,  insomma,  sulle  spalle  dell'eterno  asino 
utile,  paziente  e  bastonato  che  e  il  popolo. 

E  gli  altri  inconvenient!  che  nascono  dagl!  scioperi, 
chi  e  che  1!  soffre?  Non  certo  i  plutocrat!,  ma  i  giusti  per 
i  peccatori.  Nello  sciopero  dei  sarti  di  Chicago  del  191 5, 
di  cui  ho  fatto  menzione  piii  su,  ho  conosciuto  parecchi 
scioperanti  che  alio  scoppiar  dello  sciopero  non  avevano 
in  tasca  neppure  un  soldo.  I  poveretti,  durante  le  lunghe 
settimane  dello  sciopero,  non  ricevettero  nessunissimo 
sussidio  dall'unione  alia  quale  appartenevano;  si  che  furono 
costretti  a  languir  di  fame  insieme  con  le  loro  famigliuole, 
mentre  ai  plutocrat!  (!  padroni  manifatturier!  che  resiste- 
vano  alio  sciopero)  non  mancarono  —  come  prima  dello 
sciopero,  come  sempre  —  i  pranz!  e  le  cene  luculliane.  Si 
raccolse,  e  vero,  in  quell'occasione,  una  certa  somma  di 
denaro  (poche  migliaia  di  dollar!)  per  soccorrere  gli  scio- 
peranti. Ma  sifFatta  elemosina,  proveniente  in  gran  parte 
da  privat!  non  certo  proletari,  e  accettata  non  so  con  quale 
coerenza  di  principi  e  con  quale  dignita  dai  leaders  dello 
sciopero,  fu  inadeguata  ai  bisogn!  degli  scioperanti,  anche 
perche  distribuita  con  criteri  tutt'altro  che  equi,  per  non  dir 
peggio. 

Ora  se  voi,  astensionisti  assoluti,  prendete  parte  attiva 
agli  scioperi  parziali  per  aiutare  i  lavoratori  unionist!, 
i  quali,  in  sostanza,  non  sono  altro  che  la  minoranza  privi- 
legiata  del  proletariato,  come  la  plutocrazia  non  e  altro  che 
la  minoranza  privilegiata  della  borghesia,  a  maggior  ragione 
dovreste  prendere  parte  attiva  alle  guerre  che  si  combat- 
tono  per  aiutare  le  nazioni  deboli  contro  le  cupidige  delle 
nazioni  forti,  alle  guerre  che  rassomigliano,  molto  piii  degli 
scioperi,  alle  rivoluzioni  che  voi  vorreste  fare. 

Tanto  piu  che  voi,  teoricamente,  combattete  le  unioni 
dei  lavoratori;  mentre,  teoricamente,  difendete  le  nazioni 


612  PARTE  QUARTA 

deboli.  Combattete  teoricamente  i  lavoratori  unionisti, 
ma  li  aiutate  praticamente  negli  scioperi  contro  i  loro 
oppressori.  Difendete  teoricamente  le  nazioni  deboli,  ma 
non  le  aiutate  praticamente  nelle  guerre  contro  i  loro  oppres- 
sor!.    Insomma  predicate  una  cosa,  e  ne  fate  un'altra. 

Quanto  sia  nocivo  un  sifFatto  procedere  al  progresso 
umano,  alia  vostra  stessa  causa,  ben  potete  immaginarlo  se 
considerate  che,  aiutando  gli  unionisti  negli  scioperi,  voi 
non  distruggete  le  forze  positive  delle  plutocrazie,  ma  le 
ingrandite,  le  perpetuate;  mentre,  aiutando  le  nazioni  deboli 
n,elle  guerre,  voi  distruggete  le  forze  positive  delle  pluto- 
crazie, o,  se  non  le  distruggete,  certamente  le  minate, 
incominciate  a  distruggerle.     Che  e  quanto  dire. 

I  gruppi  che,  ispirandosi  alle  dottrine  individualistiche, 
s'afFannano  ad  arrivare,  per  mezzo  degli  scioperi  parziali, 
dove  s'arriva  pestando  I'acqua  nel  mortaio,  mentre,  d'altra 
parte,  s'ostinano  in  un'inerzia  verbosa  e  virulenta  contro  chi, 
volente  o  nolente,  si  trova  travolto  nella  guerra  che  e 
destinata  a  segnare  nel  campo  sociale  una  nuova  grande 
epoca  storica,  la  piii  grande  epoca  storica,  sono  gruppi 
che  si  mettono  fuori  della  vita,  contro  la  vita  e,  per  conse- 
guenza,  fuori  dell'umanita  che  ama  la  vita,  contro  I'umanita 
che  e  la  vita. 

Essi  subiranno,  per  colpa  loro  stessa,  la  fatale  legge 
dell'eliminazione.     Periranno. 

Astensionisti  assoluti,  ponderate  queste  verita. 

II  popolo  italiano  penso  che  la  tesi  dell'astensionismo 
condizionale  (guerra  per  sola  difesa  nazionale)  e  la  tesi 
dell'astensionismo  assoluto  (guerra  in  nessun  caso),  messe 
in  pratica,  avrebbero  ricacciato  I'umanita  nel  caos  primitive 
dalla  barbaric,  in  cui  non  regnava  altra  forza  che  quella 
bruta;  avrebbero  scalzato,  dalle  fondamenta,  ogni  idea  di 
giustizia  e  di  civilta. 

Perche  i  prepotenti,  per  sempre  maggiore  sete  di  ric- 
chezza  e  di  dominio,  potrebbero  commettere  a  lor  piaci- 
mento  ogni  sorta  di  delitti,  sicuri  dell'impunita.  Chi 
infatti  li  punirebbe,  se  i  popoli  delle  nazioni  estranee  alle 
guerre  volute  dalle  nazioni  forti  che  hanno  torto,  contro 


SOLIDARIETA  UMANA  613 

le    nazioni    deboli    che    hanno    ragione,    non   si    rendessero 
praticamente  solidali  con  queste  ultime? 

E  il  non  intervenire  prima  del  male,  per  gridar  pace 
dopo  commesso  il  male,  sarebbe  un  bel  comodo  per  gli 
scellerati  coronati  e  non  coronati.  In  tal  modo,  il  padrone 
d'una  miniera  potrebbe  benissimo,  per  esempio,  fare  assas- 
sinare  dai  suoi  poliziotti  i  minatori  scioperanti,  le  loro  mogli 
e  i  loro  bambini;  poi  chiederebbe  la  pace,  e  tutto  finirebbe 
li.  Proprio  come  quella  tale  religione  che  dice  all'uomo: 
"Commetti  tutti  i  peccati  che  vuoi;  poi  presentati  ai  piedi 
del  confessore  ch'io  tengo  a  tua  disposizione,  e  tutto  ti 
sara  da  lui  perdonato  in  nome  del  Dio  ch'egli  rappresenta 
sulla  Terra". 

Che  bella  festa!  Che  bella  cuccagna!  E  come  si  potreb- 
be piii  vivere  cosi? 

Lo  splendido  esempio  di  pratica  solidarieta  umana  che 
il  popolo  italiano  diede,  imponendo  al  governo  di  Vittorio 
Emanuele  III  I'intervento  armato  dellTtalia  nella  grande 
guerra  in  difesa  delle  nazioni  deboli  aggredite  dalle  nazioni 
forti,  sia  ponderato  e  imitato  dagli  altri  popoli. 

Esso  —  il  detto  esempio  —  dimostro  a  luce  meridiana 
come  sia  possibile,  anzi  facile,  I'alleanza  spirituale  dei  popoli. 

Purche  si  ravvedano  lealmente  del  loro  errore  gli  asten- 
sionisti  condizionali  e  gli  astensionisti  assoluti. 

Certo,  I'alleanza  spirituale  dei  popoli  non  distruggera 
in  ventiquattr'ore  le  forze  brute  del  militarismo. 

Ma  ritorcendo  abilmente  ed  energicamente  sifFatte  forze 
contro  le  plutocrazie  che  le  possiedono,  essa  —  I'alleanza 
spirituale  dei  popoli  —  potra  impedire  subito  le  guerre. 

Non  si  ripetano,  per  carita,  i  vecchi  ritornelli:  "Questa 
guerra  sara  I'ultima.  Questa  guerra  segnera  la  fine  del 
miUtarismo.  Dopo  questa  guerra,  avremo  la  pace  univer- 
sale permanente". 

Concludo. 

Finche  esisteranno  le  plutocrazie  industriali  naziona- 
liste  con  le  relative  competizioni  commerciali  tra  le  nazioni, 
esistera  il  militarismo  e  ci  saranno  le  guerre. 

Perche  il  miUtarismo  (il  militarismo  odierno,  s'intende) 
non  e  altro  che  un  organismo  creato  e  mantenuto  dalle 


614  PARTE   QUARTA 

plutocrazie  per  difendere  gl'interessi  infiniti  delle  pluto- 
crazie,  lo  sviluppo  infinito  delle  plutocrazie,  il  dominio 
infinite  delle  plutocrazie. 

Le  plutocrazie  sono  la  causa.  II  militarismo  e  I'efFetto. 
Si  puo  distruggere  I'efFetto  senza  prima  distruggere  la  causa? 

E  si  possono  impedire  le  guerre  con  la  sola  predicazione 
della  pace,  continuando  a  genuflettersi  ai  piedi  dei  po- 
tentati  ? 

La  guerra  esiste  dacche  esiste  I'uomo. 

La  pace  si  predica  dacche  esiste  la  guerra. 

Ma  la  predicazione  della  pace  non  pote  mai  impedire  la 
guerra,  perche  la  guerra  e  un  fatto  materiale,  e  azione; 
mentre  la  predicazione  della  pace  e  un  fatto  immateriale, 
e  parola. 

Se  la  predicazione  della  pace  avesse  potuto  impedire  la 
guerra,  I'avrebbe  gia  impedita  dal  primo  giorno,  o  durante 
i  secoli,  in  cui  essa  —  la  predicazione  della  pace  —  si  con- 
trappose  alia  guerra. 

E  non  si  pud  aspettare  che  la  guerra  sia  impedita  dagli 
stessi  potentati,  perche  la  guerra  e  la  vita  dei  potentati. 
E  i  potentati  non  sono  cosi  teneri,  e  neanche  cosi  stolti,  da 
sacrificare  la  loro  vita  per  i  begli  occhi  sempliciotti  della 
pace. 

La  guerra  sara  impedita,  soltanto  quando  la  predicazione 
della  pace  si  trasmutera  in  alleanza  spirituale  dei  popoli; 
soltanto  quando  la  predicazione  della  pace  si  trasformera 
in  intervento  armato  dei  popoli  (alleati  spiritualmente  tra 
loro)  in  difesa  delle  nazioni  deboli  che  hanno  ragione, 
aggredite  dalle  nazioni  forti  che  hanno  torto, 

Soltanto  allora  il  purissimo  sangue  della  gioventii 
italiana,  della  gioventii  di  tutto  il  mondo,  che  da  tre  anni 
scorre  a  torrenti  sui  campi  della  vecchia  Europa,  potra 
seriamente  preludiare  alia  pace  universale.  Alia  pace  uni- 
versale duratura  tanto  bramata  dall'umanita,  tanto  neces- 
saria  all'umanita. 


IL  TRADIMENTO  615 

VIII 
II  tradimento. 

Dove  fu  dunque  il  tradimento  che  il  popolo  italiano 
commise  a  danno  dell'Austria  e  della  Germania,  rompenda 
il  trattato  della  Triplice  Alleanza  ed  entrando  in  guerra  o 
favore  della  Serbia,  del  Belgio,  della  Francia,  dell'Inghil- 
terra  e  della  Russia? 

In  primo  luogo  bisogna  sfatare  la  leggenda  che  il  governo 
monarchico  dei  Savoia  in  Italia  sia  un  governo  costituzionale 
rappresentativo;  che  il  re  sia  niente,  o  meno  che  niente; 
che  i  rappresentanti  del  popolo  —  i  deputati  al  Parlamento 
nazionale  —  sienotutto. 

II  governo  monarchico  dei  Savoia  in  Italia  e  —  se  non 
di  nome,  certo  di  fatto  —  un  governo  eminentemente  asso- 
luto,  dispotico.  II  re  e  tutto.  E  i  rappresentanti  del  popolo 
non  sono  che  un  bel  niente. 

II  re  d'ltalia  —  in  forza  dello  Statuto  (Legge  fondamen- 
tale  dello  Stato),  che  e  ancora  oggi  quello  stesso  promulgato 
da  Carlo  Alberto  il  4  marzo  1848  —  ha  il  diritto  di  dirigere 
personalmente,  o  a  mezzo  dei  suoi  ministri  che  e  lo  stesso  ^, 
tutta  la  politica  estera  della  nazione.^ 

Di  tale  diritto  i  Savoia  s'avvalsero  pur  troppo.  Se  ne 
avvalse  piii  di  tutti  il  presente  re  Vittorio  Emanuele  III, 
a  dispetto  dei  cortigiani  e  degl'ingenui  che  sempre  lo  dipin- 
sero  e  lo  decantarono  come  il  piii  democratico  sovrano 
d'Europa. 

Vittorio  Emanuele  III,  infatti,  rinnovo  nel  1912  il 
trattato  d'alleanza  con  I'Austria  e  la  Germania  (il  trattato 
della  Triplice  Alleanza)  per  la  durata  d'altri  12  anni,  senza 

*L'articolo  65  dello  Statuto  dice: 

"II  Re  nomina  e  revoca  i  suoi  Ministri". 

^  L'articolo  5  dello  Statuto  dice: 

"Al  Re  solo  appartiene  il  potere  esecutivo.  Egli  e  il  Capo  supremo  dello  Stato: 
comanda  tutte  le  forze  di  terra  e  di  mare:  dichiara  la  guerra:  fa  i  trattati  di  pace, 
d'alleanza,  di  commercio  ed  altri,  dandone  notizia  alle  Camere  tosto  die  I'interesse 
e  la  sicurezza  dello  Stato  il  permettano,  ed  unendovi  le  comunicazioni  opportune. 
I  trattati  che  importassero  un  onere  alle  finanze,  o  variazione  di  territorio  dello 
Stato,  non  avranno  efFetto  se  non  dopo  ottenuto  I'assenso  delle  Camere." 


616  PARTE  QUARTA 

punto  consultare  i  deputati  al  Parlamento  nazionale  eletti 
dal  popolo,  senza  il  loro  assenso,  contro  la  volonta  del  popolo, 
contro  gli  stessi  interessi  della  nazione. 

Vittorio  Emanuele  III  dichiaro  e  diresse  la  guerra 
coloniale  del  1911-1912  contro  la  Turchia,  senza  punto 
consultare  i  deputati  al  Parlamento  nazionale  eletti  dal 
popolo,  senza  il  loro  assenso,  contro  la  volonta  del  popolo. 
E  solo  a  pace  conclusa,  egli  —  Vittorio  Emanuele  III  —  si 
degno  annunziare  ai  rappresentanti  del  popolo,  vale  a 
dire  al  popolo,  che  la  Libia  (Tripolitania  e  Cirenaica)  era 
stata  conquistata  e,  con  regio  decreto,  proclamata  pro- 
vincia  italiana. 

E  non  solo  la  politica  estera,  ma  benanche  la  politica 
interna  della  nazione  e  diretta  personalmente  dal  re  in 
Italia. 

Gli  onorevoli  rappresentanti  del  popolo  discutono  e 
approvano  le  leggi  della  nazione,  e  vero.  Ma  tali  leggi  non 
possono  andare  in  vigore,  se  prima  non  sono  discusse  e 
approvate  dal  Senato  e  sanzionate  dal  re  medesimo  ^. 

Cos'e  il  Senato  in  Italia.'*  II  Senato  in  Italia  non  e 
altro  che  una  diretta  rappresentanza  del  re.  I  senatori, 
infatti,  non  sono  eletti  dal  popolo.  Essi  sono  nominati  dal 
re,  e  nominati  a  vita,  tra  gente  provata,  ligia,  fedele  alia 
Corona.  Ex  deputati  monarchici,  ministri  di  Stato,  amba- 
sciatori,  magistrati,  generali,  ammiragli,  alti  funzionari 
amministrativi,  plutocrati.  Solo  una  piccola  minoranza 
e  dal  re  nominata,  e  non  senza  cautele,  tra  le  piii  cospicue 
figure  intellettuali  della  nazione  ^     Ma  questa  minoranza 

*  L'articolo  7  dello  Statute  dice: 

"II  Re  solo  sanziona  le  leggi  e  le  promulga." 

*  L'articolo  33  dello  Statuto  dice: 

"II  Senato  e  composto  di  membri  nominati  a  vita  dal  Re,  in  numero  non  limi- 
tato,  aventi  I'eta  di  quarant'anni  compiuti,  e  scelti  nelle  categoric  seguenti: 

1.  Gli  Arcivescovi  e  Vescovi  dello  Stato; 

2.  II  Presidente  della  Camera  dei  Deputati; 

3.  I  Deputati  dopo  tre  Legislature,  o  sei  anni  di  esercizio; 

4.  I  Ministri  di  Stato; 

5.  I  Ministri  Segretari  di  Stato; 

6.  (jli  Ambasciatori; 

7.  Gl'Inviati  Straordinari,  dopo  tre  anni  di  tali  funzioni; 

8.  I  Primi  Presidenti  e  Presidenti  del  Magistrate  di  Cassazione  e  della  Camera 
dei  Conti; 


IL  TRADIMENTO  617 

non  interviene  quasi  mai  alle  sedute  del  Senate;  non  prende 
parte  quasi  mai  alle  deliberazioni  del  Senate;  non  s'interessa 
quasi  mai  della  politica  attiva  della  nazione.  E  una  mino- 
ranza  astratta,  nominata  dal  re  per  gettare  polvere  negli 
occhi  al  popolo,  piu  che  per  altro. 
Si  obiettera: 

Ma  tra  i  deputati  eletti  dal  popolo  e  i  senatori  nominati  dal 
re  non  sorsero  mai  divergenze,  Non  si  rese  mai  incompatibile 
I'istituto  parlamentare  impersonato  dagli  uni,  con  I'istituto  parla- 
mentare  impersonato  dagli  altri.  II  Senato  approve  sempre  le 
leggi  discusse  e  votate  dalla  Camera  dei  deputati. 

£  vero.     Ma  perche? 

Perche  la  maggioranza  dei  deputati  e  composta,  al  pari 
della  maggioranza  dei  senatori,  di  gente  provata,  ligia, 
fedele  alia  Corona.  E  anch'essa  una  maggioranza  nominata 
dal  re. 

"E  come?" 

Lo  dico  subito,  a  edificazione  dei  cortigiani  e  degl'ingenui, 
i  quali  s'ostinano  a  dipingere  e  decantare  la  Camera  dei 
deputati  d'ltalia  come  una  diretta,  genuina,  autentica 
rappresentanza  del  popolo  italiano. 

9.    I  Primi  Presidenti  dei  Magistrati  di  Appello; 

10.  L'Avvocato  Generale  presso  il  Magistrate  di  Cassazione  e  della  Camera 
dei  Conti,  dopo  cinque  anni  di  funzioni; 

11.  I  Presidenti  di  Classe  dei  Magistrati  di  Appello,  dopo  tre  anni  di  funzioni; 

12.  I  Consiglieri  del  Magistrate  di  Cassazione,  e  della  Camera  dei  Conti,  dopo 
cinque    anni    di    funzioni; 

13.  Gli  Avvocati  Generali  o  Fiscali  Generali  presso  i  Magistrati  di  Appello, 
dopo  cinque  anni  di  funzioni; 

14.  Gli  Uffiziali  Generali  di  Terra  e  di  Mare.  Tuttavia  i  Maggiori  Generali 
e  i  Contr'Ammiragli  dovranno  avere  da  cinque  anni  quel  grado  di  attivita; 

15.  I  Consiglieri  di  Stato,  dopo  cinque  anni  di  funzioni; 

16.  I  Membri  dei  Consigli  di  Divisione,  dopo  tre  elezioni  alia  loro  Presidenza; 

17.  Gli  Intendenti  Generali,  dopo  sette  anni  di  esercizio; 

18.  I  Membri  della  Regia  Accademia  delle  Scienze,  dopo  sette  anni  di  nomina; 

19.  I  Membri  ordinari  del  Consiglio  superiore  d'lstruzione  pubblica,  dopo 
sette  anni  di  esercizio; 

20.  Coloro  che  con  servizi  o  meriti  eminenti  avranno  illustrata  la  Patria; 

21.  Le  persone  che  da  tre  anni  pagano  tremila  lire  d'imposizione  diretta  in 
ragione  dei  loro  beni  o  della  loro  industria." 

L'articolo  34  dello  Statuto  dice: 

"I  Principi  della  Famiglia  Reale  fanno  di  pieno  diritto  parte  del  Senato. 
Essi  seggono  immediatamente  dopo  il  Presidente.  Entrano  in  Senato  a  ventu- 
n'anno,  ed  hanno  voto  a  venticinque." 

L'articolo  35  dello  Statuto  dice: 

"II  Presidente  e  i  Vice  Presidenti  del  Senato  sono  nominati  dal  Re." 


618  PARTE   QUARTA 

Nelle  elezioni  politiche,  nelle  elezioni  cioe  dei  deputati 
al  Parlamento  nazionale,  il  governo  italiano  presenta 
sempre,  in  quasi  tutti  i  508  collegi  elettorali  del  Regno,  i 
suoi  candidati  monarchici,  in  contrapposizione  dei  candidati 
che  sono  antimonarchici  o  non  abbastanza  monarchici. 

Per  fare  eleggere  siffatti  candidati,  esso  —  il  governo 
italiano  —  mette  febbrilmente  in  moto  tutti  gli  ufficiali 
polizieschi  dello  Stato  (dai  piQ  alti  ai  piii  bassi).  E,  da 
costoro,  fa  profondere,  in  mezzo  alle  masse  elettorali,  i 
milioni  di  lire  dei  cosidetti  fondi  segreti,  smunti  dalle  tasche 
dei  contribuenti,  dalle  vene  del  popolo;  fa  profondere 
promesse  d'impieghi  e  di  favori;  fa  insomma  corrompere, 
senza  veruno  scrupolo.  E  dove  non  puo  con  la  corruzione, 
esso  —  il  governo  italiano  —  fa  minacciare,  fa  commettere 
ogni  sorta  di  soprusi  e  di  violenze.  In  una  delle  ultime 
elezioni  generali  politiche,  per  esempio,  I'allora  presidente 
dei  ministri  e  ministro  degl'interni  —  Giovanni  Giolitti  — 
mando  in  Sicilia  perfino  le  navi  da  guerra,  per  intimidire 
(e  non  solo  intimidire!),  coi  cannoni  di  grosso  calibro, 
quegli  elettori  che  s'erano  mostrati  poco  propensi  a  votare 
per  i  candidati  del  governo. 

Ora,  una  Camera  eletta  con  sistemi  governativi  tanto 
arbitrari,  disonesti,  infami,  puo  essa  chiamarsi,  in  co- 
scienza,  una  vera  rappresentanza  del  popolo?  Non  e  essa, 
piuttosto  (eccetto  la  piccola  minoranza  eletta  dagli  elettori 
ribelli  che  il  governo  non  puo  in  nessun  modo  coartare), 
una  rappresentanza,  sia  pure  indiretta,  del  re?  E  puo 
essa  aver  mai,  nel  suo  seno,  una  maggioranza  che  si  trovi, 
qualche  volta,  in  serio  disaccordo  col  Senato? 

Scoppiata  nell'estate  del  1914  la  grande  guerra,  Vittorio 
Emanuele  III,  che  non  poteva,  per  ragioni  facili  a  compren- 
dersi,  agire  direttamente,  chiamo  in  fretta  e  furia  i  politi- 
canti  italiani  a  lui  piii  devoti  (Giolitti  a  capo  di  tutti,  come 
il  piu  influente  e  il  piu  astuto),  e  comando  loro  di  moversi, 
agitarsi,  fare  il  possibile  per  creare  nella  nazione  una  cor- 
rente  favorevole  agl'Imperi  Centrali,  per  indurre  il  popolo 
italiano  a  rispettare  il  trattato  della  Triplice  Alleanza, 
schierandosi  senz'altro  dalla  parte  dell'Austria  e  della 
Germania. 


IL  TRADIMENTO  619 

II  popolo  italiano  ignorava  il  contenuto  del  trattato 
della  Triplice  Alleanza,  poiche  il  re  non  aveva  sentito  il 
dovere  di  comunicarglielo.  Ma,  per  notizie  pubblicate  dai 
giornali,  esso  —  il  popolo  italiano  —  era  riuscito  a  sapere 
che  il  trattato  stesso  conteneva  una  clausola  basica  esclusi- 
vamente  difensiva. 

E  allora  perche  il  re  desiderava  che  I'ltalia  scendesse  in 
campo  per  difendere  I'Austria  e  la  Germania  in  una  guerra 
ofFensiva  ? 

II  popolo  italiano  voile  vederci  chiaro.  E  seppe  che 
Vittorio  Emanuele  III  desiderava  ad  ogni  costo  I'intervento 
deiritalia  nella  grande  guerra  a  fianco  dell'Austria  e  della 
Germania,  per  i  seguenti  motivi: 

Primo.  Per  solidarieta  dinastica  verso  gli  Hohenzollern. 
Questa  dinastia  —  per  avere  fondato,  il  i8  gennaio  1871, 
rimpero  germanico:  per  avere  dato  a  siffatto  Impero  un 
impulso,  una  potenza,  una  saldezza  senza  pari  —  era  con- 
siderata,  almeno  fino  alio  scoppio  della  grande  guerra,  come 
il  prototipo  delle  dinastie  militarmente  imperialiste  del 
mondo.  La  dinastia  di  Savoia,  anch'essa  militarmente 
imperialista,  non  poteva  che  sentirsi  irresistibilmente 
attratta  verso  la  sua  consorella  prototipo.  II  simile  ama  il 
suo  simile.  Non  poteva  che  sentire  il  bisogno  d'imitarla. 
La  dinastia  inglese  di  Brunswick  e  la  dinastia  russa  dei 
Romanow  erano  troppo  legate  alia  Francia  repubblicana. 

Secondo.  Perche  la  casa  di  Savoia  era  ed  e  imparentata 
con  le  case  regnanti  d'Austria  e  di  Germania.  Infatti  Vit- 
torio Emanuele  II,  primo  re  d'ltalia,  nonno  del  presente 
re  Vittorio  Emanuele  III,  sposo  Maria  Adelaide,  figlia  di 
Giuseppe  Ranieri  arciduca  d'Austria  e  vicere  austriaco  del 
Lombardo-Veneto  dal  1818  al  1848.  E  questo  stesso 
arciduca  Ranieri  aveva  sposato,  nel  1820,  Elisabetta  di 
Savoia-Carignano  sorella  di  Carlo  Alberto.  E  la  vivente 
regina  Margherita,  vedova  del  secondo  re  d'ltalia  Umberto 
I  e  madre  del  presente  re  Vittorio  Emanuele  III,  nacque 
dalla  principessa  Maria  Elisabetta,  figlia  del  re  Giovanni  di 
Sassonia.     E  il  vivente  principe  Tommaso^  fratello  della 

^  II  principe  Tommaso  e  I'attuale  luogotenente  di  Vittorio  Emanuele  III,  cioe 
I'attuale  vicere  d'ltalia. 


620  PARTE   QUARTA 

regina  Margherita  e  zio  del  presente  re  Vittorio  Emanuele 
III,  sposo  Maria  Isabella,  figlia  del  principe  Adalberto  di 
Baviera. 

Terzo.  Per  amicizia  personale  verso  Guglielmo  II. 
Sono  ben  note  in  Italia,  anzi  in  tutta  I'Europa,  le  intime 
relazioni  d'amicrzia  corse  tra  Guglielmo  II  di  Germania  e 
Umberto  I  e  Margherita  di  Savoia,  genitori  del  presente 
re  Vittorio  Emanuele  III,  e  tra  lo  stesso  Guglielmo  II  e  lo 
stesso  Vittorio  Emanuele  III. 

Quarto.  Per  interessi  finanziari  privati.  I  giornali 
nord-americani,  ed  anche  qualche  giornale  d'ltalia,  pubbli- 
carono  che  il  presente  re  d'ltalia  Vittorio  Emanuele  III 
aveva  investita  la  somma  di  cento  e  piii  milioni  di  lire  di 
sua  privata  pertinenza  nella  casa  germanica  Krupp  (nella 
casa  che  produce  migliaia  di  cannoni  all'anno  e  caldaie, 
corazze,  vagoni,  locomotive,  elettromotori;  nella  casa 
che  possiede  cantieri,  piroscafi,  miniere  di  ferro,  di  carbon 
fossile,  ecc). 

Quinto.  Per  simpatia  verso  il  popolo  tedesco,  Molti 
uomini  nutrirono  e  nutrono  ancora  oggi  simpatia  per  il 
popolo  tedesco.  Perche  non  avrebbe  potuto  nutrirla  anche 
Vittorio  Emanuele  III?  Forse  ch'egli  non  era  e  non  e  un 
uomo  soggetto  a  sentimenti  e  a  passioni  come  tutti  gli 
altri  uomini? 

Sesto.  Perche  egli  —  Vittorio  Emanuele  III  —  credeva 
che  I'intervento  dell'Italia  nella  grande  guerra  a  fianco 
dell'Austria  e  della  Germania  avvantaggiasse  la  nazione. 
Molti  cittadini  italiani  privati  credettero  e  credono  tuttavia 

10  stesso.  Perche  non  avrebbe  potuto  crederlo  anche 
Vittorio  Emanuele  III?  Forse  ch'egli  non  godeva  e  non  gode 
i  diritti  che  godono  tutti  gli  altri  cittadini  italiani? 

Settimo.  Per  qualche  trattato  segreto  in  base  al  quale 
Vittorio  Emanuele  III,  Guglielmo  II  e  Francesco  Giuseppe 
s'obbligavano  d'aiutarsi  militarmente  a  vicenda  anche  in 
caso  di  guerra  ofFensiva.  Che  un  simile  trattato  ci  sia  stato, 
si  desume  logicamente  dal  fatto  che  I'imperatore  Guglielmo 

11  —  per  quanto  conscio  della  strapotenza  militare  germa- 
nica: per  quanto  ambizioso,  audace,  pazzo  —  non  avrebbe 
giammai  incoraggiato  I'imperatore  Francesco  Giuseppe  a 


IL  TRADIMENTO  621 

provocare  la  piu  pericolosa  delle  guerre  (pericolosa  per  la 
stessa  Germania),  se  egli  —  Guglielmo  II  —  non  fosse  stato 
piu  che  sicuro  dell'aiuto  incondizionato  e  illimitato  del- 
I'ltalia.  Ne  lo  stesso  Francesco  Giuseppe,  per  quanto 
senilmente  cocciuto,  si  sarebbe  spinto,  come  si  spinse,  fino 
agli  estremi  contro  la  piccola  Serbia. 

Giolitti,  ch'era  debitore  alia  dinastia  di  Savoia  d'un 
quindicennio  di  dittatura  governativa,  obbedi  ai  comandi 
del  suo  re.  E,  seguito  dai  suoi  satelliti,  comincio  a  lavorare. 
Percorse  e  ripercorse  —  con  misteriosa  circospezione  e  di 
notte,  piii  che  di  giorno  —  tutte  le  vie  della  capitale.  Sail 
e  scese  scale.  Confabulo  coi  piii  equivoci  figuri  indigent  e 
stranieri.  Sudo  dozzine  di  camicie.  Ma  la  sua  influenza 
e  la  sua  astuzia,  per  quanto  sostenute  dall'autorita  personale 
del  sovrano,  erano  da  politicone  troppo  bacato,  erano  da 
volpone  troppo  invecchiato.  Eppero  non  sortirono  I'efFetto 
che  in  alto  si  desiderava.  Sortirono,  invece,  un  eflPetto 
tutto  contrario.  Infatti  il  popolo  italiano,  dopo  un  refe- 
rendum riservatissimo  indetto  dal  governo  tra  i  soldati  di 
terra  e  di  mare,  rispose  fieramente  ch'esso  non  si  sarebbe 
battuto  per  la  Germania  e  per  I'Austria,  specialmente  per 
I'Austria,  neanche  se  glieravesse  comandato  Domeneddio 
in  persona.  Non  solo,  ma  impose  al  re  la  rottura  del  trattato 
d'alleanza  con  le  dette  due  nazioni;  impose  la  dichiarazione 
di  neutralita  dell'Italia  nelle  grande  guerra;  si  diede  a  mani- 
festare  apertamente  e  fortemente  le  sue  simpatie  per  le 
nazioni  aggredite  dagli  eserciti  di  Francesco  Giuseppe  e  di 
Guglielmo  II. 

Vittorio  Emanuele  III  —  vista  e  considerata,  con  animo 
alquanto  preoccupato,  I'impossibilita  d'intervenire  nella 
grande  guerra  a  favore  della  Germania  e  dell'Austria  — 
chiamo  novamente  a  se  Giolitti.  E  gli  comando  di  moversi, 
agitarsi,  fare  del  suo  meglio  per  indurre  il  popolo  italiano  a 
mantenere  almeno  la  neutralita,  a  non  abbandonarsi  a 
sentimentalismi   esagerati   e   dannosi. 

Giolitti,  ch'era  debitore  alia  dinastia  di  Savoia  d'un 
quindicennio  di  dittatura  governativa,  obbedi  ai  comandi 
del  suo  re.     E,   seguito   dai   suoi   satelliti,   si   ringolfo   nel 


622  PARTE   QUARTA 

lavoro  con  piu  zelo,  se  non  con  piu  fede,  di  prima.  Riordi 
intrighi,  tenebrosi  intrighi.  Si  spinse,  sicuro  deU'immunita, 
fino  ad  atti  piii  che  illeciti. 

Ma,  col  passar  dei  giorni,  il  popolo  italiano  vide  che  la 
piccola  Serbia  era  schiacciata;  vide  che  il  piccolo  Belgio 
era  schiacciato;  vide  che  la  Francia  repubblicana  stava  per 
essere  schiacciata;  vide  che  I'lnghilterra  e  la  Russia  erano 
sul  punto  d'essere  anch'esse  schiacciate;  vide  che  I'Europa 
intera  correva  rischio  di  cadere  schiava  ai  piedi  del  pluto- 
cratico  militarismo  teutonico.  E  allora,  esso  —  il  popolo 
italiano  —  chiese  al  governo  del  re  I'intervento  armato 
deiritalia  nelle  grande  guerra,  contro  i  tirannici  aggressori. 

Vittorio  Emanuele  III  —  vista  e  considerata,  con  I'anima 
piena  d'amaritudine,  I'impossibilita  di  mantenere  a  lungo 
la  neutralita  dell'Italia  —  chiamo  novamente  a  se  Giolitti. 
E  gli  comando  di  moversi,  agitarsi,  fare  cid  che  la  dispera- 
zione  del  momento  richiedeva,  per  frenare  gli  ardori  bellici 
del  popolo  italiano. 

Giolitti,  ch'era  debitore  alia  dinastia  di  Savoia  d'un 
quindicennio  di  dittatura  governativa,  obbedi  ai  comandi 
del  suo  re.  E,  seguito  dai  suoi  satelliti,  si  precipito  ancora 
una  volta  a  capofitto  nei  bassi  fondi  della  diplomazia.  Ivi, 
strisciando  con  una  vilta  senza  pari,  die  principio  a  quei 
famosi  pour  parler  col  principe  von  Bulow,  che  dovevano 
ben  presto  —  i  pour  parler  —  diventare  Tanello  intermedio 
delle  trattative  che  il  governo  di  Vienna,  auspice  Guglielmo 
II,  aveva  gia  intavolato  col  governo  di  Roma,  alio  scope 
di  comprare,  per  mezzo  di  concession!  territoriali  e  di  milioni 
di  lire,  la  neutralita  permanente  dell'Italia. "^ 

^  La  responsabilita  personale  di  Vittorio  Emanuele  III  nei  mali  passi  di  Giolitti, 
emersa  da  fatti  ormai  passati  nei  dominio  della  storia,  non  puo  essere  distrutta 
dai  soliti  sofismi. 

Bisogna  esser  logici!  Bisogna,  sopratutto,  che  il  popolo  italiano — se  vuole 
che  gli  stranieri  lo  rispettino  veramente — s'abitui  a  dir  pane  al  pane  e  vino  al 
vino  nelle  questioni  d'interesse  nazionale.  Bisogna,  cioe,  che  il  popolo  italiano 
si  liberi  una  buona  volta  dai  pregiudizio  legalizzato  dall'articolo  4  dello  Statuto 
Albertino  che  dice:   "La  persona  del  Re  e  sacra  e  inviolabile". 

Giolitti,  per  quanto  politicamente  Iosco,  non  poteva  agire,  come  agi,  per  conto 
proprio,  nei  momento  in  cui  la  nuova  Italia  s'accingeva  a  fare  il  suo  piu  arduo  passo 
nella  vita  del  mondo.  ] 

Giolitti  —  da  privato,  da  deputato,  da  ministro,  da  presidente  dei  ministri  — 
fu  sempre  un  fautore  arrabbiato  della  politica  monarchica  italiana  la  piu  mili- 
tarista.     Come  poteva  egli,  all'improvviso,  lavorare  sinceramente  per  la  pace? 


IL  TRADIMENTO  623 

Si  giunse  cosi  fino  agli  ultimi  d'aprile  del  191 5. 

Nei  primi  di  maggio  del  detto  anno  rimpatrio  dalla 
Francia  Gabriele  d'Annunzio. 

II  poeta,  che  dall'esilio  aveva  seguito  con  dantesca  fosco- 
liana  mazziniana  ansieta  lo  svolgersi  degli  avvenimenti  in 
Italia,  si  schiero  immediatamente  dalla  parte  del  popolo. 
E  afFronto  con  coraggio,  risolutezza  ed  energia  mirabili  i 
nemici  interni  ed  esterni  della  sua  patria  (i  ruffiani,  i  barat- 
tieri  e  simile  lordura).  E  li  smaschero,  li  sferzo,  li  bollo  a 
sangue. 

Allora  da  milioni  di  petti  eruppe  vulcanicamente  il 
grido  di  guerra. 

Vittorio  Emanuele   III   tremo. 

Egli  comprese  che  la  sua  suprema  ora  storica  era  suonata. 
II  trono  gli  vacillava  sotto  i  piedi.  Un'ulteriore  resistenza 
neutralista   I'avrebbe   irremissibilmente   perduto. 

La  mattina  del  23  maggio  191 5,  egli  —  a  mezzo  del  suo 
ambasciatore  a  Vienna,  duca  d'Avarna  —  dichiaro  guerra 
a  Francesco  Giuseppe  d'Austria. 

Cosi  ritalia  entro  nell'immane  macello. 

Ma  il  popolo  italiano,  con  tale  entrata,  non  commise 
nessun  tradimento. 

II  popolo  italiano  impose  la  rottura  del  trattato  della 

Giolitti  fu  sempre  dalla  parte  delle  maggioranze  parlamentari  e  popolari,  anche 
quando  queste  si  trovarono  dalla  parte  del  torto.  Come  poteva  egli,  aU'improvviso, 
passare  dalla  parte  della  minoranza,  e  della  minoranza  socialista  ch'egli  aveva 
combattuto  sempre  e  dalla  quale  era  stato  sempre  combattuto  asprissimamente? 
Come  poteva  egli,  maestro  d'opportunismo,  mettersi  contro  corrente? 

Giolitti,  come  statista  di  mediocrissimo  calibro,  aveva  raggiunto  I'apice  della 
grandezza  politica  in  Italia  (la  presidenza  dei  ministri),  e  vi  si  era  mantenuto  piu 
di  qualsiasi  altro  statista.  Alia  vigilia  dell'entrata  in  guerra  dell'Italia,  egli  era 
ancora  I'arbitro  supremo  del  Parlamento  nazionale  italiano,  della  vita  politica 
italiana.  Perche  doveva  egli  arrischiare  una  tale  posizione,  quando  il  rischio, 
anche  se  riuscito,  non  avrebbe  potuto  mai  dargli    una  posizione  piu  alta? 

Giolitti,  durante  il  suo  lungo  potere  governativo,  era  riuscito  a  formarsi  una 
posizione  finanziaria  piu  che  solida.  E  poteva  ancora  continuare,  con  la  massima 
facilta,  ad  ammassar  denari,  senza  dar  troppo  nell'occhio.  Perche  doveva  egli, 
quasi  pubblicamente,  vendersi  com'un  pezzente  qualunque  agli  agenti  dell'Austria 
e  della  Germania,  quando  una  tale  vendita  costituiva  —  ed  egli  lo  sapeva  bene  — 
la  sua  completa  rovina  morale? 

Giolitti,  da  perfetto  servitore,  non  fece  altro  che  sacrificarsi  al  padrone  che 
I'aveva  tanto  beneficato.  Egli  prefer!  chiudere  ibridamente  la  sua  ibrida  vita 
pubblica,  piiittosto  che  commettere,  nel  momento  della  piu  dura  prova  (dura  prova 
per  Vittorio  Emanuele  III)  un  atto  d'ingratitudine  contro  il  suo  re;  piuttosto  che 
compromettere  la  persona  "sacra  e  inviolabile"  del  suo  re. 

Questa  e  la  verita. 


624  PARTE  QUARTA 

Trlplice  Alleanza,  perche  il  trattato  stesso  non  era  stato 
stipulate  ne  approvato  da  lui:    dal  popolo. 
Si  obiettera: 

Un  popolo,  il  quale  si  fa  governare  da  un  re  e  da  uno 
statuto,  deve  necessariamente  rispettare  gli  atti  the  il  detto  re 
compie  in  base  al  detto  Statuto. 

E  vero.  Ma  bisogna  pur  considerare  che  il  popolo 
italiano,  imponendo  la  rottura  del  trattato  della  Triplice 
Alleanza  stipulate  dal  re,  e  agendo  in  opposizione  a  quanto 
il  trattato  stesso  stabiliva,  dimostro  chiaro  e  tondo  ch'esso 

—  il  popolo  italiano  —  non  intendeva  seguire  piii  la  vecchia 
via  (fatto,  questo,  oltremodo  significativo);  dimostro  ch'esso 

—  il  popolo  italiano  —  e  disposto  a  rispettare  il  re  e  lo 
Statuto,  soltanto  quando  I'uno  e  I'altro  sanno  rendersi 
interpreti  dei  bisogni  e  della  volonta  della  nazione,  non 
quando  essi  —  il  re  e  lo  Statuto  —  si  rivelano,  massime 
nella  pratica  e  nei  momenti  piu  gravi  e  decisivi  della  vita 
della  patria  e  del  mondo,  contrari  ai  sentimenti  e  agl'  inte- 
ressi  nazionali  del  popolo  stesso,  contrari  ai  suoi  ideali 
umani. 

Del  resto,  neanche  Vittorio  Emanuele  III,  in  ultima 
analisi,  commise  un  tradimento  vero  e  proprio,  rompendo 
il  trattato  della  Triplice  Alleanza  e  dichiarando  guerra 
all'Austria:  per  la  semplice  ragione  ch'egli,  quando  stipulo 
il  trattato  stesso,  non  poteva  prevedere  la  levata  di  scudi 
del  popolo  italiano. 

Vittorio  Emanuele  III,  quando  stipulo  il  trattato  della 
Triplice  Alleanza,  era  sicuro,  com'erano  sicuri  i  suoi  colleghi 
Francesco  Giuseppe  e  Guglielmo  II  —  specialmente  Gu- 
glielmo  II  —  che  il  popolo  della  nuova  Italia  avrebbe  eseguito 
ciecamente  la  volonta  del  suo  re,  come  aveva  fatto  sempre 
nel  passato. 

Invece  il  popolo  della  nuova  Italia,  che  aveva  sempre,  e 
vero,  rispettato  ed  eseguito  ciecamente  la  volonta  del  suo 
re,  si  rifiuto  di  rispettarla  ed  eseguirla  in  occasione  della 
grande  guerra. 

Ma  Vittorio  Emanuele  III,  come  abbiam  visto,  non 
manco  di  fare  del  suo  meglio  per  richiamare  all'antica  obbe- 


IL  TRADIMENTO  625 

dienza  il  suo  popolo.  Appena  scoppiata  la  grande  guerra 
nell'estate  del  1914,  egli,  per  ottemperare  agli  obblighi  da 
lui  assunti  verso  Francesco  Giuseppe  e  Guglielmo  II,  fece 
propagare  dal  fido  Giolitti  e  dai  suoi  satelliti  che  il  popolo 
italiano,  se  voleva  evitare  I'onta  eterna  del  disonore,  doveva 
rispettare  i  trattati,  scendendo  in  campo  a  favore  delle  due 
nazioni  alleate  Austria  e  Germania.  II  popolo  della  nuova 
Italia,  non  esclusi  i  soldati  in  mezzo  ai  quali  si  fece  il  referen- 
dum, rispose  invece  fermamente  che  non  avrebbe  giammai 
impugnato  le  armi  per  difendere  le  dette  due  nazioni, 
specialmente  I'Austria.     E  impose  la  neutralita. 

Vittorio  Emanuele  III  s'affanno  a  mantenere  almeno  la 
neutralita.  II  popolo  della  nuova  Italia,  vedendo  che  la 
neutralita  avrebbe  egualmente  assicurato  la  vittoria  ai  due 
imperatori  aggressori  alleatisi  per  giunta  col  sultano  di 
Turchia  (altro  nemico  dell'Italia  e  della  civilta),  s'agito  per 
I'intervento  armato  a  favore  dei  popoli  aggrediti. 

Vittorio  Emanuele  III  fece  sforzi  disperati  per  iscansare 
la  suprema  iattura  dell'intervento.  II  popolo  della  nuova 
Italia  mostro  i  denti. 

Vittorio  Emanuele  III  senti  che  la  corona  gli  pericolava 
sulla  testa.  Dove  piegarsi.  Dove  obbedire.  Dove  dichia- 
rare  la  guerra  all'Austria. 

Come  poteva  fare  altrimenti? 

Egli  si  trovo  per  la  prima  volta  di  fronte  a  un  popolo 
risvegliatosi  dal  letargo  vergognoso  in  cui  giaceva  da  lungo 
tempo:  dal  tempo,  cioe,  in  cui  I'ltalia  era  risorta  a  nazione 
una  e  indipendente.  Si  trovo  di  fronte  a  un  popolo  che 
aveva  improvvisamente  ritrovata  in  se  la  coscienza  della 
propria  forza  materiale  e  della  propria  dignita  morale. 
Si  trovo  di  fronte  a  un  popolo  ch'era  sul  punto  di  fare  la 
rivoluzione,  alio  scopo  di  rovesciare  la  monarchia  e  procla- 
mare  la  repubblica,  se  egli  —  il  re  —  non  avesse  obbedito 
a  tamburo  battente  ai  comandi,  dico  comandi,  impartitigli 
dal  popolo  stesso.  Si  trovo  di  fronte  a  un  popolo  che,  da 
pecora  belante  e  leccante,  s'era  trasformato  in  leone  ruggente 
e  fremente,  pronto  ad  avventarsi  su  chi  aveva  tanto  abusato 
della  sua  pazienza,  della  sua  debolezza. 

Come  poteva  egli  —  Vittorio  Emanuele  III  —  prevedere 


626  PARTE  QUARTA 

questa  ira  di  DIo?  Come  poteva  egli  prevedere,  quando 
strinse  alleanza  con  Francesco  Giuseppe  e  Guglielmo  II, 
che  il  popolo  della  nuova  Italia,  mostratosi  sempre  docile  e 
rassegnato  verso  la  dinastia  di  Savoia,  sarebbe  un  giorno 
insorto  formidabilmente  contro  la  dinastia  stessa? 

Vittorio  Emanuele  III  non  poteva  provedere  un  fatto 
cosi  straordinario,  per  la  semplice  ragione  ch'egli,  con  tutta 
la  superiore  intelligenza  decantatagli  sempre  dai  cortigiani 
e  dagl'ingenui,  non  era  ancora  riuscito  a  penetrare  Tanima 
del  suo  popolo.  Se  fosse  riuscito  a  penetrarla,  egli  avrebbe 
facilmente  capito  che  il  popolo  della  nuova  Italia  tollero  il 
trattato  della  Triplice  Alleanza,  quando  esso  non  nocque 
che  fino  a  un  certo  punto  alia  nazione  e  all'umanita;  ma 
che  non  poteva  tollerarlo  piij,  quando  esso  —  il  trattato 
della  Triplice  Alleanza  —  minaccio  di  nuocere  gravissi- 
mamente  alia  nazione  e  all'umanita. 

Si  tratto  d'uno  di  quei  casi  di  forza  maggiore  contem- 
plati  e  giustificati  da  tutte  le  leggi  giuridiche  del  mondo, 
comprese  quelle  che  sono  in  vigore  negli  stessi  Stati  delle 
loro  maesta  gl'imperatori  di  Germania  e  d'Austria. 

Nessun  tradimento,  dunque,  ne  da  parte  del  popolo 
italiano,  ne  da  parte  di  Vittorio  Emanuele  III  re  d'ltalia. 


IX 
L*oro  inglese  e  I'oro  francese. 

Dove  fu  I'oro  inglese? 

Dove  fu  I'oro  francese? 

Oro  ce  ne  fu,  senza  dubbio;  ma  da  parte  dei  Tedeschi, 
non  da  parte  degl'Inglesi  e  dei  Francesi.  II  principe  von 
Bulow,  rappresentante  nel  maggio  del  191 5  i  governi  di 
Berlino  e  di  Vienna  a  Roma,  ne  profuse  a  piene  mani  in 
Italia.  Ma  egli  non  pote  che  corrompere  qualche  politi- 
cante  rinnegato,  qualche  famelico  scribacchino,  qualche 
incallito  ceffo  da  galera. 

Lo  disse  e  lo  ripete  senza  posa  Gabriele  d'Annunzio 
nelle  sue  terribili  requisitorie  di  quei  giorni. 


L'ORO   INGLESE   E   FRANCESE  627 

Parlando  al  popolo  di  Geneva  nella  sera  del  ritorno 
(4  maggio  191 5),  il  poeta,  tra  I'altro,  disse: 

Che  volete  voi,  Genovesi?  Che  volete  voi,  Italiani?  meno- 
mare  o  crescere  la  nazione? 

Voi  volete  un'Italia  piii  grande,  non  per  acquisto  ma  per  con- 
quisto,  non  a  misura  di  vergogna  ma  a  prezzo  di  sangue  e  di 
gloria. 

Arringando  il  popolo  di  Roma  accalcato  nelle  vie  e 
acclamante  (la  sera  del  12  maggio  191 5),  il  poeta,  tra  Taltro, 
disse: 

Or  e  cinquantacinque  anni,  in  questa  sera,  in  quest'ora  stessa, 
i  Mille,  in  marcia  da  Marsala  verso  Salemi,  sostavano;  e  a  pie  dei 
lor  fasci  d'armi  mangiavano  il  loro  pane  e  in  silenzio  si  addormenta- 
vano. 

Avevano  in  cuore  le  stelle  e  la  parola  del  Duce,  che  e  pur  viva 
e  imperiosa  oggi  a  noi:  Se  saremo  tutti  uniti,  sard  facile  il  nostra 
assunto.     Dunque,  aWarmi! 

Era  il  proclama  di  Marsala;  e  diceva  ancora,  con  rude  minaccia: 
Chi  non  s'arma  e  un  vile  0  un  traditore. 

Non  stamperebbe  dell'uno  e  dell'altro  marchio,  Egli  il  Libera- 
tore,  se  discendere  potesse  dal  Gianicoio  alia  bassura,  non  in- 
famerebbe  Egli  cosi  quanti  oggi  in  palese  o  in  segreto  lavorano  a 
disarmare  I'ltalia,  a  svergognare  la  Patria,  a  ricacciarla  nella  con- 
dizione  servile,  a  rinchiodarla  su  la  sua  croce? 

Che  la  forza  e  lo  sdegno  di  Roma  rovescino  alfine  i  banchi  dei 
barattieri  e  dei  falsari! 

Spazzate,  o  Romani,  spazzate  tutte  le  lordure,  ricacciate 
nella  Cloaca  tutte  le  putredini! 

Arringando  il  popolo  di  Roma  in  tumulto  (la  sera  del  13 
maggio  1915),  il  poeta,  tra  I'altro,  disse: 

Compagni,  voi  dovete  impedire  che  un  pugno  di  ruffiani  e  di 
frodatori  riesca  a  imbrattare  e  a  perdere  I'ltalia. 

II  tradimento  e  oggi  manifesto.  Non  ne  respiriamo  soltanto 
I'orribile  odore,  ma  ne  sentiamo  gia  tutto  il  peso  obbrobrioso. 
Nella  Roma  vostra  si  tenta  di  strangolare  la  Patria  con  un  ca- 
pestro  prussiano. 

Noi  siamo  sul  punto  d'essere  venduti  come  una  greggia  infetta. 

Questo  vuol  fare  di  noi  il  mestatore  di  Dronero  ^  intruglio 

'  Dronero  (provincia  di  Cuneo),  collegio  elettorale  di  Giolitti. 


628  PARTE  QUARTA 

osceno.  Questo  vuol  fare  di  noi  quell'altro  leccatore  di  sudici 
piedi  prussiani  ^     Questo  di  noi  vuol  fare  la  loro  seguace  canaglia. 

Questo  non  faranno,  o  Romani. 

La  storia  vostra  si  fece  forse  nelle  botteghe  dei  rigattieri  e 
dei  cenciaiuoli?  Le  bilance  della  vostra  giustizia  crollavano  forse 
dalla  banda  ov'era  posto  un  tozzo  da  maciullare,  un  osso  da  ro- 
dere?  II  vostro  Campidoglio  era  forse  un  banco  di  barattatori  e  di 
truffardi?  La  gloria  vi  s'afFacciava  e  ciangottava  da  rivendu- 
gliola? 

Non  ossi,  non  tozzi,  non  cenci,  non  baratti,  non  trufFe.  Basta! 
Rovesciate  i  banchi!     Spezzate  le  false  bilance! 

Le  nostre  sorti  non  si  misurano  con  la  spanna  del  merciaio, 
ma  con  la  spada  lunga. 

E  col  bastone  e  col  ceffone,  con  la  pedata  e  col  pugno  si  misu- 
rano i  manutengoli  e  i  mezzani,  i  leccapiatti  e  i  leccazampe  del- 
Tex-cancelliere  tedesco  (Bulow)  che  sopra  un  colle  quirite  fa  il 
grosso  Giove  trasformandosi  a  volta  a  volta  in  bue  tenero  e  in 
pioggia  d'oro. 

£  necessario  che  non  sia  consumato  in  Roma  I'assassinio  della 
Patria.     Voi  me  ne  state  mallevadori,  o  Romani. 

Pronunziando  I'accusa  pubblica  nell'adunanza  del  popolo 
romano  la  sera  del  14  maggio  1915,  il  poeta,  tra  Taltro,  disse: 

La  Patria  e  in  pericolo,  la  Patria  e  in  punto  di  perdimento. 
Per  salvarla  da  una  ruina  e  da  una  ignominia  irreparabili,  ciascuno 
di  noi  ha  il  dovere  di  dare  tutto  se  stesso  e  d'armarsi  di  tutte  le 
armi. 

In  un  messaggio  agli  studenti  dell'Ateneo  romano  adu- 
nati  per  deliberare  la  violenza  (15  maggio  191 5),  il  poeta, 
tra  I'altro,  disse: 

Oggi  e  I'anniversario  della  piii  bella  battaglia  garibaldina,  e 
Tanniversario  di  Calatafimi.  Di  essa  il  Duce  soleve  dire:  Se 
nel  punto  del  trapasso  voi  mi  vedrete  sorridere,  amici,  pensate  che 
il  ricordo  di  Calatafimi  mi  risale  dal  cuore  con  Vultimo  palpito. 

Ma  perche  egli  risorridesse,  bisognerebbe  celebrare  questo 
anniversario  con  la  cacciata  del  trufFatore  (Giolitti)  che  vuol 
vendere  I'ltalia  e  del  mezzano  (Bulow)  che  la  vuol  comperare. 
Bisognerebbe  oggi  purificare  delle  due  infezioni  il  cielo  di  Roma. 

II  popolo  italiano,  nella  sua  poverta  pura  come  cristallo 
'  L'ex  ministro  Bertolini? 


L'ORO   INGLESE   E   FRANCESE  629 

d'Alpi,  rimase  estraneo  al  turpe  mercato  dei  Bulow  e  dei 
Giolitti. 

E  come  poteva  non  rimaner  estraneo,  se  esso  si  specchio 
sempre  nella  vita  d'uomini  che  I'oro  non  pote  mai  conta- 
minare?    d'uomini  che  sono  il  piu  onesto  orgoglio  di  razza? 

10  voglio  qui  ricordare  due  episodi:  un  episodio  antico, 
che  s'insegna  nelle  scuole  elementari  d'ltaha;  un  episodio 
dei  tempi  moderni,  che  la  stampa  nazionale  rievoca  ogni 
anno.  L'uno  e  I'altro  daranno  un'idea  delle  virtii  sulle 
quah  il  popolo  della  nuova  ItaHa  foggia  con  mirabile  legge 
di  continuita  la  sua  incorruttibilita  morale. 

Primo  episodio.  Nell'estate  dell'anno  282  avanti  Cristo, 
una  squadra  romana,  che  veleggiava  verso  Sena-GalHca, 
gitto  I'ancora  nel  porto  di  Taranto. 

I  Tarantini,  col  pretesto  che  un  antico  trattato  vietava 
ai  Romani  di  navigare  oltre  il  Capo  Licinio,  assaltarono  le 
navi  ancorate,  ne  affondarono  alcune  e  misero  in  fuga  le 
altre. 

11  Senato  romano  chiese  subito  un'adeguata  riparazione 
ai  Tarantini.  Ma  gli  ambasciatori  ch'esso  all'uopo  mando, 
invece  d'ottenere  la  chiesta  riparazione,  furono  dai  Taran- 
tini   bassamente    oltraggiati. 

Allora  Roma  dichiaro  la  guerra. 

I  Tarantini  chiesero  aiuto  a  Pirro  re  dell'Epiro.  Costui, 
ch'era  ambizioso  e  vago  quanto  mai  d'avventure,  non  si  fece 
molto  pregare.  Sbarco  a  Taranto  (280  avanti  Cristo)  con 
un  grosso  esercito  e  20  elefanti  trasportanti  sul  dorso  alcune 
fortezze,  dalle  quali  i  soldati  potevano  combattere  al  sicuro. 
E  scontratosi  coi  Romani  comandati  dal  console  P.  Valerio 
Levino  ad  Eraclea  presso  le  foci  dell'Agri,  ne  segui  un'acca- 
nita  battaglia. 

I  soldati  romani,  spaventati  dall'enorme  grossezza  e 
dai  barriti  di  quei  quadrupedi  ch'essi  non  avevano  mai  visto 
prima,  si  diedero  alia  fuga,  lasciando  al  nemico  la  vittoria. 
Ma  questa  era  costata  tanto  cara,  che  Pirro,  pieno  di  mera- 
viglia  e  di  dispetto,  esclamo:  "Ancora  una  vittoria  come 
questa,  e  dovro  tornarmene  solo  in  Epiro!" 

Durante  I'inverno,  un'ambasceria  romana  condotta  da 
Caio  Fabrizio,  uomo  povero  ma  di  gran  talento  militate 


630  PARTE  QUARTA 

e  d'animo  nobilissimo,  si  presento  a  Pirro  per  trattare  dello 
scambio  dei  prigionieri. 

L'austera  semplicita  del  Romano  meraviglio  non  poco 
lo  straniero. 

Pirro,  tratto  in  disparte  Fabrizio,  gli  ofFri  preziosissimi 
doni,  purche  promettesse  d'indurre  il  Senato  romano  a  far 
la  pace. 

Ma  Fabrizio  rispose  alteramente: 

Offri  i  tuoi  doni  agli  schiavi,  non  gia  ad  un  cittadino  romano. 
E  sappi  bene  ch'io  non  mi  sento  povero,  ma  piii  ricco  di  te,  perche 
il  mio  campicello  e  la  mia  casetta  mi  danno  abbastanza  per  vivere 
beato. 

Non  potendo  vincerlo  con  I'oro,  Pirro  tento  di  vincere 
Fabrizio  con  la  paura.  Gli  aizzo  contro  il  piii  grosso  degli 
elefanti,  il  quale,  a  un  dato  cenno,  stese  la  proboscide  sulla 
testa  di  Fabrizio  e  barri  spaventosamente.  II  forte  Romano 
non  si  scosse,  non  si  mosse:  sorrise  fieramente.  E  quando 
I'elefante  ebbe  finite,  parti  senza  concludere  nulla  sullo 
scambio  dei   prigionieri. 

Pirro,  stupefatto,  esclamo: 

Vedo  che  sarebbe  piij  facile  far  deviate  il  Sole  dal  sue  corso,  che 
Fabrizio  dal  sentiero  della  virtu! 

Ritornato  a  Roma,  Fabrizio  consiglio  al  Senato  di  non 
fare  la  pace. 

Roma  non  dovra  scendere  a  patti  —  egli  grido —  finche  soldati 
stranieri  calcheranno  il  suolo  d'ltalia! 

La  guerra  fu  continuata.  Pirro,  sconfitto  dai  Romani 
comandati  dal  console  M.  Curio  Dentato  in  un'asprissima 
battaglia  presso  Benevento,  dove  riprendere  per  sempre 
la  via  dell'Epiro. 

Secondo  episodio.  L'anno  1888  il  governo  italiano 
aveva  bisogno  di  contrarre  un  prestito  di  60  milioni  di  lire. 

Alcuni  banchieri  francesi,  desiderosi  di  combinare  essi 
I'affare  abbastanza  grasso  per  quei  tempi,  tentarono  di 
corrompere,  con  I'ofFerta  d'un  milione  e  duecentomila  lire, 
una    delle    piii    illibate    figure    del    Parlamento    nazionale 


L'ORO   INGLESE   E   FRANCESE  631 

italiano:  Giovanni  Bovio^  Per  mezzo  dell'autorita  di 
questo  austero  deputato  repubblicano,  essi  speravano, 
anzi  erano  sicuri,  di  potere  influenzare  il  ministro  delle 
finanze  d'ltalia  ch'era   allora  Agostino   Magliani. 

Ma  ecco  come  Bovio  rispose  al  banchiere  che  aveva 
avuto  I'incarico  dai  suoi  colleghi  di  Francia  di  fare  la 
temeraria  proposta: 

Napoli,  5  dicembre  1888. 
Signore, 

Con  lettera  assicurata  da  Parigi,  in  data  1°  dicembre 
1888  e  in  carta  intestata  col  vostro  noma,  voi  scrivete  a  me: 

Ho  I'onore  d'avervi  conosciuto  e  udito.  Potete  voi  chiedere  al  mini- 
stro Maglianiy  se  vero  e  che  il  governo  italiano  abbia  assolutamente 
bisogno  di  collocare  a  breve  scadenza  cinquanta  0  sessanta  milioni  di 
buoni  del  Tesoro  e  se  e  vero  che  questa  realizzazione  sia  naufragata 
in  Francia^     Infine  a  qual  tasso  egli  vorrebbe  realizzarlil 

Se  SI,  potete  assicurare  che,  se  il  tasso  e  accettabile,  fra  otto  giorni 
dal  di  della  risposta,  verranno  recati  a  Roma  i  cinquanta  0  sessanta 
milioni  di  cui  egli  avrebbe  uopo.  Come  voi  vedete,  questo  affare  e  dei 
piu  seri  e  richiede  la  piu  grande  discrezione.  Per  incomodi  e  cure, 
se  V affare  si  fa,  verrd  messa  a  disposizione  vostra  la  somma  di  un 
milione  e  duecentomila  franchi  {un  milion  deux  cents  mil  francs). 

La  proposizione  fattami  indica  chiaramente  che  voi  mi  avete 
veduto  e  udito,  ma  non  mi  avete  conosciuto. 

Per  fare  a  me  siffatta  proposta,  voi  avete  dovuto  indicate  ai 
banchieri  che  verranno  in  Roma  il  mio  nome,  e  permettete  che  lo 
difenda  io,  che  non  ho  altro  da  custodire  e  da  trasmettere. 

Lo  difendero  spiegandovi  in  poche  parole  il  fatto  e  me. 

II  fatto,  comunque  colorito  e  velato,  e  di  quelli  che  si  chiamano 
affari,  e  che  i  deputati  non  debbono  trattare  ne  coi  ministri  ne  con 
uffici  e  compagnie  dipendenti  dal  governo.  Non  c'e  legge  che  vi 
si  opponga,  ma  i  fatti  peggiori  non  sono  quelli  che  cadono  sotto  le 
sanzioni  delle  leggi. 

Quanto  a  me,  ne  a  voi  che  siete  stato  in  Napoli,  ne  ad  altri 
pud  essere  ignoto  che  io  sostento  me  e  la  famiglia  di  per  di,  inse- 

'Giovanni  Bovio,  uomo  politico  di  Trani  (Bari),  filosofo,  oratore,  epigrafista  e 
drammaturgo,  spiccata  figura  di  savio  antico.  All'Universita  di  Napoli  insegno, 
successivamente,  Filosofia  e  Storia  del  diritto,  Enciclopedia  giuridica,  ecc.  La  sua 
filosofia  fu  un  gran  sogno  esaltato  da  idealita.  Autore  della  Filosofia  del  diritto, 
della  Storia  del  diritto  in  Italia,  del  Naturalismo  e  di  altre  opera  profonde.  Fu  in 
intima  corrispondenza  con  Mazzini,  Saffi,  Garibaldi  e  con  tutti  gli  altri  grandi 
Italian!  del  suo  tempo.     Mori  povero  e  incorrotto.     (1841-1903.) 


632  PARTE   QUARTA 

gnando  e  scrivendo  filosofia,  congiunta  con  un  po'  di  matematica, 
ma  con  aritmetica  che  non  e  mai  arrivata  al  milione. 

Se  il  lavoro  mi  frutta  I'indipendenza,  il  milione  mi  e  soverchio. 

Voi  scrivete  che  tutto  sarebbe  fatto  di  cheto  in  Roma,  senza 
che  altri  ne  sappia. 

E  non  lo  saprei  io?     E  non  porto  nella  mia  coscienza  un  codice? 

I  banchieri  possono  lasciare  la  loro  coscienza  a  pie  delle  Alpi  e 
ripigliarsela  al  ritorno;  ma  io  la  porto  dovunque,  perche  la  dentro 
ci  sono  gli  ultimi  ideali  che  ho  potuto  salvare  dalle  delusioni. 

Voi  scrivete  che  e  opera  di  buon  cittadino  questa  mediazione; 
ma  io  vi  dico  che  e  opera  di  onesto  uomo  non  far  mai  cio  che  si  ha 
bisogno  di  tacere  e  di  coprire. 

Ed  ora,  credete  a  me,  che  non  ho  da  chiedere  nulla  e  neppure 
da  accettare.  Voi  non  incontrerete  un  Italiano  che  non  si  auguri 
buone  relazioni  con  la  Francia,  non  per  i  buoni  affari,  ma  per  la 
buona  ragione. 

La  democrazia  italiana  non  e  ricca:  ama  il  decoro  e  la  liberta 
della  Francia,  ma  dall'oro  francese  non  si  fa  abbagliare. 

10  ed  i  miei  amici  non  pronunzieremo  il  vostro  nome  qui  noto 
e  stimato;  ma  voi  avete  I'obbligo  di  dire  ai  vostri  compagni  che 
in  Italia  il  sentimento  della  dignita  e  vivo,  e  se  un  giovane  italiano, 
da  noi  educato,  dovesse  scegliere  tra  il  canape  austriaco  e  I'oro 
francese,  senza  un  istante  di  esitanza,  egli  si  darebbe  al  canape. 

Giovanni  Bovio. 

11  popolo  italiano,  rimanendo  estraneo  ai  maneggi  di 
von  Bulow^  e  di  Giolitti,  segui  fedelmente  gli  esempi  tra- 
mandatigli  da  Fabrizio  e  insegnatigli  da  Bovio.  Anzi  fece 
di  piii.  Incontrato  per  le  vie  di  Roma,  durante  le  tempestose 
giornate  del  maggio  191 5,  I'onorevole  Bertolini,  ex  ministro 
di  Vittorio  Emanuele  III,  sospettato,  semplicemente  so- 
spettato,  d'essersi  venduto  ai  Tedeschi,  lo  invest!  scaglian- 
dogli  i  piii  roventi  improperi  insieme  con  pugni  di  monete 
in  faccia.  E  avrebbe  linciato  lo  stesso  Giolitti,  se  il  vecchio 
"boia  labbrone"  (cosi  d'Annunzio  ingiurio  Giolitti)  non 
se  la  fosse  data  a  gambe  protetto  dalla  polizia. 

Gli  e  che  il  popolo  della  nuova  Italia  e  un  popolo  intelli- 
gente,  non  imbelle;  un  popolo  idealista,  non  utilitario;  un 
popolo  tenace,  non  volubile.  Esso  sa  facilmente  distinguere 
il  vero  dal  falso,  il  bene  dal  male,  il  bello  dal  brutto.  Ab- 
braccia  prontamente,  per  naturale  impulse  dell'animo  suo 


L'ORO   INGLESE   E   FRANCESE  633 

sensibilissimo,  tutte  le  cause  giuste.  E  una  volta  abbrac- 
ciate,  le  difende  con  entusiasmo,  con  disinteresse,  con  fer- 
mezza. 

Scoppiata  nel  1914  la  grande  guerra,  il  popolo  italiano 
seppe  subito  di  che  si  trattava.  E  non  esito  un  solo  istante 
a  prendere  spontaneamente  la  posizione  che  la  raglone  e  il 
sentimento  —  ispirati  Tuna  e  I'altro  dal  diritto  dei  deboli 
—  gl'imposero.  E  in  tale  posizione  si  mantenne  sempre 
con  amore  e  costanza  incrollabili. 

L'oro  inglese  e  I'oro  francese  non  furono  che  una  storiella 
calunniosa  messa  fuori,  per  giunta  assai  tardivamente, 
dalla  malafede  teutonica. 

Perche  bisogna  fermarsi  sopra  una  circostanza  essen- 
zialissima.  Che  e  questa.  Mentre  dal  luglio  1914  al  maggio 
191 5  fervevano  in  Italia  le  lotte  tra  i  fautori  deH'intervento 
a  favore  dell'Austria  e  della  Germania  (fautori  che  la  forza 
delle  cose  cambio  poi  in  neutralisti)  da  una  parte,  e  i  fautori 
dell'intervento  contro  I'Austria  e  la  Germania  dall'altra, 
parecchi  dei  summenzionati  scribacchini  furono,  da  alcuni 
giornali  italiani,  accusati  d'essersi  venduti  ai  Teutoni. 

Gli  accusati  sporsero  querela  di  difFamazione. 

Ma  nei  pubblici  dibattimenti,  svoltisi  dinanzi  ai  tri- 
bunali,  i  giornali  accusatori  provarono  pienamente  le  loro 
accuse.  E  i  giudici  li  dovettero  assolvere;  dovettero  cioe 
assolvere  i  giornali  accusatori,  mentre  gli  scribacchini 
accusati  d'essersi  venduti  ai  Teutoni  furono  seppelliti 
sotto  la  valanga  dell'indignazione  e  del  disprezzo  nazionali. 

Non  era  forse  quello  il  momento  psicologico  piii  op- 
portuno  per  contrapporre  alle  accuse  e  alle  prove  dell'oro 
teutonic©,  le  accuse  e  le  prove  dell'oro  inglese  e  dell'oro 
francese? 

Era  certamente  quello  il  momento! 

Ma  i  Teutoni  e  i  teutonici  non  ne  approfittarono.  Non 
si  fecero  avanti.     Tacquero.     Perche? 

Perche  oro  inglese  e  francese  non  ne  era  corso  in  Italia. 
Se  ne  fosse  corso,  i  Teutoni  e  i  teutonici  non  avrebbero 
mancato  di  gridarlo  ai  quattro  venti. 

Del  resto,  anche  l'oro  inglese  e  francese,  se  fosse  corso, 
non   avrebbe  fatto  altro  che  corrompere,   al  pari   dell'oro 


634  PARTE   QUARTA 

teutonico,  qualche  politicante  rinnegato,  qualche  famelico 
scribacchino,  qualche  incallito  cefFo  da  galera. 

II  popolo  italiano,  nella  sua  poverta  pura  come  cristallo 
d'Alpi,  sarebbe  rimasto  estraneo  al  turpe  mercato.  Esso 
si  sarebbe  ritemprato  ancora  di  piu  nelle  immortali  virtu 
dei  suoi  Fabrizi  antichi  e  dei  suoi  Bovio  moderni. 

E  non  solo  con  I'oro,  ma  anche  con  altri  mezzi  i  Teuton! 
tentarono  di  neutralizzare  ITtalia,  poiche  non  erano  riusciti 
ad  attrarla  in  favor  loro  sui  campi  di  battaglia.  Inondarono 
la  penisola,  dal  luglio  1914  al  maggio  191 5,  di  giornali, 
bollettini,  riviste,  fogli  volanti,  libri,  opuscoli,  tutti  in  lingua 
italiana.  E,  con  questa  grazia  di  Dio,  si  sforzarono  di  dimo- 
strare  che  glTnglesi  e  i  Francesi  avevano  sempre  odiato 
e  avversato  glTtaliani,  e  sempre  li  avrebbero  odiati  e  avver- 
sati  in  avvenire;  mentre  essi  —  i  Tedeschi  —  erano  stati 
sempre  i  piii  entusiastici  ammiratori  e  i  piii  sinceri  amici 
deglTtaliani,  e  tali  sarebbero  sempre  rimasti  in  avvenire. 

Numerosi  pacchi  di  siffatte  pubblicazioni  furono  man- 
dati  a  me  direttamente  in  Chicago  da  un  mio  amico  tedesco 
che  tra  il  1914  e  il  191 5  si  trovava  in  Italia.  lo,  cosi,  potei 
aver  I'onore  di  leggere,  tra  I'altro,  I'opuscolo  intitolato 
La  veritd  nelV amicizia  deW Inghilterra  per  V Italia  del  dottor 
J.  Lulves  stampato  a  Roma  con  la  data  del  191 5;  I'opuscolo 
intitolato  Italia  e  Francia  di  Alfredo  Tusti  stampato  anche 
a  Roma  con  la  data  del  191 5;  e  il  Bollettino  della  Guerra 
(numero  30-31  del  17-30  aprile  191 5)  pubblicato  dal  dottor 
Fred.  B.  Hardt  a  Monaco  di  Baviera. 

Nel  primo,  vidi  cronologicamente  enumerati  i  torti 
che  glTnglesi  fecero  aglTtaliani  dal  1327  fino  al  1912. 

Nel  secondo,  vidi  cronologicamente  enumerati  i  torti 
che  i  Francesi  fecero  aglTtaliani  dal  30  marzo  1282  (data 
dei  Vespri  Siciliani)  fino  al  191 2. 

Nel  terzo,  vidi  un  articolo  intitolato  La  civiltd  italiana 
e  V anima  tedesca  che  qui  riproduco  testualmente: 

In  Europa  vi  e  un'affinita  spirituale  che  dissente dalle  manifesta- 
zioni  deH'arte  e  della  letteratura  russa;  noi  Tedeschi  ammiriamo 
le  composizioni  di  un  Dostojewski,  ma  lo  spirito  deH'anima  russa 
rimane  estraneo  a  noi;  mentre  invece  Balzac  ci  fa  pensare  e  sentire 


L'ORO   INGLESE   E   FRANCESE  635 

insieme  con  lui,  come  una  novella  di  Boccaccio  ci  fa  ridere  since- 
ramente,  e  i  versi  di  Dante  inalzano  ed  entusiasmano  I'anima 
nostra  come  quella  degl'Italiani  stessi.  Tra  Romani  e  Germani 
vi  e  un  antico  rapporto  di  conoscenza  e  di  memorie,  per  cui  I'arte 
e  la  civilta  italiane  sono  da  noi  profondamente  intese;  noi  sentiamo 
per  I'influsso  delle  medesime  nella  nostra  vita  intellettuale  un  vivo 
senso  di  riconoscenza.  L'intenso  desiderio  che  spingeva  Goethe 
ed  i  romantici  verso  I'ltalia  sopravvive  in  ogni  cuore  germanico. 
Non  rifacciamo  tutta  la  storia  della  colonizzazione  romana  della 
Germania,  ma  ricordiamo  solamente  che  da  quel  tempo  fino  ad 
oggi  I'influsso  di  essa  e  rimasto  costante,  attraverso  tutta  la  storia, 
nel  Diritto  romario. 

II  Rinascimento  ha  trasmesso  a  noi  i  tesori  del  pensiero  greco  e 
latino.  Dai  monasteri  benedettini  italiani  flui  nel  Medio  Evo  una 
larga  corrente  intellettuale  e  religiosa  verso  la  Germania,  il  cui 
studio  passionato  verso  la  storia  dell'arte  italiana,  paragonato  con 
il  culto  da  noi  attribuito  alle  altre  civilta,  ha  sempre  spinto  verso 
di  quella  tutta  I'attivita  e  il  desiderio  di  ricerca  dei  nostri  sommi 
cultori  dell'arte  e  della  storia.  Sarebbe  troppo  lungo  citare  qui 
anche  solo  i  piii  importanti  fra  i  cultori  che  la  Germania  annovera 
nel  campo  suddetto;  vogliamo  solo  ricordare  alcuni  fra  i  piii 
eminenti  e  noti  a  tutti.  Chi  ignora  il  nome  di  Winckelmann,  il 
fondatore  dell'archeologia  moderna?  E  chi  non  conosce  I'illustre 
Teodoro  Mommsen  e  la  sua  storia  di  Roma,  i  lavori  di  Friedlander 
suUa  storia  dei  costumi  dei  Romani,  la  splendida  storia  della  citta 
di  Roma  nel  Medio  Evo  di  Ferdinando  Gregorovius  il  cittadino  di 
Roma,  il  capolavoro  di  Ranke  sulla  storia  del  Papato,  il  Cicerone 
di  Jacob  Burckhardt  che  offre  una  comprensiva  esposizione  di 
tutta  la  storia  dell'arte  italiana,  i  lavori  di  Hermann  Grimm  sul 
Rinascimento  e  i  sommi  lavori  di  Wolffin  che  tiene  oggi  la  cattedra 
di  Riehl  a  Monaco? 

Ne  solamente  alio  studio  della  storia  italiana  hanno  i  Tedeschi 
rivolto  il  loro  lavoro  indefesso  e  la  loro  passione  per  I'ltalia,  ma 
anche  nella  versione  dei  suoi  poeti  e  nella  riproduzione  dei  suoi 
lavori.  In  ogni  casa  di  un  buon  tedesco  si  trova  la  Vita  di  Benve- 
nuto  Cellini  tradotta  la  prima  volta  da  Goethe.  Tra  le  moltissime 
traduzioni  della  Divina  Commedia,  una,  che  porta  il  pseudonimo  di 
Philalethes,  e  stata  fatta  dal  re  Giovanni  di  Sassonia.  La  casa 
E.  Diederichs  di  Jena  sta  pubblicando  una  ricca  collezione  di  an- 
tichi  documenti  italiani,  cronache  e  diari  del  Rinascimento,  splen- 
didamente  tradotti;  superbe  edizioni  di  cui  fino  ad  oggi  sono  uscite 
due  serie  di  12  volumi  ciascuna.     £  un  piacere  per  ogni  Tedesco 


636  PARTE   QUARTA 

colto  prendere  in  mano  uno  di  questi  volumi  come  Matarazzo, 
La  Cronaca  di  Perugia,  Napoli  e  gli  Aragonesi,  il  Diario  fiorentuio 
di  Landucci,  il  Diario  di  Roma  di  Infessura,  le  Lettere  dell'Aretino 
e  del  Bracciolini,  i  Misteri fiorentini,  le  Istorie  fiorentine  di  Machia- 
velli  ed  altre  tali  rarita. 

Le  edizioni  bibliofile  dei  poeti  e  pensatori  italiani  della  casa 
editrice  Insel  di  Lipsia,  di  G.  Miiller  e  von  Weber  di  Monaco  sono 
in  Germania  difFusissime;  in  esse,  accanto  a  un'impeccabile  tra- 
duzione  del  testo,  segue  un  commento  critico  sempre  accurato. 

Altrettanto  forte  fu  I'influsso  della  pittura  italiana,  Tunica 
veramente  grande,  sulla  pittura  tedesca  moderna.  Basti  ricordare 
Albrecht  Diirer  e  la  sua  permanenza  in  Venezia.  Oggi  ancora 
i  tesori  raccolti  nei  musei  dTtalia  sono  il  sogno  di  molti  giovani 
artisti  tedeschi  che  vi  si  recano  a  cercarvi  ed  a  trovarvi  I'ispira- 
zione.  Ed  in  quante  Corti  nostre  del  secolo  XVII  e  XVIII  non 
troviamo  I'impronta  della  genialita  degli  architetti  e  degli  artisti 
italiani! 

La  Germania  moderna  non  si  occupa  solamente  dellTtalia 
classica  e  del  Rinascimento  italiano,  ma  anche  della  ricostituzione 
della  sua  unita  politica,  del  suo  sviluppo  economico  il  quale  e 
seguito  con  vivo  interesse  ed  e  da  noi  altamente  compreso  ed 
apprezzato,  forse  perche  noi,  al  pari  degl'Italiani,  ci  ricordiamo 
delle  grandi  lotte  che  entrambi  le  nazioni  dovettero  sostenere  per 
raggiungere  la  loro  unita  nazionale.  Con  quale  fine  e  delicata 
analisi  Viktor  Hehn  nella  sua  opera  Paesi  e  popolazioni  in  Italia^ 
e  P.  D.  Fischer  nei  suoi  studi  sulle  condizioni  politiche  ed  econo- 
miche  dellTtalia,  come  anche  I'Hofmeister  nei  suo  lavoro  Lo 
sviluppo  economico  dei  Romani,  sanno  penetrare  la  psiche  dell'a- 
nima  italiana  e  con  quanta  meravigliosa  chiarezza  sanno  valutare 
e  apprezzare  il  grado  di  grandezza  che  ITtalia  ha  saputo  raggiun- 
gere! E  con  quale  sagacia  il  nostro  grande  storico  Treitschke  ha 
saputo  penetrare  I'opera  e  la  genialita  del  grande  statista  italiano 
Camillo  Cavour! 

A  migliaia  e  migliaia  vanno  ogni  anno  i  Tedeschi  nella  penisola, 
attratti  dalle  magiche  bellezze  di  natura  e  dai  capolavori  d'arte 
che  ITtalia  possiede,  e  tutti  ritornano,  dopo  quel  soggiorno  troppo 
breve,  coU'anima  inebriata  dalla  suggestiva  e  straordinaria  bellez- 
za  del  paese,  traboccante  il  cuore  e  il  pensiero  delle  infinite 
meravigliose  bellezze  della  classica  Italia,  con  I'orecchio  ancora 
vibrante  dell'eco  armoniosa  dei  discorsi  intavolati  con  un  qualun- 
que  gentile  compagno  di  viaggio  o  di  mensa.  Soltanto  i  Tedeschi, 
osiamo  afFermarlo,  portano  via  dallTtalia  tante  fruttuose  impres- 


CUPIDIGE  TERRITORIAL!  637 

sioni  della  terra  che  li  afFascina,  della  culla  della  civilta  europea! 
II  Francese  non  viaggia  molto;  I'Inglese  assai,  ma  con  criteri  di 
osservazione  e  risultati  di  impressione  ben  diversi  dai  nostri;  il 
Russo  poi  che  si  reca  in  Italia  appartiene  generalmente  al  ceto  delle 
intelligenze  piii  elevate,  ne  I'arte  e  la  civilta  italiane  potranno 
essere  mai  il  comune  patrimonio  della  popolazione  russa,  la  cui 
psiche  e  lontana  ed  estranea  alia  civilta  europea. 

Ma  il  popolo  italiano  penso  che  i  torti  inglesi  non  eran 
poi  stati  tanto  gravi  in  confronto  dei  torti  tedeschi,  se 
Giuseppe  Mazzini  (il  primissimo  degl'Italiani  della  nuova 
Italia)  aveva  finito  con  I'amare  I'lnghilterra. 

II  popolo  italiano  penso  che  i  torti  francesi  non  eran 
poi  stati  tanto  gravi  in  confronto  dei  torti  tedeschi,  se 
Giuseppe  Garibaldi  (il  gloriosissimo  Eroe  della  nuova 
Italia),  Amilcare  Cipriani  (il  piii  ribelle  dei  perseguitati 
politici  della  nuova  Italia),  Giovanni  Bovio,  Felice  Caval- 
lotti  e  Matteo  Renato  Imbriani  (tre  dei  piii  intemerati 
uomini  politici  della  nuova  Italia),  Giosue  Carducci  e 
Gabriele  d'Annunzio  (i  due  piii  grandi  poeti  della  nuova 
Italia)  avevano  finito  col  difendere  ed  esaltare  la  Francia. 

II  popolo  italiano,  percio,  come  non  s'era  fatto  con- 
taminate dall'oro  dei  Tedeschi,  cosi  non  si  fece  sedurre 
neppure  dalla  loro  tardiva  prosa  adulatrice. 

I  Teutoni,  infine,  ricorsero  anche  alle  minacce.  Ma 
invano:  per  la  semplice  ragione  che  il  popolo  italiano, 
quando  e  infiammato  da  una  causa  ch'esso  crede  giusta, 
non  ha  paura  di  nessuno,  tanto  meno  della  morte,  come  lo 
prova  luminosissimamente  il  suo  secolare  martirologio. 


X 

Cupidige  territoriali. 

Dove  furono  le  cupidige  territoriali  che  spinsero  il  popolo 
italiano  ad  entrare  nellagrandeguerra,  attaccandol'Austria? 

Senza  dubbio  ITtalia,  risorta  come  grande  Potenza 
soltanto   mezzo   secolo   addietro,   trovo   le   piQ   importanti 


638  PARTE   QUARTA 

posizioni  mondiali  saldamente  occupate  da  quelle  nazioni 
ch'erano  grandi  Potenze  da  secoli.  Trovo  una  gerarchia 
internazionale  precostituita  e  ferrea,  in  cui  a  lei,  tra  le 
grandi  Potenze,  non  restava  che  I'ultimo  posto.  Trovo  un 
equilibrio  rigido  e  sofFocante  ch'essa  —  piij  piccola,  piij 
povera,  piii  debole  delle  altre  —  non  poteva  scrollare  per 
tagliarsi  nel  mondo  una  meno  angusta  porzione  di  ricchezza 
e  di  dominio,  e  nemmeno  per  ricostituirsi  a  piena  unita 
nazionale,  geografica,  etnica. 

L'espansione  territoriale  era  dunque  per  ITtalia  una 
vitale  incoercibile  necessita. 

Pur  nondimeno  il  popolo  italiano,  rispettoso  quanto 
mai  dell'indipendenza  nazionale  degli  altri  popoli,  anche 
di  quelli  che  ingiustamente  sono  chiamati  inferiori,  anzi 
addirittura  barbari,  rifuggi  sempre  dalla  politica  e  dalle 
imprese  aventi  carattere  espansivo  territoriale.  Si  oppose 
con  le  barricate  alia  guerra  contro  I'Abissinia  per  la  con- 
quista  dell'Eritrea  epilogata  con  la  disfatta  d'Adua  il  i° 
marzo  1896  e  alia  guerra  contro  la  Turchia  del  191 2  per  la 
conquista  della  Tripolitania  e  della  Cirenaica  (le  due  uniche 
guerre  della  nuova  Italia)  volute  dal  governo  monarchico 
dei  Savoia  per  gl'interessi  bancari,  industriali,  commerciali 
e  religiosi  della  plutocrazia  italiana.  Si  oppose  e  non  s'im- 
pose,  come  nella  grande  guerra  odierna,  perche  le  due 
summenzionate  guerre  africane  potevano  nuocere  fino  a  un 
certo  punto  alia  compagine  e  ai  destini  della  nazione,  mentre 
la  grande  guerra  odierna  alterera  certamente  la  compagine 
e  i  destini  dell'intera  Europa,  dell'intero  mondo. 

II  popolo  della  nuova  Italia,  entrando  nella  grande 
guerra  durante  la  primavera  del  191 5,  non  ebbe  di  mira 
vantaggi  territoriali. 

Se  avesse  avuto  di  mira  vantaggi  territoriali,  esso  si 
sarebbe  schierato,  fin  dall'inizio  della  guerra  stessa,  a  fiance 
dell'Austria  e  della  Germania,  o  per  lo  meno  sarebbe  rimasto 
neutrale. 

Nel  primo  case,  la  Francia  sarebbe  stata  fulmineamente 
schiacciata.  II  disastro  francese  si  sarebbe  ineluttabil- 
mente  ripercosso  sullTnghilterra  e  sulla  Russia.  E  I'Austria 
e  la  Germania,  rimaste  vittoriose  e  arbitre  della  situazione 


CUPIDIGE  TERRITORIAL!  639 

europea,  anzi  mondiale,  avrebbero  ben  volentieri  ricompensa- 
ta  ritalia  con  concession!  territoriali  comprendenti  non  solo 
le  terre  irredente  a  est  della  penisola  (dal  Trentino  fino  alle 
coste  meridionali  dell'Albania),  ma  anche  le  terre  irredente 
a  ovest  della  penisola  (come  Savoia,  Nizza  e  la  Corsica), 
le  isole  di  Malta,  la  Tunisia,  Gibilterra  e  —  dulcis  in  fundo 
—  qualche  "grossa  colonia"  al  di  la  del  Mediterraneo. 

Nel  secondo  caso,  I'Austria  e  la  Germania  avrebbero  non 
meno  volentieri  —  checche  si  dica  in  contrario  —  ricom- 
pensata  ITtalia  con  concession!  territoriali  proporzionate 
alle  probabilita  di  vittoria  che  dal  mantenimento  della 
neutralita  italiana  sarebbero  derivate  agl'imperi  di  Fran- 
cesco Giuseppe  e  di  Guglielmo  II. 

Ma  ai  facili  ingrandimenti  territoriali,  il  popolo  della 
nuova  Italia  prefer!  —  a  costo  di  sacrifizi  superior!  di  molto 
al  valore  delle  terre  irredente  sintetizzate  nel  binomio  Trento 
e  Trieste  e  a  qualsiasi  altro  compenso  materiale  —  la  causa 
dei  deboli,  la  causa  dell'umanita.  Prefer!  distruggere  i 
sogni  egemonici  della  plutocrazia  teutonica.  Prefer!  scuo- 
tere  dalle  fondamenta  la  potenza  militate  teutonica.  Pre- 
fer? salvare  le  nazioni  dalle  insidie  e  dall'arroganza  dell'  im- 
perialismo  teutonic©. 

Se  il  colpo  mortale  che,  per  mezzo  della  grande  guerra, 
ricevera  la  Kultur  si  risolvera  in  male  per  la  vera  civilta 
umana,  la  colpa  di  cio  bisognera  darla  per  giustizia  al 
popolo  della  nuova  Italia.  E,  con  la  colpa,  il  rimorso  e  la 
vergogna  in  eterno. 

Se,  invece,  il  colpo  mortale  che,  per  mezzo  della  grande 
guerra,  ricevera  la  Kultur  si  risolvera  in  bene  per  la  vera 
civilta  umana,  il  merito  di  cio  bisognera  darlo  per  giustizia 
al  popolo  della  nuova  Italia.  E,  col  merito,  la  riconoscenza 
universale  e  la  gloria  in  eterno. 

II  future  Tacito  giudichera. 


640  PARTE   QUARTA 

XI 

Gli  Onnipotenti. 

La  grande  guerra  odierna  e  I'epilogo  logico  e  naturale 
dei  mali  che  le  caste  privilegiate  commisero  durante  il  loro 
lungo  imperio  sul  mondo.  E  il  colmo  del  male  che  le  dette 
caste  potevano  praticamente  commettere  ai  danni  del 
mondo. 

I  propugnatori  dei  diritti  umani  contrapposero,  e  vero, 
attraverso  i  secoli,  i  frutti  della  loro  mente,  vigorosi  mirabili 
immortali;  gl'impulsi  della  loro  coscienza,  gentili  pietosi 
afFettuosi;  i  martiri  della  loro  carne,  eroici  magnanimi  su- 
blimi.  Ma  tanta  efFusione  di  bellezza  non  pote  impedire  che 
il  vaso  di  Pandora  traboccasse  e  che  i  miasmi  del  suo  putrido 
contenuto  infettassero  I'intero  organismo  sociale. 

Significa  che  gli  elementi  —  intellettuali  morali  materia- 
li  —  usati  dai  propugnatori  dei  diritti  umani,  per  quanto 
sgorgati  dalle  piii  pure  fonti  del  pensiero  e  del  sentimento, 
per  quanto  ardentemente  protesi  verso  i  piii  santi  ideali 
della  vita,  non  furono  adattabili  alia  natura  umana  (ne 
alia  parte  opprimente,  ne  alia  parte  oppressa).  Se  fossero 
stati  adattabili,  I'umanita  li  avrebbe  assimilati.  E  a 
quest'ora  non  ci  sarebbero  piii  oppressi  ed  oppressor!. 
Gli  uni  e  gli  altri  sarebbero  gia  entrati,  volenti  o  nolenti, 
nella  fase  tanto  vagheggiata  del  vivere  civile.  In  quella 
fase,  nella  quale  i  popoli,  tutti  i  popoli  indistintamente, 
non  possono  che  trovare  giustizia,  liberta,  prosperita, 
fratellanza,  pace,  felicita. 

Dalle  rovine  della  grande  guerra,  sature  del  sangue  e 
del  pianto  di  tutta  I'umana  famiglia,  si  levera  un  soffio  di 
novissima  energia  intelligente. 

Questo  soffio  creera  i  novissimi  uomini,  i  quali  saranno 
onnipotenti  e  si  chiameranno  Onnipotenti. 

lo  ne  faccio  il  preannunzio  con  la  commozione  che  pro- 
viene  dall'intima  certezza. 

Gli  Onnipotenti  si  sostituiranno  a  coloro  (laici  ed  eccle- 
siastici)  i  quali  non  seppero  fare  altro  che  propugnare  invano 
i  diritti  dell'umanita. 


GLI   ONNIPOTENTI  641 

Gli  Onnipotenti  colpiranno  coloro  (laici  ed  ecclesiastici) 
i  quail  non  seppero  fare  altro  che  opera  ostinatamente 
nefasta. 

Ma  la  loro  azione  —  I'azione  degli  Onnipotenti  —  non 
avra  la  brusca  violenza  distruttiva  dei  moti  sismici. 

Essa  avra  la  graduale  virtu  fecondatrice  del  Sole  che 
appare  ogni  mattina  sull'orizzonte.  Azione  d'amore.  E, 
come  tale,  penetrera,  senza  che  nessuna  influenza  deleteria 
possa  impedirlo,  nell'infetto  organismo  sociale:  e  lo  puri- 
fichera;  lo  guarira;  lo  elevera  alle  piii  alte  cime  della  perfe- 
zione  fisica,  psicologica,  spirituale,  dove  il  sogno  poetico  del 
mio  Campanella  potra  alfine  diventare  realta.  Realta 
sempre  progrediente  e  trionfante  nella  quotidiana  e  perenne 
vita  del  genere  umano. 

O  pietaSj  o  prisca  fides,  o  Candida  corda, 

Lugentum  ignorantumque  atri  ahiere  colores; 

Exulet  impietas,  fraudes,  mendacia,  lites. 

Nee  timeant  agnive  lupum,  aut  armenta  leonem; 

Inque  bonum  populi  discent  regnare  tyranni; 

Ocia  cessarunt  et  cessavere  labores, 

Nam  labor  est  iocus,  in  multos  partitus  amice. 

O  pieta,  o  prisca  fade,  o  candidi  cuori, 
Gli  atri  e  funesti  colori  dell'ignoranza  sono  spariti; 
Sono  sparite  Tempieta,  la  frode,  la  menzogna,  le  guerre. 
Non  piu  I'agnello  temera  il  lupo,  ne  gli  armenti  il  leone; 
I  popoli  insegneranno  ai  tiranni  di  ben  governare; 
L'ozio  cessera,  cesseranno  le  lotte  per  I'esistenza, 
E  il  lavoro  non  sara  che  un  gioco  diviso  tra  buoni  amici. 


FINE. 


INDICE  ALFABETICO 

dei  Nomi  Propri  di  Persona 


Abba  Giuseppe  Cesare,  476. 

Abruzzi,  duca  degli,  572. 

Adalberto  di  Baviera,  620. 

Adami  Giovan  Battista,  469. 

Adamo,  377. 

Adriano  IV,  papa,  442,  444. 

Aehrenthal,  conte,  572,  573. 

Ajani  Giulio,  424,  496. 

Alarico,  592. 

Albani  Felice,  505. 

Alberto,  arciduca,  564. 

Alboino,  417. 

Aleardo  Aleardi,  484. 

Alessandro  III,  papa,  445,  448. 

Alessandro  di  Serbia,  545,  547,  551. 

Alighieri,  582. 

AUemandi,  464. 

Almerigotti  Alessandro,  469. 

Almerigotti  Giovanni  e  Lodovico, 

469. 
Amedeo  VI  di  Savoia,  451. 
Annibale,  388. 
Antonaz  Antonio,  484. 
Apollinara  Pinario,  433. 
Ardigo  prof.  Roberto,  600,  606. 
Aretino,  636. 

Arberto  da  Intimiano,  447. 
Arimani  Antonio,  476. 
Armellini  Carlo,  393,  398,  468. 
Arnaldo  da  Brescia,  442. 
Arquati  Tavani  Giuditta,  424,  425, 

426,  496. 
Ascoli  Graziadio,  458. 
Astolfo,  426. 
Attila,  437,  592. 
Augusto,  429,  430,  432. 
Aurelio  Marco,  430,  436. 
Avezzana,  500. 

Baiamonti  Antonio,  464,  534. 
Balbo  Cesare,  376. 


Balilla,  362,  389. 

Balzac,  634. 

Bandiera  Attilio  ed  Emilio,  458. 

Baratieri  Oreste,  476. 

Barbarossa  Federico,  389,  442,  443, 

444,  445,  446,  447,  448,  449. 
Barge,  conte  di,  394. 
Barzilai  Salvatore,  501. 
Bassi  Ugo,  399,  400. 
Battera  Raimondo,  504. 
Battorchi  Cernio,  491. 
Bazzoni  Clementina,  508. 
Bazzoni,  dottor,  508. 
Beatrice,  513. 
Beccaria  Cesare,  508. 
Belgioioso,  principessa  Cristina  di, 

392. 
Bell,  403. 

Belloni  Giuseppe,  383. 
Berardi  G.,  458. 
Berchet  Giovanni,  372. 
Berchtold,  conte  di,  546,  570,  571, 

573; 

Berini  Giovanni,  506. 
Bertelli  Pietro,  468. 
Bertolini,  628,  632. 
Bethmann-HoUweg,  von,  565,  574, 

576. 
Bevilacqua  Achille,  468. 
Bevilacqua  Giovanni,  469. 
Bezzi  Enoch,  476. 
Bezzi  Ergisto,  476,  477,  485,  488 

496. 
Bidischini  Francesco,  476. 
Bismarck,  554,  568,  571. 
Bissolati,  ministro,  358. 
Bixio  Nino,  420. 
Blasig  Carlo,  498. 
Boccaccio,  635. 
Boggio  Carlo,  494. 
Bolcego  Tomaso,  476. 


643 


644 


INDICE  ALFABETICO 


Bolza,  384,  386. 

Bonetti,  Domenlco  469. 

Bonomo  Antonio,  453. 

Borelli  Vincenzo,  375. 

Borisi  Marcantonio,  469. 

Borromeo,  conte  Vitaliano,  392. 

Boscovich  Carlo,  471. 

Bovio  Giovanni,  511,  631,  632,  634, 

637; 

Bracciolini,  636. 
Brambilla  Pietro,  494. 
Bresciani,  famiglia,  490. 
Brisa,  vescovo-barone,  450. 
Bronzetti,  famiglia,  478, 
Bronzetti  Narciso,  473,  474,  477. 
Bronzetti  Oreste,  490. 
Bronzetti  Pilade,  477,  478. 
Bronzetti    Pilade   e   Narciso,   468, 

490. 
Bruck,  459. 
BrufFel  Giovanni,  468. 
Brul,  475. 
Brunetti    Angelo    (Ciceruacchio), 

399,  400. 
Bruno  Giordano,  580,  591,  600. 
Buchanan,  545. 
Buchler  Gustavo,  488. 
Bulow,  principe  di,  566,  577,  622, 

626,  628,  632, 
Bunsen  Maurizio,  550. 
Buono  Michele,  479. 
Burckhardt  Jacob,  635. 

Cadorna  Raffaele,  426,  488,  499. 

Cairoli  Adelaide,  497. 

Cairoli  Benedetto'  497,  498,  500. 

Cairoli  dottor  Carlo,  497. 

Cairoli  Enrico,  424. 

Cairoli,  famiglia,  478. 

Cairoli,  fratelli,  424,  496. 

Cairoli  Giovanni,  496. 

Caligola  Caio,  433. 

Calvi  Pietro  Fortunate,  410. 

Camerino  Quinto  Sulpicio,  433. 

Campanella   Tommaso,    580,    598, 

641. 
Campbell  Roberto,  385. 


Canal  Giulio,  458. 

Cancellieri  Giulio,  452. 

Canella  Isidore,  491. 

Cantu  Cesare,  376. 

Canzio  Stefano,  499. 

Cappellini  Alfredo,  422. 

Capponi  Gino,  376. 

Capponi  Piero,  523. 

Capria,  489. 

Caprin,  500. 

Caravati,  vedova,  382. 

Carbone  Giovanni,  363. 

Carbonis  R.,  458. 

Carducci    Giosue,   426,    501,    508, 

510,  512,637. 
Carli,  493. 

Carli  Gian  Rinaldo,  456. 
Carlo  Alberto  di  Savoia-Carignano, 

370,  377>  378,  387*  390»  393.  421 

459,  465,  615,  616,  619. 
Carlo  II  duca  di  Parma,  410. 
Carlo  Emanuele  III  di  Savoia,  361. 
Carlo,  arciduca,  454. 
Carlo  III,  duca  di  Parma,  410. 
Carlo  Felice  di  Savoia,  370,  378. 
Carlo  Lodovico,  arciduca,  503. 
Carlo  Magno,  438. 
Carlo  IV,  450. 
Carlo  V,  389,  452,  454. 
Carlo  VI  d' Austria,  361,  362,  455, 
Carlo  Alberto   di   Baviera   (Carlo 

VII),  361. 
Carlo  VIII,  523. 
Carpaccio,  493. 
Carrara  Francesco,  508. 
Casanova  don  Pietro,  468. 
Caterina  II  di  Russia,  508. 
Catone,  585. 

Cattaneo  Carlo,  376,  380,  384,  385. 
Cattarozzi  Vincenzo,  497. 
Caucich  Pietro,  515. 
Cavali  Pietro,  468. 
Cavallotti  Felice,  637. 
Cavour,  Camillo  Benso  di,  376,  411, 

412,  415,  418,  471,  481,  482,  483, 

486,  636. 
Cellini  Benvenuto,  635. 


INDICE  ALFABETICO 


645 


Cernuschi  Enrico,  385. 

Cesare  Giulio,  426,  430,  431,  432, 

440,  585. 
Chimelli  Carlo,  490. 
Chiozza  Pietro,  489. 
Chotek  Sofia,  539. 
Ciani  Giuseppa,  506. 
Ciganovic  Milan,  541,  549. 
Cignoli,  416. 

Ciotti  Marziano,  476,  488,  496. 
Cipriani  Amilcare,  637. 
Clarendon,  400. 
Claudio,  433. 
Clemente  VII,  papa,  389. 
Clerici  Giorgio,  385. 
Coen  Filippo,  469. 
Coiz  prof.  Antonio,  472. 
Colombo  Cristoforo,  585. 
Colombo  Giacobbe,  408. 
Combi  Carlo,  494. 
Comelli  Federico,  471. 
Conforti  Raffaele,  413. 
Conrad,  571. 
Conti  Maria,  409. 
Correnti  Cesare,  397. 
Cortella  Paolo,  491. 
Costantino  il  Grande,  430. 
Covi  Virgilio,  490. 
Crispi  Francesco,  554. 
Cristiano  di  Magonza,  arcivescovo, 

445- 
Cristo,  366,  596. 
Cuder  Federico,  497. 
Cumano  Costantino,  462,  469. 

Dalla  Costa  Giovanni,  476. 
DairOngaro   Francesco,   409,   458, 

468. 
Dandolo,  535. 
Dandolo  Enrico,  399. 
D'Andri  Leonardo,  488. 
Danielli  Giovanni,  465. 
D'Annunzio    Gabriele,     514,     535, 

623,  626,  632,  637. 
Dante,  427,  432,512,  513,  519,520, 

598.  635. 
D'Aspre,  398. 


Davanzati,  493. 

D'Avarna,  duca,  563,   572,  623. 

D'Azeglio  Massimo,    376. 

De  Bassetti  Tito,  480. 

De  Benedetti,  famiglia,  478. 

De  Canal  Bernardo,  410. 

De  Carina  Pietro,  495. 

De  Haag  Riccardo,  515. 

Delfino  Menotti,  502. 

Delia  Casa  Giovanni,  583. 

Delia  Croce  Ireneo,  455. 

Delia  Torre  Enrico,  450. 

De  Mulitsch,  502. 

Dentato  M.  Curio,  630. 

Depaugher  Carlo,  488. 

De  Pregel  Melchiorre,  498. 

De  Pretis  Carlo,  490. 

De  Pretis,  famiglia,  489. 

De  Pretis  Giovanni,  480. 

Depretis,  ministro,  554. 

De  Rin  Nicolo,  462,  486. 

Dicio  Domenico,  468. 

Diederichs  E.,  635. 

Diocleziano,  430,  435. 

Donaggio  Rodolfo,  488,  490,  496. 

Donati  Giuseppe,  489. 

Doria  Lamba,  534,  535. 

D'Oria  Luciano,  534,  535. 

Dostojewski,  634. 

Dragicchio  Giuseppe,  469. 

Druffel  Giovanni,  488. 

Ducati  Angelo,  465. 

Ducati,  famiglia,  490. 

Duchie  Luigi,  515. 

Dudovick,  500. 

Durando  Giacomo,  376. 

Durando  Giovanni,  390. 

Eccheli,  famiglia  di  Ala,  490. 
Eccheli,    famiglia     di    Brentonico, 

490. 
Eccher  prof.  Alberto,  488.        « 
Elena,  regina,  514. 
Elisabetta,    imperatrice   d'Austria, 

419- 
Elisabetta     di     Savoia-Carignano, 
619. 


646 


INDICE  ALFABETICO 


Erberti  Francesco,  469. 

Erode,  430. 

Eugenio  III,  papa,  442. 

Fabi,  478. 

Fabricci  Gustavo,  502. 

Fabrizi,  500. 

Fabrizio  Caio,  629,  630,  632,  634. 

Facchinetti  Michele,  471. 

Faienz  Filippo,  489. 

Fani  prof.  Gino,  574. 

Fattori  Antonio,  476. 

Fausta,  430. 

Favetti  Carlo,  471. 

Favetti  Nepomuceno,  485. 

Federico  III  d'Austria,  453,  454. 

Fenali  Giuseppe,  489. 

Ferdinando  I  di  Borbone,  364,  365, 

366,  368. 
Ferdinando  I  d'Austria,  390. 
Ferdinando  I,  re  dei  Romani,  452, 

454- 
Ferdinando    II    di    Borbone,    378, 

389^  399»  419.  458. 
Ferdinando  III  di  Lorena,  363. 
FeroUi  Enrico,  488,  490,  496. 
Ferrandi  Luciano,  408. 
Ferrari  Carlo,  481. 
Ferrari  Giuseppe,  376. 
Ferrari,  maggiore,  474. 
Ferruccio  Francesco,  389,  477. 
Festi  Lorenzo,  465. 
Figulo  Marcio,  435. 
Fischer  P.  D.,  636. 
Flaccio,  493. 

Flotow,  barone  von,  557,  569. 
Foa  di  Bruno,  422. 
Fonda  Eugenio,  515. 
Fontana  Giuseppe,  476,  485,  488, 

496. 
Ford  Henry,  610. 
Fortis  Leone,  459,  469,  471. 
Foscolo  Ugo,  591. 
Francesco  I  d'Austria,  367,  384. 
Francesco  I  di  Borbone,  369,  378. 
Francesco  II  di  Borbone  {France- 

schiello),  419,  421. 


Francesco  II  d'Austria,  440. 

Francesco  Ferdinando,  arciduca 
d'Austria,  529,  544. 

Francesco  Giuseppe,  357,  390,  407, 
410,  412,  416,  418,  419,  423,  470, 
486,  494,  498,  507,  508,  510,  521, 
524,  539,  542,  552,  554,  563,  574, 
582,  583,  597,  620,  621,  623,  624, 
625,  626,  639. 

Francesco  IV  arciduca  di  Modena, 

363,  373.  374»  375- 
Fratti  Antonio,  590. 
Frattini  Pietro  Domenico,  410. 
Friedlander,  635. 
Fusinato  Arnaldo,  393,  404,  471. 

Galilei,  600. 

Galletti,  398. 

Galli  Ernesta,  409. 

Gallo  Michele,  488. 

Gambaroni  Giuseppe,  383. 

Garibaldi  Anita,  399,  400,  401,  402, 

403- 

Garibaldi  Bruno  e  Sante,  590. 

Garibaldi  Giuseppe,  376,  398,  399, 
400,  401,  402,  403,  406,  412,  417, 
419,  420,  421,  423,  424,  426,  460, 
468,  472,  473,  474,  475,  476,  478, 
479,  480,  481,  483,  485,  488,  489, 
491,  495,  496,  497,  499,  500,  501, 
502,  511,  534,  580,  589,  591,  631, 

637- 
Garibaldi  Menotti,  499,  513. 
Garibaldi  Peppino,  590. 
Garibaldi  Ricciotti,  499,  513,  589, 

590- 
Gattesi  Giuseppe,  469. 
Gazzoletti  Antonio,  458,  465,  471. 
Gervasio  Ricciotti,  504. 
Giesl  von  Gieslesen,  540,  542,  550. 
Gioberti  Vincenzo,  376,  377. 
Giolitti   Giovanni,   618,   621,   622, 

623,  625,  627,  628,  629,  632. 
Giosue,  596. 

Giovanni,  re  di  Sassonia,  619,  635. 
Giugurta,  511. 
Giulia,  431. 


INDICE  ALFABETICO 


647 


Giussano,  Alberto  da,  447. 

Giusti  Giuseppe,  376,  377,  584. 

Gizzi,  cardinale,  378. 

Gladstone  Guglielmo,  413. 

Godina  Alessandro,  469. 

Goethe,  635. 

Gogol,  592. 

Gorki,  592. 

Gracchi,  497. 

Gravisi  Girolamo,  488. 

Grazioli  Bartolomeo,  410. 

Grego  Ado,  515. 

Gregorich  Luigi,  502. 

Gregorio  XVI,  papa,  375. 

Gregorovius  Ferdinando,  635. 

Grey  Edward,  545,  550. 

Grimm  Hermann,  635. 

Grio  Domenico,  488. 

Grioli  Giovanni,  410. 

Grioli  Giuseppe,  471. 

Grion  Giovanni,  516. 

Grozet  G.,  458. 

Guerrazzi     Francesco     Domenico, 

376,  393.  416,  468. 
Guglielmo  di  Wied,  573. 
Guglielmo  II,  539,  553,  620,  621, 

624,  625,  626,  639. 
Guilay,  415,  418. 

Hagenaer,  461. 

Hardt  Fred.  B.,  634. 

Hart,  SchafFner  &  Marx,  610. 

Hayman,  397. 

Hehn  Viktor,  636. 

Herbert  Francesco,  469. 

Hermet  Francesco,  462,  487. 

Hess,  418. 

Hofmeister,  636. 

Hohenwarth,  conte,  479. 

Hortis,  487,  494. 

Hugo  Victor,  508,  510,  589. 

Imbriani  Matteo  Renato,  511,  637. 

Inama  Virgilio,  490. 

Infessura,  636. 

Insel,  636. 

Isnenghi  Enrico,  476,  477. 

Ivancich  Giovanni,  489,  537. 


Jagher,  famiglia,  490. 

Jagher  Giovanni,  490. 

Jamsy  Carlo,  502. 

Jolanda  di  Savoia,  principessa,  514. 

Jurettig  Enrico,  510. 

Kalteneisen  Ferruccio,  515. 
Kandler  Giovanni,  458. 
Kandler  Pietro,  457. 
Kattenbrunner  Arturo,  504. 
Krammer  Giulietta,  504. 
Krupp,  620. 
Kudachew,  544. 

Lamarmora  Alfonso,  411,  487, 
Lamartine  Alfonso,  584. 
Lamoriciere,  417. 
Landucci,  636. 
Lavisato  Domenico,  497. 
Lazzaro  di  Betania,  596. 
Leggero,  401. 

Leonardi  Giuseppe,  476,  488. 
Leone  XIII,  papa,  417,  418. 
Leonida,  477,  478. 
Leopardi  Giacomo,  376. 
Leopoldo,    granduca    di    Toscana, 

378,  389.  393- 
Leopoldo  I  d'Austria,  454. 
Leopoldo  III  d'Austria,  451,  452. 
Levi  Sansone,  468. 
Levino  P.  Valerio,  629. 
Litta,  duca,  392. 
Livaditi  Demetrio,  471. 
Livia,  430. 
Lorenzetti,  524. 
Lovisoni  Gioacchino,  487. 
Luccardi  Vincenzo,  502. 
Lucio  II,  papa,  442. 
Luigi  I  di  Portogallo,  484. 
Lulves  J.,  634. 
Lusgar  Nicolo,  453. 

Mac  Mahon,  417. 
Macchio,  barone,  546. 
Machiavelli,  565,  636. 
Maddali  Emilio,  496. 
Madonizza  dott.  A.,  457,  487. 


648 


INDICE  ALFABETICO 


Madonizza  Pietro,  488. 
Maffezzoli  Basilio,  474. 
Magliani  Agostino,  631. 
Magrini  Luciano,  514,  515. 
Magrini  Pietro,  515. 
Malatesta  Enrico,  591. 
Malfatti  Bartolomeo,  469. 
Mameli  GofFredo,   388,   393,   399, 

477- 
Mamiani  Terenzio,  376. 
Manara  Luciano,  399. 
Manci  Filippo,  476,  477,  485,  488, 

491. 
Manci  Gaetano,  465,  479. 
Manci  Sigismondo,  465. 
Mancini,  554. 
Mandich,  509. 
Manin  Daniele,  376,  387,  390,  404, 

406,  468,  484,  494. 
Manzoni  Alessandro,  376,  500. 
Marcabruni  Luigi,  476. 
Marchetti  dott.  Levio,  468. 
Marconi  Guglielmo,  606. 
Margherita  di  Savoia,  principessa, 

497- 
Margherita,  regina,  554,  582,  619, 

620. 
Maria  Adelaide,  619. 
Maria  Elisabetta,  619. 
Maria  Isabella,  620. 
Maria  Luigia  d' Austria,  364 
Maria  Luisa  di  Borbone,  363. 
Maria  Pia  di  Savoia,  484. 
Maria  Sofia  di  Baviera,  419. 
Maria  Teresa  d'Austria,  361,  362. 
Mario  Caio,  511. 
Marsili  Antonio,  480. 
Martini,  famiglia,  490. 
Martini  Federico,  469. 
Martini  Francesco,  476,  491. 
Martini  Leopoldo,  473. 
Martori  Pietro,  476. 
Marzari  Carlo,  468. 
Masi,  398. 
Massenzio,  430. 
Massimiano,  430. 
Mattedi  Francesco,  468. 


Mauro  Francesco,  496. 

Mauro  Gino,  524. 

Mazza  Salvatore,  381. 

Mazzini  Angelo,  488. 

Mazzini  Giuseppe,  376,  377,  393, 
398,  399,  406,  410,  427,  458,  460, 
468,  485,  500,  515,  580,  591,  631, 

637. 
Mazzoni,  393. 
Medici,  generale,  488. 
Menelao,  601. 
Menottl  Giro,  373,  374. 
Mercantini  Luigi,  414. 
Merey,  570. 
Metternich,  367,  368,  378,  457,  459, 

461. 
Meucci  Antonio,  403. 
Milius,  392. 
Milla  Davide,  488. 
Minosse,  513. 
Moiola  Quirino,  476. 
Molinari,  famiglia,  490. 
Mommsen  Teodoro,  434,  635. 
Mondolfo,  392. 
Moneta  Teodoro,  ^06. 
Monferrato,  marchese  di,  108. 
Montanari  Carlo,  410. 
Montanari  Pietro,  490. 
Montanelli  Giuseppe,  376,  393. 
Morosini  Emilio,  399. 
Mortera  Attilio  ed  Emilio,  502. 
Mosettig  Pietro,  496. 
Muller  G.,  636. 

Muratori  Lodovico  Antonio,  447. 
Muratti  Giusto,  496. 
Muzio,  493. 

Naldini,  dottore,  401. 

Napoleone  I,  363,  440. 

Napoleone  III,  411,  415,  417,  418, 

419,  423,  424,  426,  494. 
Negri  Antonio,  450. 
Negri  Edoardo,  468. 
Niccolini  Giovan  Battista,  376,  416. 
Niccolo  I  di  Russia,  413. 
Nicola  II  zar  di  Russia,  545,  551, 

553- 


INDICE  ALFAFETICO 


649 


Nipote  Giulio,  435. 
Nerone,  404. 
Nisco  Nicola,  413. 
Nugent,  390,  395. 

Oberdan  Giuseppina,  510. 
Oberdan  Guglielmo,  504,  505,  506, 

507,  508,  509,  510,  SI  I,  512,  519, 

522,  524,  590. 
Olacutti  Carolina,  504. 
Olivieri  Alessio,  414. 
Orazio,  581. 
Orefice  Giulio,  452. 
Oreste,  435. 
Orioli  F.,  458. 

Orlandini  Giovanni,  457,  469. 
Orseolo  Pietro,  438. 
Orseolo  Pietro  II,  438,  439,  440. 
Ottone,  448. 
Oudinot,  398,  399. 

Pallfly,  460. 

Palmerston,  385. 

Parisi  Rodolfo,  498. 

Pasic,  540,  542,  546,  549,  550,  SSI. 

Pasquale  III,  antipapa,  44s. 

Patciu,  S40>  542. 

Pattini  Giovanni,  SI7- 

Pecci   Gioacchino,   cardinale,   417, 

418. 
Pecenco  Luigi,  496. 
Pellico  Silvio,  371,  372. 
Pepe  Guglielmo,  365,  366,  389,  390, 

404,  406. 
Percoto  Caterina,  458. 
Persano,  ammiraglio,  423. 
Petitti  Ignazio,  376. 
Piatti  Antonio,  383. 
Piatti,  famiglia,  456. 
Piazza  Giovanna,  382. 
Fieri  Pietro,  468. 
Pietro,  426. 

Pietro  I  Karageorgevic,  S39- 
Pio  IX,  papa,  378,  389,  390,  392, 

399,  418,  426,  459. 
Pipino,  426. 
Pironti,  413. 
Pirro,  629  630. 


Pisanelli  Giuseppe,  413. 

Pitteri  Riccardo,  518. 

Planta  Giulio,  433. 

Plinio,  431. 

Poerio  Alessandro,  376. 

Poerio  Carlo,  413. 

Pogatschnig  Emilio,  S02. 

Poincare,  585. 

PoUini  Giuseppe,  496. 

Poma  Carlo,  410. 

Pompeo,  431. 

Pomponazzi,  600. 

Ponti,  392. 

Popovich  Eugenio,  488. 

Poropat  Francesco,  469. 

Prato,  467. 

Princip  Gabrilo,  539. 

Radetzky,  feld-maresciallo,  379, 
380,  390,  391,  394,  404,  407,  409, 
461,  468,  564. 

Ranfo  Marco,  450. 

Ranieri  Giuseppe,  arciduca,  619. 

Ranke,  63s. 

Rascovich  Edgardo,  soo,  soi. 

Ravaglia,  401. 

Ravaglia  Stefano,  401,  402. 

Raymmi,  392. 

Regazzini  Alessandro,  502. 

Rendich,  S03. 

Ressmann  Costantino,  463. 

Revere  Giuseppe,  460,  468. 

Riaviz  Clemente,  485. 

Riaviz  Stefano,  502. 

Ricchetti  Giuseppe,  S02. 

Ricci  Vittore,  465. 

Rinaldi  Ferdinando,  490. 

Rismondo,  487. 

Ritozzo  Luigi,  469. 

Rizzi  Giovanni,  465. 

Romagnosi  Gian  Domenico,  380. 

Romanin  Samuele,  469. 

Romano  Pietro,  469. 

Romolo  Augusto,  435. 

Rosmini  Antonio,  376. 

Rossetti  Dante  Gabriele,  366. 

Rossetti  Domenico,  457. 


650 


INDICE  ALFABETICO 


Rossetti  Gabriele,  366,  368. 
Rossi  Giovanni  fu  Francesco,  506. 
Rossi  Pellegrino,  392. 
Rubinisch,  469. 
Ruffini,  ministro,  358. 

Saffi  Aurelio,  393,  398,  410,    468, 

501,  SI  I,  631. 
Saglioso,  dottore,  468. 
Salandra,  501. 

Salandra  Antonio,  561,  567,  569. 
Saliceti,  413. 
Sallier  della  Torre,  370. 
San    Giuliano,    marchese    di,    557, 

569*  570. 
Santorre  di  Santarosa,  370. 
Sar  Tommaso,  469. 
Sartori  Adolfo,  488. 
Sartorio,  493. 
Savo  Pietro,  464. 
SazonofF,  542,  544,  545. 
Scarboncich  Pietro,  469. 
Scartellini  Angelo,  410. 
Schirone  Luigi,  503. 
Schmid,  417. 
Scialoia  Antonio,  413 
Sciesa  Antonio,  no. 
Scipio  (Scipione  rAfricano),  388. 
Sclopis  Federico,  376. 
Scocchi  Angelo,  515. 
Scorpion  Donate,  452. 
Scussa,  455. 
Seismit-Doda   Federico,   459,   460, 

469- 
Settembrini  Luigi,  413. 
Settimo  Ruggiero,  376,  378. 
SeufFerheld,  392. 
Sgarzolo  Giuseppe,  457. 
Silano  Marco  Giunio,  433. 
Sizzo  De  Noris,  famiglia,  490. 
Sizzo  Pietro,  465. 
Socci  Ettore,  512, 
Solitro  Giulio,  462. 
Sonnino,  barone  Sydney,  559.  560, 

568. 
Sordello,  513. 
Spadoni  Ernesto,  514. 


Spaventa  Silvio,  413. 
Speri  Tito,  410. 
Spinola  Gasparo,  534. 
Spongia  Filippo,  504. 
Stamura,  446. 
Statuto  Camurio,  433. 
Stefania,  principessa,  503. 
Stefano  II,  papa,  426. 
Stella  Sigismondo,  502. 
Sterchele  Anselmo,  476. 
Sterle  Mario,  515. 
Strabone,  431. 
Strandtman,  542,  551. 
Summa  Antonio,  458. 
Sussa  Francesco,  498. 

Tabai  Antonio,  502. 

Tacito,  639. 

Tamaro  Attilio,  468,  523. 

Tankosic  Voijna,  541,  549. 

Tarugi,  466. 

Tavernini,  famiglia,  490. 

Tazzoli  Enrico,  410. 

Tchernichewski,  591. 

Tedeschi  Paolo,  484. 

Tegetthoff,  564. 

Telesio,  600. 

Terzaghi  Giulio,  385. 

Testi  Giuseppe,  465. 

Thum  Matteo,  465. 

Tiberio,  430. 

Tito  Livio,  429. 

Tivaroni  Carlo,  490,  497. 

Toller  Domenico  (Costa  Giacomo), 

476. 
Tolstoi,  591. 
Tommaseo  Niccolo,  376,  387,  406, 

461,  464,  468,  469,  472,  486,  534. 
Tommaso,  principe  di  Savoia,  619. 
Tonini  Leopold©,  478. 
Traiano,  431. 
Tranquillini  Filippo,  476,  477,  485, 

488,  490. 
Treitschke,  636. 
Trezzi  Giacomo,  408. 
Turgheniew,  591. 
Tusti  Alfredo,  634. 


INDICE  ALFABETICO 


651 


Ughelli,  455. 

Umberto,  principe  di  Savoia,  497. 

Umberto  I  di  Savoia,  497,  512,  514, 

554,  582,  619,  620. 
Urban,  416. 
Urigio  Nicolo,  452. 

Valussi  Pacifico,  458,  463,  481. 

Vascon  Giovanni,  488. 

Venezian  Felice,  523. 

Venezian  Giacomo,  468. 

Venier  Cristoforo,  499. 

Venturi,  478. 

Verdi  Giuseppe,  458,  470,  514. 

Vergerio,  493. 

Vergottini  Nicolo,  469. 

Verzegnasse  Francesco,  472. 

Vidacovich  Antonio,  501. 

Vidacowich  Domenico,  488. 

Vidali  Gian  Luigi,  496. 

Vidali  Giuseppe,  516. 

Vidali  Marcello,  533. 

Villari  Pasquale,  606. 

Vinci  Giuseppe,  502. 

Vinci  Leonardo,  600. 

Virgilio,  432,  609. 

Visconti  di  Mondrone,  duca,  392. 

Visconti  Venosta,  494. 

Vittore  IV,  antipapa,  445. 

Voltaire,  508. 

Vittorio  Emanuele  I  di  Savoia,  363, 

369- 
Vittorio    Emanuele    II,    394,    411, 
412,  415,  417,  418,  419,  421,  422, 
423,  424,  472,  473,  475,  476,  480, 


481,  483,  484,  487,  489,  490,  494, 

495.  497>  500»  S02,  619. 
Vittorio   Emanuele  III,   357,   514, 

563.  567.  58S»  587,  615,  616,  618, 

619,  620,  621,  622,  623,  624,  625, 

626,  632. 
Vusio  Tommaso  e  Rovis,  497. 

Walfer,  489. 
Weber,  von,  636. 
Weiss,  famiglia,  490. 
Welden,  390. 
Wilson,  presidente,  358. 
Winckelmann,  635. 
Wolffin,  635. 
WuUenbacher,  509. 

Zambelli  Claudio,  488. 

Zambelli  Giovanni,  410. 

Zamboni  Filippo,  468. 

Zampieri  Riccardo,  520. 

Zanardi  Ugo,  502. 

Zancani  Camillo,  476,  477,  485,  488. 

Zanetti  Arturo,  469. 

Zanolla,  488. 

Zanotti  Attilio,  476,  477. 

Zecchia  Niccolo,  498. 

Zenelli  Giambattista,  465. 

Zeno  Donate,  535. 

Ziani  Sebastiano,  448. 

Zima  Carlo,  397. 

Zinis  Alessandro,  490. 

Zobel,  465. 

Zocchi,  513. 

Zucchi  Martino,  487. 


Giudizi  di  giornali 

e  di  persone 

sul  libro 

II  Giornalismo  degli 

Emigrati  Italiani  nel 

NoRD  America 

di  Luigi  Carjiovale 

puhblicato  a 

Chicago^  Illinois 

Stati  Uniti  d^ America 


653 


GIUDIZI  DI  GIORNALI  E  DI  PERSONE 

The  Chicago  Record-Herald  (Edwin  L.  Shuman),  Chicago,  Illinois: 

In  un  volume  in  lingua  italiana  intitolato  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emi- 
grati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America,  Luigi  Carnovale  offre  ai  suoi  compatrioti 
una  ventina  di  vividi  e  interessanti  essays  (saggi),  ch'egli  opportunamente 
ha  scritto  in  varie  occasioni  sugl'Italiani  residenti  negli  Stati  Uniti 
d'America.  Nel  piQ  importante  di  tali  essays  sono  descritte,  come  il  titolo 
stesso  del  libro  indica,  le  tribolazioni  di  coloro  che  tentano  di  pubblicare 
giornali  italiani  in  questo  paese.  L'autore  narra  molte  delle  sue  perso- 
nali  esperienze  su  questo  campo:  esperienze  divertenti  e  scoraggianti  a 
un  tempo.  Egli  ha  una  povera  opinione  della  maggioranza  degli  emigrati 
italiani,  e  lo  dice  con  Candida  franchezza.  Ma  cio  ch'egli  rimprovera  di 
piii  ai  suoi  connazionali,  e  il  mal  vezzo  ch'essi  hanno  di  spogliarsi  della 
loro  italianita  per  adottare,  invece,  uno  spurio  americanismo.  Egli 
crede  che  gl'Italiani  non  dovrebbero  votare  qui,  e  tanto  meno  parlare 
d'imporre  candidati  italiani,  dal  momento  che  un  qualsiasi  politicante 
irlandese  puo  vantarsi  di  poter  comprare  con  un  barile  di  birra  tutti  i  voti 
italiani  ch'egli  vuole.  II  rimedio  per  sifFatti  mali,  secondo  il  signor  Carno- 
vale, e  piii  istruzione  e  piii  italianita. 

In  uno  degli  ultimi  essays,  il  signor  Carnovale  "paga  i  suoi  rispetti", 
con  un  linguaggio  ch'egli  modestamente  chiama  "piuttosto  vivace",  al 
prete  di  Chicago  che  in  un  sermone  ha  attaccato  malignamente  Mazzini 
e  Garibaldi.  II  signor  Carnovale  ha  anche  una  cattiva  opinione  delle  leggi 
americane,  per  avere  esse  tollerato  che  un  De  Forest  ed  altri  usurpassero 
I'invenzione  del  telegrafo  senza  fili  di  Marconi.  Ma  forse  il  colpo  piii 
forte  per  gli  Americani  si  trova  nel  capitolo  difendente  Caruso  dallo  scan- 
dalo  suscitato  per  I'incidente  della  monkey-house  (casa  delle  scimmie). 
Che  stupore  se  il  giornale  quotidiano  di  Chicago,  il  quale  ha  original- 
mente  pubblicato  il  detto  essay,  avesse  capito  bene  tutto  il  significato 
delle  roventi  metafore  italiane  che  I'articolo  stesso  conteneva! 

II  signor  Carnovale  scrive  fluentemente,  con  forza  e  vivacita.  La  sua 
fantasia  si  mostra  inesauribile  come  il  suo  vocabolario,  ed  egli  ha  un  senso 
d'umore  accoppiato  a  un  equilibrio  intellettuale.  Basta  soltanto  leggere 
poche  pagine  del  suo  libro,  per  vedere  ch'egli  e  un  vivo  esempio  della 
vigile  giovine  generazione  che  sta  al  presente  rigenerando  I'ltalia. 

L' Italia,  Chicago,  Illinois: 

Luigi  Carnovale  ha  dato  alia  luce  un  libro  intitolato  //  Giornalismo 
degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America. 

E  confortante  constatare  che  la  tormentosa  vita  americana  a  base  di 
materialismo,  e  la  corsa  incessante  appresso  al  "demone  giallo" — come 

655 


656  GIUDIZI  DI  GIORNALI  E  DI  PERSONE 

direbbe  Massimo  Gorki  —  non  hanno  alterato  Tidealismo  piii  puro  che 
e  proprio  una  caratteristica  dei  figli  della  terra  dove  il  si  suona. 

Infatti  sotto  la  copertina  del  libro  che  —  non  sappiamo  se  per  case 
fortuito  o  per  pensiero  premeditato  —  e  di  un  pronunciato  color  verde, 
araldo  di  speranze  e  di  illusioni,  batte  un  cuore  che  gli  anni  passati  in 
America  non  hanno  travolto,  non  hanno  deviato  da  un  ordine  di  recondite 
aspirazioni. 

Per  quel  maligno  pessimismo,  che  e  in  fondo  all'anima  umana,  parrebbe, 
dal  titolo  del  libro,  che  il  volume  dovesse  spezzare  una  lancia  contro, 
anziche  a  favore  della  tanto  criticata  stampa  coloniale.  Invece  Luigi 
Carnovale  non  una,  ma  mille  lance  spezza  per  lumeggiare  sotto  i  migliori 
aspetti  questa  forza,  compendio  d'italianita  in  America,  che  si  estende 
ovunque  esiste  un  nucleo  d'ltaliani  e  che  trova  —  suoi  eterni  avversari  — 
I'indolenza  della  massa  poco  evoluta  e  un  cinico  sorriso,  diremo  quasi 
di  compatimento,  suUe  labbra  di  coloro  che  per  un  cumulo  di  circostanze 
stringono  oggi  con  ferrea  mano  un  mucchio  d'oro. 

Senza  reticenze,  senza  mezzi  termini,  I'autore,  con  uno  stile  spigliato 
che  va  diritto  al  cuore,  loda  quando  la  lode  occorre  per  incoraggiare  tra 
gli  emigrati  un'iniziativa;  ma  la  sua  parola  scende  come  una  scudisciata 
quando  trattasi  di  denunziare  qualcuno  di  quei  criteri  erronei  che  serpeg- 
giano  tra  le  nostre  colonic. 

Ma  non  e  soltanto  per  lodare  virtu  o  biasimare  vizi  che  il  libro  e  state 
scritto. 

Un'idea  altamente  patriottica  aleggia  in  tutto  il  volume:  il  risorgimento 
morale  dei  nostri  emigrati;  i  quali  —  provenienti  in  gran  parte  dai 
paeselli  d'ltalia  sperduti  sui  monti  boscosi  o  in  fondo  alle  valli  —  hanno 
avuto  finora  il  mal  vezzo  di  subire  spontaneamente  una  certa  inferiorita 
quando  si  son  trovati  a  contatto  col  popolo  americano  nelle  popolose  citta 
dei  grattanvvole  e  delle  ferrovie  aeree. 

Se  i  nostri  emigrati,  che  solo  ricordano  come  un  sogno  Napoli  o 
Genova,  conoscessero  meglio  la  loro  patria  —  che  al  suo  passato,  unico 
nel  mondo,  accoppia  un  presente  egualmente  glorioso  —  avrebbero  mag- 
giore  dignita  di  se  stessi  e  non  guarderebbero  dal  basso  in  alto  tutto  cio 
che  non  e  italiano. 

Questo  concetto,  che  noi  abbiamo  esposto  in  poche  parole,  e  I'anima 
del  libro. 

Luigi  Carnovale  —  italiano  in  ogni  sua  intima  latebra,  profondo  cono- 
scitore  del  pensiero  di  Dante  e  di  Mazzini  ch'egli  cita  con  grande  liberalita 
—  ha  per  la  patria  un  sacro  culto,  diremmo  quasi  un  fanatismo. 

Con  occhio  scrutatore,  egli  non  si  ferma  alia  superficie  che  fa  sembrare 
grande  I'America,  ma  afFonda  il  ferro  anatomico  e,  con  un  esame  impar- 
ziale,  mette  nella  loro  vera  luce  fatti  che  ci  fanno  ricordare  la  famosa 
statua  dai  piedi  d'argilla  sognata  da  Nabucodonosor. 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  non  e  un  libro 
scritto  da  un  autore  compiacente  per  carezzare  velleita  e  lusingare  amor 
propri.  Con  giovanile  entusiasmo,  lo  scrittore  ha  trasfuso  nelle  sue  pagine 
un  po'  della  sua  anima  impastata  di  idealismo  e  di  poesia.     II  suo  libro  e 


GIUDIZI  DI  GIORNALI  E  DI  PERSONE  657 

il  grido  dell'esiliato  che  ha  temprato  lo  spirito  nel  culto  sacro  del  "fiero 
ghibellino"  (Dante).  Egli,  al  di  sopra  d'ogni  altra  concezione,  vede  la 
patria,  la  terra  che  ha  dato  i  natali  a  martiri  del  pensiero  come  Campanella 
e  Giordano  Bruno,  e  divinatori  delle  forze  natural!  e  di  leggi  fisiche  come 
Galileo  e  Marconi,  a  grandi  patrioti,  a  illustri  scrittori;  egli  vede  I'ltalia 
nelle  piii  rigogliose  produzioni  del  genio.  E  quest'Italia  egli  decanta; 
e  quest  'Italia  egli  vorrebbe  affermata  sul  suolo  americano  che  da  un  Ita- 
liano  fu  scoperto.^ 

La  Tribuna  Italiana  Transatlantica,  Chicago,  Illinois: 

Appena  ricevuto  il  libro  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel 
Nord  America  di  Luigi  Carnovale,  lo  leggemmo  tutto  d'un  Bate,  tanto 
grande  fu  I'interesse  ch'esso  seppe  ispirarci. 

Gia  fin  dalla  lettura  dei  versi 

Coscienza  fusca 
O  della  propria,  o  dell'altrui  vergogna. 
Pur  sentira  la  tua  parola  brusca, 

con  i  quali  Dante  profetizza  I'ufficio  della  stampa  e  che  il  Carnovale  mise 
felicemente  in  cima  al  suo  lavoro,  noi,  nella  qualita  di  giornalisti,  comin- 
ciammo  a  provare  un  divino  senso  di  gratitudine  per  I'autore  e  I'opera  sua. 
E  allorquando  c'inoltrammo  nella  lettura  della  prefazione,  in  cui  la  stampa 
coloniale  e  valorosamente  difesa,  tale  senso  assunse  proporzioni  gi- 
gantesche,  finche  a  un  certo  punto,  nel  forte  dell'entusiasmo,  dedicammo 
mentalmente  al  nostro  Carnovale  un  monumento  di  gratitudine. 

Siamo  sicuri  che  i  colleghi  italo-americani  non  saranno  meno  di  noi, 
ma  piij  di  noi,  nel  dichiararsi  grati  all'autore  di  questo  libro  per  la  riven- 
dicazione  ch'egli  fa  del  nostro  ufficio,  del  quale  egli  merita  il  titolo  di 
cavaliere. 

Le  lance  che  il  Carnovale  spezza  per  noi  vanno  benedette. 

Alia  prefazione  segue  una  serie  di  splendidi  articoli,  dall'autore  pub- 
blicati  in  diversi  giornali  degli  Stati  Uniti,  che  si  rileggono  sempre  con 
diletto  e  interessamento  sommi,  per  la  continua  splendidezza  della  forma 
e  il  denso  scintillio  delle  idee  eccellenti. 


La  Patria  (Silvio  Picchianti  editore),  Chicago,  Illinois: 

Quante  verita  Luigi  Carnovale  dice  nel  suo  libro  //  Giornalismo  degli 
Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America]     E  come  le  dice! 

II  brio,  la  purezza  dello  stile,  la  .sincerita  dell'esposizione  dei  fatti,  il 
quadro  dell'ambiente,  i  tipi  coloniali  —  da  quel  donndne  sputante  fiele 
contro  il  direttore  del  giornale  che  ha  il  coraggio  d'insistere  nell'invio  di 
questo,  a  quel  presidente  di  societa  che  legge  il  giornale  capovolto  —  tutto, 
tutto  rende  il  libro  simpatico  e  interessante. 

'Questo  articolo  fu  pubblicato  anche  dai  giornali  La  Tribuna  Italiana 
Transatlantica  di  Chicago,  Illinois  e  La  Montagna  di  Newark,  New  Jersey, 


658  GIUDIZI  DI  GIORNALI  E  DI  PERSONE 

E  nessuno  meglio  di  noi  giornalisti,  viventi  in  quell'ambiente  stesso 
del  quale  il  Carnovale  rileva  le  deficienze,  i  difetti,  le  apatie  vergognose, 
puo  giudicare  vera  e  onesta  I'opera  di  questo  giovane  intelligente,  al  quale 
non  sono  restate  ignote  le  sorti  riserbate  a  chi  con  la  penna  prende  a 
dipingere  la  vita  dei  propri  connazionali  emigrati,  celandone  fraterna- 
mente  i  difetti,  esaltandone  le  virtii,  difendendoli  dagli  attacchi  bassi  e 
maligni  dei  giornalisti  americani,  i  quali  di  noi  non  conoscono  altro  che  le 
gesta  della  Mano  Nera,  e  ignorano  completamente,  falsandola  sempre  se 
la  sanno,  la  storia  nostra,  maestra  di  civilta  e  di  grandezza  in  tutte  le 
parti  del  mondo,  compresa  questa  che  ad  essi  diede  il  genio  eletto  d'un 
figlio  d'ltalia. 

II  Carnovale,  nel  suo  libro,  ha  raccolto  vari  di  quegli  articoli  con  i 
quali,  dalle  colonne  dei  periodici  da  lui  diretti  negli  Stati  Uniti,  lanciava  il 
grido  di  difesa  per  i  suoi  fratelli  emigrati;  e  questi  articoli,  oltre  a  rivelare  la 
poderosita  del  suo  ingegno,  dimostrano  la  grandezza  deU'animo  suo 
d'italiano  veto,  a  cui  premono,  piQ  d'ogni  altra  cosa,  gl'interessi  dei  suoi 
poveri  connazionali,  ai  quali  si  riserba  —  oltre  lo  sfruttamento  — 
I'insulto  basso  e  la  calunnia  infame. 

L'articolo  Gli  untori  della  febbre  gialla,  per  esempio,  e  un  capolavoro. 
Le  parole  di  fuoco,  che  con  somma  dialettica  il  Carnovale  lancia  in  faccia 
agli  accusatori  maligni  dell'onesto  e  sobrio  operaio  italiano,  sono  veri  strali 
di  rampogna. 

Ma,  ripetiamo,  tutto  il  libro  e  belle  ed  interessante;  e  se  c'e  una  cosa 
che  addolori  in  esso,  e  la  parola^n^,  la  quale  ci  toglie  alia  deliziosa  lettura 
delle  pagine  bellissime  che  la  penna  valorosa  di  Luigi  Carnovale  ha  vergato 
cosi  dottamente. 

All'amico  carissimo  i  nostri  sinceri  rallegramenti  per  I'opera  sua  d'alto 
patriottismo,  compiuta  con  la  pubblicazione  di  questo  libro  che  ogni  Ita- 
liano di  cuore  e  d'intelligenza  dovrebbe  leggere  —  come  noi  —  dalla  prima 
all'ultima  pagina.^ 

Il  Secolo,  Chicago,  Illinois: 

II  bellissimo  libro  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord 
America  di  Luigi  Carnovale  dovrebbe  essere  letto  da  tutti,  perche  ognuno 
vi  avrebbe  da  apprendere  qualche  cosa,  specie  noi  esuli  volontari  che  vi- 
viamo  lontano  dalle  produzionilibrarie,  in  una  terra  dove  altra  sodisfazione 
non  si  prova  che  quella  della  conquista  del  Dio  Giallo. 

II  libro  e  diviso  in  una  prefazione  e  ventidue  capitoli. 

Nella  prefazione  I'autore,  giovane  pieno  di  fede  e  animato  dai  piii 
santi  ideali,  spiega  le  ragioni  che  I'hanno  indotto  a  riunire  in  un  volume  gli 
articoli  da  lui  pubblicati  in  diversi  giornali  degli  Stati  Uniti. 

Con  verve,  anzi  con  molta  verve,  egli  —  I'autore  —  dimostra  a  luce 
chiara  e  senza  fronzoli  I'inferiorita  intellettaule  dei  nostri  emigrati  e  la 
loro  apatia  per  tutto  cio  che  sa  d'italianita,  ed  afferma  che  se  le  nostre 

^Questo  articolo  fu  pubblicato  anche  dal  giornale  //  Vessillo  di  Baltimore, 
Maryland. 


GIUDIZI  DI  GIORNALI  E  DI  PERSONE  659 

colonic  sono  tenute  in  non  cale,  disprezzate,  vilipese,  la  colpa  e  dell'anal- 
fabetismo.     Dunque:   istruzione  in  Italia,  italiani  sempre  in  America. 

Quando  il  nostro  contadino  avra  imparato  a  conoscere  la  terra  che  gli 
ha  dato  i  natali:  quando  avra  saputo  che  I'ltalia  e  stata  maestra  di  civilta 
a  tutto  il  mondo,  egli,  siamone  certi,  non  si  vergognera  piii  di  dire  che  e 
italiano. 

Nei  capitoli  che  seguono  la  prefazione,  Tautore,  con  non  comune  acume, 
afFonda  il  bisturi  nelle  diverse  questioni  coloniali  e,  con  mano  sicura,  incide 
denudando  al  pubblico  la  miseria  morale  in  cui  noi  emigrati  viviamo. 

Ma,  nello  stesso  tempo,  egli,  con  I'anima  esuberante  di  sentimentalismo 
quasi  mistico,  ci  fa  rivivere  nella  mente  le  pagine  piCi  belle  della  nostra 
storia;  e,  come  in  una  proiezione  cinematografica,  ci  fa  assistere  a  delle 
scene  che  ci  rapiscono  I'animo,  trasportandolo  in  alto,  in  alto,  dove  tutto 
e  luce,  vita,  forza! 

Noi  in  quelle  pagine  tuffiamo  lo  spirito  esausto  dalle  lotte  che  qui 
combattiamo  ogni  ora,  per  ritemprarci  a  sostenere  ancora,  con  maggiore 
energia,  nuove  lotte  e  nuove  conquiste  nel  campo  della  natura  e  dell'arte: 
di  quell'arte  che  vl  rapisce  e  sublima  con  I'incanto  della  sua  bellezza, 
perche  la  bellezza  e  il  suo  naturale  fondamento.  E  chi  e  amante  del  bello, 
chi  e  conquiso  dalla  bellezza  come  Luigi  Carnovale,  non  puo  restarne 
estraneo,  ma  vi  e  attratto  come  da  forza  magnetica. 

Nel  libro  del  Carnovale,  V  eco  delle  coscienze  umane,  i  fatti  coloniali 
piij  importanti  sono  descritti  in  modo  affascinante  e  suggestivo,  si  da  fonderii 
in  una  mirabile  sintesi  armonica. 

Questa  lettura  che  vi  estasia,  quella  forma  che  vi  ammalia,  quella 
bellezza  occulta  che  si  ripercuote  al  di  dentro  della  nostra  anima,  vi 
trasportano  lontano  dalle  passioni  malvage  degli  uomini  e,  per  un  mo- 
mento,  vi  fanno  dimenticare  I'ambiente  in  cui  siete  costretto  a  vivere. 

Non  un  esame  critico  e  stato  nostro  intento  di  fare  in  questa  breve 
recensione,  ma  un  sereno  cenno  di  quanto  nel  libro  //  Giornalismo  si  con- 
tiene,  per  raffermare  la  speranza  che  I'amico  Carnovale  possa  altro  dare 
all'arte,  per  mantenere,  anche  in  queste  contrade,  alto  ed  intemerato  il 
nome  italiano.^ 


Il  Bollettino  Delle  Societa  Italiane,  Chicago,  Illinois: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  di  Luigi 
Carnovale  contiene  una  serie  di  poderosi  articoli,  i  quali  a  ragione  dimo- 
strano,  con  una  critica  sagace  e  veritiera,  quanto  grande  sia  I'ignoranza 
delle  nostre  colonic;  mentre,  d'altra  parte,  la  lunga  prefazione  che  precede 
tali  articoli,  compendia  tutto  un  programma  d'italianita.  Benche  su 
certi  punti  non  condividiamo  Ic  idee  deH'autore,  pure  non  possiamo  fare  a 
meno  di  congratularci  vivissimamente  con  lui  e  raccomandare  la  lettura 
del  suo  libro. 

^  Questo  articolo  fu  pubblicato  anche  da  La  Tribuna  Italiana  Transatlantica  di 
Chicago,  Illinois. 


660         GIUDIZI  DI  GIORNALI  E  DI  PERSONE 
La  Sentinella,  Hoboken,  New  Jersey: 

Luigi  Carnovale,  col  suo  bel  libro  //  Giornalsimo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani 
nel  Nord  America,  ha  colmato  una  lacuna  nel  mondo  letterario  italo- 
americano,  difendendo  con  una  prosa  smagliante  la  non  sempre  gradita 
figura  del  giornalista  coloniale,  e  parlando  delle  masse  immigrate  con  una 
vivacita  di  stile  che  afFascina  il  lettore  e  gli  fa  scorrere  le  numerose  pagine 
tutte  d'un  fiato,  tale  e  la  splendidezza  della  forma  e  I'eccellenza  delle  idee, 
sia  che  parli  del  dolore  di  nostra  gente,  sia  che  ne  descriva  le  virtu  misco- 
nosciute  o  poco  apprezzate. 

Luigi  Carnovale,  conosciutissimo  per  altri  pregevoli  lavori,  ha  diritto 
all'ammirazione  e  alia  riconoscenza  nostra. 


La  Patria,  Spokane,  Washington: 

Nel  libro  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  sono 
raccolti  diversi  articoli  del  valoroso  giornalista  Luigi  Carnovale. 

Ci  siamo  compiaciuti  nel  rilevare  I'utilita  pratica  di  detti  articoli, 
scritti  da  una  penna  maestra  che  ai  bollori  della  gioventii  accoppia  I'assen- 
natezza  della  persona  erudita. 

II  detto  libro,  per  quanto  ci  detta  il  nostro  giudizio,  interessa  tutti  gli 
Italiani  emigrati,  i  quali  farebbero  cosa  utile  ad  acquistarlo  e  far  tesoro  di 
quanto  in  esso  e  splendidamente  scritto. 

La  Gazzetta  Del  Massachusetts,  Boston,  Massachusetts: 

II  geniale  scrittore  Luigi  Carnovale  ha  pubblicato  un  bellissimo  volume 
di  oltre  200  pagine  intitolato  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel 
Nord  America. 

II  libro  contiene  una  ventina  d'articoli  che  fanno  veramente  onore  al 
giovine  scrittore,  sia  per  la  forma  letteraria  che  per  le  savie,  giuste  e 
istruttive  idee  ivi  espresse. 

Il  Corriere  di  Cincinnati,  Cincinnati,  Ohio. 

E  uscito  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  di 
Luigi  Carnovale. 

L'autore  si  rivela,  dalla  prima  all'ultima  pagina  del  libro,  sopratutto 
italiano  di  mente  e  di  cuore. 

Egli,  con  profonda  conoscenza  d'uomini  e  di  cose,  tratta  magistral- 
mente  di  importanti  questioni  coloniali  e  di  vita  italiana. 

E  un  libro  interessantissimo,  che  dovrebbe  essere  letto  da  tutti. 

L'AuRORA,  Houston,  Texas: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  di  Luigi 
Carnovale  e  un  bel  volume,  e  un'opera  interessante,  specie  in  questi 


GIUDIZI  DI  GIORNALI  E  DI  PERSONE  661 

tempi,  nei  quali  la  gloria  e  il  facile  appannaggio  delle  nullita  boriose, 
deH'improntitudine  grottesca,  dell'audacia  insolente;  in  questi  tempi,  nei 
quali  una  folia  d'oziosi  e  incolti  gioca  a  colpo  sicuro  sulla  tolleranza  e 
suU'amoralita  del  pubblico;  in  questi  tempi,  nei  quali  la  speculazione  com- 
merciale  s'e  insinuata  perfino  nella  sacra  aula  del  pensiero. 

II  libro  del  Carnovale  e  una  vera  e  propria  necessita  per  tutti. 

Noi  ci  auguriamo  che  lo  sforzo  di  questo  letterato  porti  un  salutare 
risveglio  nelle  colonie  italiane  degli  Stati  Uniti. 

La  Luce,  Utica,  New  York: 

II  geniale  scrittore  Luigi  Carnovale  ha  pubblicato  a  Chicago  uno 
splendido  libro  intitolato  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nei  Nord 
America. 

II  detto  libro  e  scritto  con  semplicita  e  con  vera  forma  letteraria  e, 
mentre  pone  a  nudo  il  marcio  che  contengono  le  nostre  colonie,  manifesta, 
con  pensieri  improntati  alia  piu  scrupolosa  verita,  il  concetto  erroneo  e 
stupido  che  i  coloni  hanno  della  stampa  italo-americana.  Cerca  inoltre 
d'infondere  negli  emigrati  italiani  idee  altamente  patriottiche  per  ottenere 
il  risorgimento  morale  delle  nostre  colonie. 

II  Carnovale,  gia  valoroso  direttore  del  Pensiero  e  di  altri  giornali, 
gradisca  i  nostri  rallegramenti  per  il  bellissimo  libro  dato  alia  luce,  di  cui 
ogni  famiglia  italiana  dovrebbe  essere  provvista. 

Il  Libero  Pensiero,  Ensley  and  Birmingham,  Alabama. 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nei  Nord  America  e  il  titolo 
d'uno  splendido  libro  pubblicato  a  Chicago  dal  valoroso  e  simpatico 
giornalista  Luigi  Carnovale. 

In  questo  libro  sono  raccolti  pregevolissimi  articoli  che  il  chiaro  scrit- 
tore ebbe  gia  a  pubblicare  in  alcuni  giornali  degli  Stati  Uniti. 

Li  precede  una  prefazione,  nella  quale  molto  assennatamente  e  de- 
scritto  I'ambiente  coloniale  e  sono  messe  a  nudo  delle  dure  verita. 

E  questo  un  libro  che  tutti  gl' Italiani  dovrebbero  leggere  per  trarne 
grande  ammaestramento. 

La  Stella  Coloniale,  Pen  Argyl,  Pennsylvania: 

Un  buon  libro  e  certamente  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nei 
Nord  America  di  Luigi  Carnovale.  Esso  compendia  un  po'  di  tutto  cid 
che  riguarda  I'emigrato  italiano  ed  e  benone  scritto. 

L'autore  merita  I'encomio  di  tutta  la  stampa  italiana  non  solo,  ma  di 
tutti  gl'Italiani  che  comprendono. 

Il  Risveglio  Coloniale,  Syracusa,  New  York: 

E  stato  recentemente  pubblicato  a  Chicago  un  interessante  libro: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nei  Nord  America. 


662  GIUDIZI  DI  GIORNALI  E  DI  PERSONE 

L'autore  signer  Luigi  Carnovale  dimostra  d'essere  uno  scrittore  di 
vaglia. 

Egli  svolge  i  suoi  argomenti  con  molta  facilita  e  franchezza,  dando  il 
colpo  proprio  dove  spetta,  mentre  dall'altro  lato  loda  schiettamente  chi 
dev'essere  lodato. 

Egli  svolge  i  suoi  pensieri  con  amor  patrio,  limpidamente;  e  con  occhio 
scrutinatore  non  si  ferma  alia  superficie  delle  cose,  ma  va  direttamente  al 
fondo,  mettendo  a  luce  tutti  i  difetti  e,  nello  stesso  tempo,  tutti  i  meriti 
dei  nostri  emigrati. 

Sebbene  non  possiamo  essere  interamente  d'accordo  col  Carnovale  in 
vari  punti,  pure  dobbiamo  affermare  che  il  suo  libro  e  utilissimo. 

Il  Messaggero  Italiano,  San  Antonio,  Texas: 

II  bel  volume  intitolato  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord 
America  e  un  lavoro  squisito  del  nostro  intelligente  connazionale  signer 
Luigi  Carnovale,  il  quale  ha  saputo  trattare  con  fine  tatto  questioni  colo- 
niali  molto  interessanti  a  noi  tutti. 

La  bellezza  di  questo  libro  consiste  principalmente  nelle  diverse  verita 
che  in  esso  ben  vengono  lumeggiate  e  di  cui  si  dovrebbe  far  tesoro  da  noi 
emigrati. 

Al  brillante  scrittore  signor  Carnovale  mandiamo  le  nostre  sincere 
congratulazioni. 

I  Nostri  Tempi,  Pittsburgh,  Pennsylvania: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  di  Luigi 
Carnovale  e  scritto  con  brio  e  con  elegante  correttezza;  tocca  al  vivo 
tutte  le  piaghe  coloniali,  tutte  le  miserie  morali,  tutti  i  meschini  odi  e  le 
eterne,  riprovevoli  diatribe  di  questa  terra  del  Dio  Giallo. 

Luigi  Carnovale  si  rivela,  attraverso  i  periodi  limpidi,  armonici  e 
diremmo  quasi  scultori  dei  suoi  scritti,  un  giornalista  colto  e  valoroso, 
libero  pensatore,  di  animo  buono  e  gentile  e,  sopratutto,  italiano  di  mente 
e  di  cuore.  Dalla  prima  all'ultima  pagina  del  suo  bel  volume  vibra,  e 
fortemente,  la  corda  dell'italianita,  quale  sentimento  spontaneo  e  nobile, 
non  finto  e  calcolatore. 

Tali  i  pregi  del  libro,  che  merita  di  essere  letto  da  quanti  s'interessano 
del  vasto  e  complesso  problema  coloniale. 

II  Progresso  Italo- Americano,  New  York  City: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  e  il  titolo 
d'un  libro  che  in  questi  giorni  ha  visto  la  luce  a  Chicago.  Ne  e  autore 
I'egregio  giovane  signor  Luigi  Carnovale,  un  ingegno  laborioso,  un  carat- 
tere  leale,  simpatico,  vibrante,  il  quale,  collaborando  in  diversi  giornali 
degli  Stati  Uniti,  diede  sempre  bellissimo  saggio  di  svariata  disposizione 


GIUDIZI  DI  GIORNALI  E  DI  PERSONE  663 

e  di  rapidissimo  tocco.     Nel  detto  libro,  che  e  stato  accolto  dal  pubblico 
con  favore,  vibra  assai  la  nota  patriottica. 
A!  giovine  autore  il  nostro  plauso. 

PERCHi?,  Schenectady,  New  York: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  e  il  titolo 
d'un  bellissimo  volume  d'oltre  200  pagine  pubblicato  da  Luigi  Carnovale 
a  Chicago. 

Con  esso  I'autore  ci  ha  fatto  gustare  ore  di  sana  lettura,  dalla  quale 
abbiamo  raccolto  pregevoli  giudizi  intorno  ai  periodici  italo-americani,  e 
pensieri  originali  sul  calvario  che  sale  colui  il  quale  onestamente  stampa  o 
fa  stampare  un  foglio  per  il  decoro  della  nostra  patria  e  della  nostra  lingua. 

II  Carnovale,  con  parola  facile  e  corretta,  ha  scritto  pagine  vere,  perche 
sentite,  e  pagine  istruttive  e  morali,  perche  mirano  al  bene  deiremigrato. 

//  Giornalismo  e  un  libro  elegante  nell'apparenza,  come  utile  nella 
sostanza. 

Il  Secolo  XX,  Pittsburgh,  Pennsylvania: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  di  Luigi 
Carnovale  e  pieno  di  sagge  considerazioni  su  soggetti  importantissimi. 
La  sola  prefazione  vale  un  PerCi.  L'autore  si  rivela  in  essa  profondo  cono- 
scitore  dell'elemento  che  abbonda  cospicuo  nelle  nostre  colonic  d'America. 

Insomma  il  libro  del  Carnovale  e  utilissimo  sotto  tutti  i  rapporti,  e 
bene  scritto  e  si  lascia  leggere  d'un  sol  fiato. 

La  Domenica,  Rochester,  New  York: 

II  libro  intitolato  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord 
America  di  Luigi  Carnovale  rivela  una  buona  conoscenza  della  lingua 
italiana;  rivela  anche  nell'autore  un  animo  ardente,  pieno  di  buona 
volonta,  sdegnoso  di  tutto  cio  che  e  o  che  egli  crede  wrong  (ingiusto). 

E  un  libro  che  si  fa  leggere  con  piacere,  perche  sincero,  coraggioso, 
bene  scritto:   il  che  e  gia  grande  lode. 

L'Unione,  Pueblo,  Colorado: 

II  valoroso  collega  signer  Luigi  Carnovale  ha  teste  pubblicato  a  Chicago 
uno  splendido  suo  nuovo  libro  intitolato  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati 
Italiani  nel  Nord  America. 

E  un  elegantissimo  volume  scritto  con  forma  smagliante  e  briosa,  che 
dovrebbe  essere  letto  e  studiato  da  tutte  le  persone  intelligenti  e  coke. 
Un  volume  che  e  un  veto  tesoro,  acchiudendo  osservazioni  profonde  e 
uno  studio  accuratissimo  della  vita  italiana  in  queste  terre  dell'affarismo. 

Al  brillante  scrittore,  che  ha  compiuto  opera  eminentemente  e  ita- 
lianamente  patriottica,  vadano  il  nostro  plauso  e  le  nostre  congratulazioni. 


664         GIUDIZI  DI  GIORNALI  E  DI  PERSONE 
V^iTA  NuovA,  Rocksprir^.gs,  Wyoming: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  net  Nord  America  deU'illustre 
scrittore  signer  Luigi  Carnovale  contiene  bellissime  e  sante  idee. 

CoRRiERE  Di  Trinidad,  Trinidad,  Colorado: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  di  Luigi 
Carnovale  e  un  libro  che  meriterebbe  d'essere  accolto  in  ogni  casa  di 
connazionale. 

Attraverso  la  semplicita  dello  stile  e  la  purgatezza  della  lingua,  emana 
dal  libro  del  Carnovale  quel  senso  d'italianita  che  dovrebbe  assistere  ogni 
connazionale  emigrato  e  formarne  il  suo  nobile  orgoglio. 

Luigi  Carnovale,  nel  suo  Giornalismo,  si  mostra  all'altezza  del  soggetto. 
Egli  tratta  e  svolge  maestrevolmente  certe  dure  verita  suH'emigrazione 
italiana  negli  Stati  Uniti. 

£  insomma  un  bel  libro  questo  del  Carnovale:  ed  il  Corriere  ne  consi- 
glia  la  lettura  a  quanti  sentono  ancora  d'essere  italiani  in  questa  terra  di 
volontario  esillo. 

Mastro  Paolo,  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania: 

Abbiamo  molto  ammirato  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel 
Nord  America  che  Luigi  CarnovLle  ha  teste  pubblicato  a  Chicago. 

£  impossibile  ricordare  tutti  i  pregi  che  esso  ha:  pregi  che  meglio  si 
rilevano  dalla  lettura  del  libro  stesso,  anziche  da  poche  parole  di  recensione, 
la  quale  tante  volte  e  sospetta  di  favoritismo. 

II  libro  del  Carnovale  e  una  raccolta  di  belli  articoli  storico-dottrinali 
che  trattano  di  cose  coloniali. 

II  Carnovale  espone  con  chiarezza,  verita  e  convinzione  pratica  quelle 
che  sente,  pensa  e  vuole  ITtaliano  che  vive  nelle  colonic  americane. 

II  Carnovale  prova  brillantemente  I'apatia  degli  emigrati  per  tutto 
cio  che  riguarda  ammirazione  di  ideali,  sentimenti  patriottici,  educazione 
civile. 

Conserveremo  nel  nostro  archivio  la  dotta  pubblicazione. 

La  Rivista,  Newark,  New  Jersey: 

Luigi  Carnovale  nel  suo  elegante  volume  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati 
Italiani  nel  Nord  America  ha  voluto  riunire  una  serie  di  suoi  articoli  seri 
e  magistrali  toccanti  da  vicino  tutti  i  problemi  concernenti  gli  emigrati 
italiani  negli  Stati  Uniti. 

Gli  articoli  sono  scritti  con  uno  stile  veramente  smagliante;  essi  sono 
del  massimo  interesse  per  gli  studiosi  della  vera  ed  elegante  lingua  di 
Dante;  eppero  noi  raccomandiamo  I'acquisto  immediate  del  libro. 


GIUDIZI  DI  GIORNALI  E  DI  PERSONE  665 

L'Eco  Del  Rhode  Island,  Providence,  Rhode  Island: 

Un  utilissimo  libro,  elegante  nella  forma,  e  //  Giomalismo  degli  Emi- 
grati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  deU'esimio  e  conosciutissimo  pubblicista 
signer  Luigi  Carnovale. 

Lavoro  di  pazienza  e  di  accuratezza,  lavoro  prezioso  che  si  legge  con 
entusiasmo  e  piacere.  In  esso  I'autore  ha  avuto  la  nobile  idea  di  difendere 
i  diritti  della  patria  natia  e  quelli  di  tanti  operai  italiani  sparsi  negli 
Stati  Uniti. 

L'importante  volume  e  necessario  agli  emigrati,  e  ognuno  dovrebbe 
acquistarlo. 

Noi  auguriamo  di  cuore  una  lunga  vita  all'autore,  affinche  egli  possa 
continuare  a  scrivere  altri  libri  simili  per  gl'interessi  della  patria  lontana 
e  dei  connazionali  residenti  neU'Unione  Americana. 

L'Italiano,  Cleveland,  Ohio: 

//  Giomalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  di  Luigi 
Carnovale  e  un  libro  elegante  scritto  con  garbo,  con  cuore,  con  sentimento 
d'italianita.  Errori,  pregiudizi  e  questioni  della  vita  coloniale  sono 
trattati  magistralmente. 

Gritaliani,  invece  di  comprare  e  leggere  i  Reali  di  Francia  e  tanti 
altri  libri  inutili,  farebbero  bene  a  comprare  e  leggere  il  libro  del  Carnovale. 

Roma,  Denver,  Colorado: 

II  bellissimo  libro  //  Giomalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord 
America  di  Luigi  Carnovale  e,  possiamo  ben  dirlo,  una  perla  di  acute  os- 
servazioni  e  di  elevate  discussioni;  e  un  libro  che  puo  senza  dubbio  entrare 
nel  "catalogo  dei  migliori  libri  scritti  fino  ad  oggi  suU'anima  dei  nostri 
emigrati. 

Un  bravo  di  cuore  al  collega  Carnovale  e  I'augurio  che  il  pubblico 
faccia  buon  viso  al  suo  lavoro,  il  quale  merita  per  davvero  il  plauso  dei 
lettori  di  buon  senso. 

L'Opinione,  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania: 

II  chiaro  collega  Luigi  Carnovale  ha  pubblicato  a  Chicago  un  libro 
intitolato  //  Giomalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America.  In 
esso  sono  raccolti  diversi  pregevoli  articoli,  preceduti  da  una  prefazione, 
ove,  con  prosa  vivida  e  a  volte  mordace,  I'autore  fa  un  quadro  dell'am- 
biente  coloniale,  mettendo  a  nudo  delle  dure  verita. 

Pur  non  andando  d'accordo  col  Carnovale  su  moltissime  sue  idee  e 
conclusioni,  conveniamo  con  lui  che  il  giomalismo  coloniale  italiano  negli 
Stati  Uniti,  con  tutti  i  visibili  difetti  di  un  organismo  ai  primordi  della 
sua  vita,  e  degno,  in  complesso,  di  un  maggiore  appoggio  e  rispetto  per  i 
servizi  che  ha  reso  e  che  rende  alle  Colonic  e  alia  Madre  Patria. 


666         GIUDIZI  DI  GIORNALI  E  DI  PERSONE 
II  Sole,  Bridgeport,  Connecticut: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  di  Luigi 
Carnovale  e  un  buon  libro. 

Con  esso  I'autore  ha  fatto  opera  salutare  per  i  connazionali  emigrati. 
Mettendo  in  rilievo  il  marcio  esistente  nelle  colonic  italiane  d'America, 
egli  ha  reso  chiaro  il  senso  del  suo  pensiero;  ma,  nello  stesso  tempo,  s'e 
mantenuto  scrupolosamente  lontano  dalla  benche  minima  imparzialita. 

>  II  Carnovale  nei  suoi  articoli,  che  possono  ben  definirsi  critico-letterari, 
tratta  la  questione  dal  punto  di  vista  generale.  Egli  dimostra  che  nelle 
colonic  italiane  d'America  esiste  un  elemento  ignorante,  superstizioso, 
cattivo.  Ma  alia  rcdenzione  morale  di  tale  elemento  tendono  i  suoi 
articoli. 

Riuscira  egli  nel  suo  intento?     Mostriamoci  ottimisti:   speriamolo. 

Chi  e  in  grado  di  potere  c  sapere  assaporare  quanto  il  libro  del  Carno- 
vale contiene,  non  si  pcntira  certo  d'averlo  letto. 

Congratulazioni  sincere  all'autore  per  la  sua  interessante  pubbli- 
cazione. 

L'Eco  Di  Tampa,  Tampa,  Florida: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  e  uno  di  quei 
libri  che  possono,  senz'altro,  chiamarsi  buoni;  e  chi  I'ha  scritto  e  preceduto 
da  buona  fama  di  pubblicista  e  novelliere. 

Luigi  Carnovale  ha  fatto,  come  tutti  noi,  le  sue  dolorose  esperienze  di 
giornalista  coloniale;  e  nel  suo  volume  egli  condensa,  con  frase  smagliante 
e  sincera,  i  suoi  ricordi  e  le  sue  imprcssioni  pcrsonali,  dalle  quali  non  si 
puo  dissentire,  per  le  grandi  verita  che  racchiudono  e  che  riflettono. 

Chi  ha  vissuto  la  vita  dcUe  nostre  colonic,  e  I'ha  vissuta  da  pubblicista 
cosciente  del  suo  mandato,  non  puo  che  aderire  incondizionatamente  alle 
critiche  severe  ma  giuste  che  il  Carnovale  muove  a  individui  e  a  cricche 
rappresentanti  i  veri  e  piii  mortali  nemici  deU'elevamento  morale  delle 
nostre  colonic. 

Si  puo  magari  dissentire  dal  pensiero  politico  del  nostro  autore,  che 
traluce  nitido,  sereno,  ben  definite  dalle  pagine  del  Giornalismo;  ma  non 
si  puo  negate  al  prezioso  volume  due  doti  pregevolissime:  la  chiarezza  e 
I'clcganza  dello  stile,  e  la  coordinatczza  del  pensiero  genialissimo. 

Chi  non  ha  letto  ancora  il  Giornalismo,  lo  legga,  e  non  manchera  di 
formarsi  deU'autore  c  dci  suoi  scritti  I'Dpinione  che  noi  ci  siamo  formata. 

La  Capitale,  Albany,  New  York: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  e  il  titolo  d'un 
libro  pubblicato  ultimamente  a  Chicago  da  Luigi  Carnovale,  il  quale, 
oltre  ad  essere  uno  scrittore  insigne  e  un  appassionato  cultore  della  lingua 
di  Dante,  e  anche  un  acuto  osservatore  dellc  condizioni  economiche  e 
sociali  degli  emigrati  italiani  nel  Nord  America. 


GIUDIZI  DI  GIORNALI  E  DI  PERSONE  667 

L'Italo-Ameri<"ano,  New  Orleans,  Louisiana: 

Un  libro  che  dovrebbe  correre  per  le  mani  di  quanti  Italiani,  in  Italia 
e  negli  Stati  Uniti,  s'interessano  della  scottante  questione  della  nostra 
emigrazione,  e  il  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  di 
Luigi  Carnovale. 

Verita  dolorose  che  attristano,  che  qualche  volta  spezzano  i  piii 
spontanei  entusiasmi,  echeggianti  dell'intimo  afFetto  per  la  patria;  quadri 
pervasi  di  amaro  pessimismo,  in  cui  passano  a  volta  a  volta,  nella  loro 
luce  propria,  il  prominente  coloniale  e  il  nostro  lavoratore  analfabeta 
(spesso  e  analfabeta  il  prominente,  ci  sia  permesso  di  bisbigliarvelo  all'o- 
recchio,  o  lettori);  il  regionalismo  che  divide  e  inasprisce;  I'anti-italianita 
che  disonora;  tutte  le  piccole  e  grandi  miserie  coloniali  sono  I'oggetto  di 
questo  nitido  volume. 

AU'autore  —  che  con  sincerita  di  intenti  e  con  parola  franca  mette  a 
nudo  tante  piccole  anime  gonfie  della  loro  ridicola  megalomania,  e  che  pur 
solleva  lo  spirito,  quando,  quasi  per  felice  contrasto,  ricorda  belle  glorie  e 
fulgide  storie  dell'Italia  nostra — auguriamo  successo  pari  alia  sua  franca 
audacia. 

Il  Risveglio,  Denver,  Colorado: 

Luigi  Carnovale,  dotato  di  ingegno  non  comune,  ha  pubblicato  a 
Chicago  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America:  raccolta 
d'articoli  brillanti  scritti  con  verve  di  erudito  pubblicista. 

Il  Vesuvio,  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  di  Luigi 
Carnovale  si  fa  leggere  per  bonta  di  stile  e  interessa  pervarieta  di  soggetti 
e  genialita  di  osservazioni. 

Qualcuno  potra  difFerire  con  I'autore  dal  modo  di  vedere  certe  cose; 
ma  siamo  certi  che  tutti  potrebbero  trovare  nel  volume  del  Carnovale  la 
sodisfazione  che  si  prova  al  cospetto  d'una  espressione  di  vita  e  sincerita 
di  convinzione. 

Raccomandiamo  il  libro  ai  nostri  lettori  e  alle  nostre  lettrici. 

L'OssERVATORE,  Kansas  City,  Missouri: 

Abbiamo  letto  attentamente  il  volume  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati 
Italiani  nel  Nord  America. 

II  nostro  encomio  a  Luigi  Carnovale  e  I'augurio  che  il  sue  lavoro  valga 
ad  illuminare  le  menti  ofFuscate  dei  nostri  lavoratori. 

Il  Corriere  Del  Sud,  New  Orleans,  Louisiana: 

E  stato  pubblicato  dal  valente  pubblicista  Luigi  Carnovale  uno  splen- 
dido  libro  intitolato  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord 
America. 


668  GIUDIZI  DI  GIORNALI  E  DI  PERSONE 

In  questo  libro  sono  raccoiti  pregevolissimi  articoll  che  il  chiaro 
scrittore  ebbe  gia  a  pubblicare  in  diversi  giornali  degli  Stati  Uniti.  Li 
precede  una  prefazione,  nella  quale  molto  assennatamente  I'autore  de- 
scrive  I'ambiente  coloniale,  mettendo  a  nudo  delle  dure  verita. 

L'Operaio  Italia  no,  Windber,  Pennsylvania: 

II  nuovo  lavoro  di  Luigi  Carnovale  intitolato  //  Giornalismo  degli 
Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  e  un  bellissimo  ed  elegante  volume 
di  oltre  200  pagine,  interessantissimo  per  chi  ama  una  buona  e  sana  lettura. 
In  esso  I'autore  descrive  con  sentimenti  nobili,  scevri  da  qualsiasi  parti- 
gianeria,  cio  che  si  e  fatto,  cio  che  si  fa  e  cio  che  si  dovra  fare  per  tenere 
alto  il  prestigio  del  nome  italiano  negli  Stati  Uniti  d'America. 

L'alta  missione  della  stampa  italiana,  che  I'autore  difende  con  spirito 
degno  d'ogni  riguardo,  e  quivi  riprodotta  con  parole  sincere  ed  entusiaste. 

Per  la  difesa  nobile  che  il  Carnovale  fa  degl'Italiani  e  dell'Italia  nel 
suo  volume,  merita  che  questo  sia  da  tutti  letto,  studiato,  considerato  e 
bene  apprezzato. 

Noi  ne  raccomandiamo  I'interessante  lettura. 

L'Ora,  Newark,  New  Jersey: 

II  giovine  scrittore  Luigi  Carnovale  ha  dato  alia  luce  un  libro  di  oltre 

200  pagine  intitolato  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord 
America,  che  noi  abbiamo  letto  d'un  fiato  e  con  viva  attenzione. 

Questo  bel  volume  riempie  il  vuoto  che  da  anni  esiste  tra  gli  emigrati 
italiani  nel  Nord  America.  Esso  e  un  caustico  roventissimo  che  scende 
suUa  grande  e  cancrenosa  piaga  del  nostro  giornalismo,  sovente  mal  retto, 
spesso  non  compreso,  sempre  e  dovunque  disprezzato. 

II  Carnovale,  soldato  intelligente  e  coraggioso  della  vera  missione  della 
stampa,  ha  pubblicato  in  diversi  giornali  degli  Stati  Uniti  quanto  ora  e 
raccolto  nel  detto  volume  e  che  e  tutto  un  lavoro  d'un  pioniere  valente  ed 
ardito,  il  quale  s'apre  il  varco  in  un  campo  ostruito  e,  conquistato  il  passo, 
grida  coraggioso  alio  sboscamento  e  alia  edificazione. 

Se  ci  fosse  lecito,  proporremmo  che  il  volume  del  Carnovale  fosse  pub- 
blicato in  appendice  in  tutti  i  giornali  italiani  dell'Unione  Americana,  come 
grave  ammonimento  alle  rispettive  colonic  di  ben  conoscere  e  apprezzare 
la  stampa  italiana,  ed  ai  giornalisti  il  dovere  grandissimo  di  un  lavoro  sano, 
illibato  e  fecondo  di  sapere  e  di  progresso. 

A  ogni  modo  confidiamo  che  questo  libro  integro  e  veritiero,  col  quale 
I'autore,  in  bella  forma  italiana  e  con  virile  carattere,  ha  fustigato  i  gravi 
difetti  che  inquinano  le  colonic  italiane  del  Nord  America,  sia  ovunque 
letto  e  compreso. 

Il  Risorgimento,  Chicago,  Illinois: 

Abbiamo  letto  tutto  d'un  fiato  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani 


GIUDIZI  DI  GIORNALI  E  DI  PERSONE  669 

nel  Nord  America  di  Luigi  Carnovale,  e  vi  abbiamo  trovato  delle  sante 
verita, 

Speriamo  che  tutti  i  connazionali  leggeranno,  come  noi,  il  bel  libro. 

La  Parola  DEI  SociALiSTi,  Chicago,  Illinois: 

II  collega  Luigi  Carnovale,  un  colto  e  simpatico  giovane,  ha  pubblicato 
un  riuscitissimo  studio  di  impressioni  sul  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati 
Italiani  nel  Nord  America. 

II  libro  e  stato  lodato  da  scrittori  e  da  giornali  negli  Stati  Uniti  e  in 
Italia,  e  il  coro  unanime  di  elogi  e  stato  meritato. 

II  libro,  che  si  legge  anche  volentieri  perche  scritto  in  un  italiano  poco 
in  uso  fra  gli  anglosassonizzati  (ci  sia  perdonato  I'orribile  vocobolo)  delle 
nostre  colonic,  ha  un  merito  principale,  indiscusso:   e  vero. 

Da  queste  colonne  ci  capita  raramente  di  occuparci  di  recensioni. 

E  che  i  nostri  lettori,  nell'assillo  quotidiano  di  conquiste  improroga- 
bili,  avrebbero  poco  tempo  per  seguirci  nei  nostri  ragionamenti  biblio- 
grafici.  Ma  facciamo  volentieri  un'eccezione.  Leggano  i  nostri  compagni 
questo  libro;  vi  apprenderanno  qualcosa. 

Noi,  internazionalisti  convinti  e  militanti,  ci  congratuliamo  col  Carno- 
vale che,  istruendo  e  invitando  all'istruzione,  ha  saputo  e  voluto  combattere 
il  patriottismo  piCi  cretino  e  piu  stupido  di  tutti  i  patriottismi:  il  pa- 
triottismo  per  la  patria  degli  altri. 

E  con  I'elogio,  davvero  sentito,  all'autore,  un  augurio:  che  i  nostri 
immigrati,  se  non  sanno  diventare  internazionalisti,  una  volta  cacciati  a 
pedate  dal  loro  paese,  facciano  ammeno,  se  e  possibile,  di  ardere  di  sacro 
fuoco  patriottico  per  un  altro  paese  che  li  accoglie  solo  come  animali  da 
tiro  e  da  riproduzione. 

The  Christian  Register,  Boston,  Massachusetts: 

E  venuto  nelle  nostre  mani  un  interessante  libro  che  e  come  un  espo- 
nente  del  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America.  Esso 
contiene  una  collezione  d'articoli  scritti  da  Luigi  Carnovale. 

La  stampa  italiana  del  nostro  paese  ha  conquistato  un'importante 
posizone,  se  essa  e  capace  d'avere  nel  suo  seno  scrittori  che  possiedono,  come 
il  giovane  Carnovale,  tanta  calda  immaginazione,  tanti  generosi  propositi, 
tanta  abilita  letteraria;  qualita,  queste,  messe  in  evidenza  anche  nel- 
I'incantevole  idillio  //  Sogno  di  Francesco  dello  stesso  Carnovale. 

La  Tribuna  Canadiana,  Toronto,  Ontario  (Canada): 

II  brillante  collega  Luigi  Carnovale  ha  pubblicato  giorni  or  sono  a 
Chicago  un  interessante  lavoro  dal  titolo  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati 
Italiani  nel  Nord  America. 

£  un'opera  importante,  dove  I'autore  ha  sapientemente  raccolto  un 
buon  numero  di  articoli  ch'egli  ha  pubblicato  in  diversi  giornali  degli 


670         GIUDIZI  DI  GIORNALI  E  DI  PERSONE 

Stati  Uniti  e  che  si  rileggono  sempre  con  piacere,  perche,  oltre  aH'essere 
scritti  in  buon  italiano,  sono  eminentemente  patriottici. 

Noi  crediamo  che  I'importante  libro  del  Carnovale  dovrebbe  trovarsi 
nelle  mani  di  tutti. 

La  Rivista  Popolare  di  Politica,  Lettere  e  Scienze  sociali  diretta  dal 
prof.  Napoleone  Colaianni,  deputato  al  Parlamento  nazionale,  Roma- 
Napoli,  Italia: 

//  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America  di  Luigi 
Carnovale  e  buono,  in  quanto  vi  si  esprimono  sentimenti  improntati  alia 
italianita. 

Ars  et  Labor,  la  rivista  edita  dalla  Casa  Ricordi  di  Milano,  Italia: 

II  bel  volume  //  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America 
di  Luigi  Carnovale  contiene  articoli  che  interessano  non  solo  gl'Italiani 
sparsi  nel  Nord  America,  ma  tutti  gl'Italiani,  perche  in  tali  articoli  sono 
trattate,  in  forma  brillante,  questioni  riguardanti  esclusivamente  il  pre- 
stigio  e  il  benessere  italiano. 

Il  Pungolo,  Napoli,  Italia: 

Un  libro  veramente  buono  e  di  elevati  sentimenti  patriottici  e  sociali 
e  quello  che  ha  dato  alle  stampe,  a  Chicago,  Tegregio  pubblicista  Luigi 
Carnovale  sul  Giornalismo  degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America. 

Luigi  Carnovale  di  Stilo,  uno  dei  piii  forti  e  brillanti  ingegni  della 
giovine  Calabria,  ha  per  lunghi  anni  esercitato  con  decoro  e  nobilta  la 
professione  di  pubblicista  nelle  terre  d'  America,  ed  ha  cosi  raccolto,  in 
questo  prezioso  e  nitido  volume,  parecchi  suoi  articoli,  frutto  di  acuta 
osservazione  e  di  studio  sagace. 

Le  questioni  piu  varie  e  piu  palpitanti  sono  trattate  dal  Carnovale  in 
questo  suo  libro,  che  e  la  piii  fulgida  gemma  della  sue  opere.  Vi  e  descritto 
con  tinte  vivaci  e  con  dolorose  considerazioni  il  giornalismo  degli  emigrati 
italiani  nel  Nord  America,  alto,  nobile,  patriottico,  umanitario  sempre,  ma 
con  i  suoi  difetti  e  le  sue  deficienze,  non  tenuto  in  conto  e  non  incoraggiato 
dagli  stessi  connazionali  americanizzati  e  neppure  dai  rappresentanti  del 
patrio  governo.  Vi  e  descritto  lo  stato  reietto  in  cui  versano  gli  emigrati 
italiani  che,  per  difetto  di  educazione,  di  patriottismo  e  di  coesione,  re- 
stano  in  una  continua  inferiority  di  fronte  alia  boriosa  ignoranza,  gonfia 
d'oro,  degli  stranieri. 

11  Carnovale  ne  ricerca  le  cause  piij  recondite,  addita  i  rimedi,  sprona 
la  Dante  Alighieri,  propone  e  insiste  sull'insegnamento  patriottico  e  sul- 
I'istruzione  obbligatoria  nelle  scuole  d'ltalia  non  astrattamente  com'  e 
adesso,  ma  nella  pratica  della  vita. 

Di  moke  altre  cose,  anche  letterarie,  tratta  profondamente  il  Carno- 
vale nel  suo  ottimo  libro.     Ma  lo  spazio,  da  una  parte,  che  manca,  e  il 


GIUDIZI  DI  GIORNALI  E  DI  PERSONE  671 

desiderio  che  ogni  vero  Italiano  acquisti  e  legga  attentamente  con  amore  il 
libro  in  parola,  fan  si  che  noi  non  ci  dilunghiamo  come  vorremmo  e  come 
il  libro  merita.  Libro  che  e  la  piii  alta  manifestazione  d'italianita  im- 
personata  in  Luigi  Carnovale,  mente  elevata,  animo  nobilissimo,  fibra 
calabra. 

Basti  ricordare  che  i  piu  eminenti  uomini  si  sono  vivamente  congratu- 
lati  col  distinto  autore  per  il  suo  lavoro  di  pregi  inestimabili  che  dovrebbe 
andare  nelle  mani  di  tutti. 

Noi,  da  queste  colonne,  non  possiamo  che  inviare  a  Luigi  Carnovale 
i  piQ  fervidi  auguri  di  una  luminosa  carriera. 

AccATTATis  Prof.  Luigi,  letterato  calabrese,  mando,  in  ricambio  del 
Giornalismo,  un  suo  opuscolo  al  Carnovale  con  queste  autografe 
parole: 

"A  Luigi   Carnovale,   che   onora   la   Calabria,  ammirando,  con 
animo  grato,  dona  1' Autore." 

Ardigo  Prof.  Roberto,  educatore,  filosofo: 

Egregio  Sig.  Carnovale:  Ho  ricevuto  il  di  Lei  libro  //  Giornalismo  degli 
Etnigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America,  e  ne  ho  gia  letto  le  43  pagine  della 
prefazione  con  vivissimo  interessamento.  Leggero  anche  il  resto.  E 
intanto  La  ringrazio  di  essersi  compiaciuto  di  mandarmi  il  bel  regalo. 

Al  lontano  degno  fratello  italiano,  godo  di  significare  I'afFettuoso  mio 
saluto. 

Da  Padova. 

Devotissimo 
Prof.  Roberto  Ardigo. 

Baccelli  Alfredo,  romanziere,  poeta,  deputato  al  Parlamento  nazionale 
italiano,  ex  ministro  del  Regno: 

Egregio  Sig.  Carnovale:    Ho  ricevuto  il  suo  volume  e  La  ringrazio. 
Ella  ha  un  bell'ingegno  e  una  brillante  cultura.     In  cordiale  ricambio  Le 
mando  il  mio  ultimo  romanzo. 
Una  stretta  di  mano  dal 

suo 
Da  Roma. 

Alfredo  Baccelli. 

Boselli  Paolo,  decano  del  Parlamento  nazionale  italiano,  ex-ministro, 
presidente  onorario  della  Dante  Alighieri,  presidente  del  Consiglio  dei 
ministri: 

Egregio  Sig.  Carnovale:  Le  sono  gratissimo  per  la  cortesia  con  la 
quale  m'invio  I'interessante  suo  volume. 


672  GIUDIZI  DI  GIORNALI  E  DI  PERSONE 

II  pensiero  degl'Italiani  e  stretto  in  una  sola  idealita  dovunque  vivano: 
ne  i  mari  separano  gli  animi  nostri. 

Giova   afFermare   I'operosita   intellettuale   degl'Italiani   che   sono   in 
paesi  lontani. 

Ed  e  bello  che  in  codesta  terra  di  libera,  mirabili  energie,  I'ingegno 
italiano  rifulga. 

Con  particolari  sensi, 

obbligatissimo 

Da  Torino.  Paolo  Boselli. 


Mantegazza  Prof.  Paolo,  antropologo,  igienista,  scrittore  di  scienze, 
educator e,  senatore  del  Regno  d'ltalia: 

Caro  signor  Carnovale:   Mille  grazie  per  il  dono  gentile. 

II  vostro  libro  vibra  di  un  caldo  patriottismo  che  vi  fa  molto  onore  e  vi 
battezza  per  un  eloquente  apostolo  dell'Italianita  in  America. 

Addio  di  cuore. 
Da  San  Terenzio  (Spezia). 

Paolo  Mantegazza. 

Martini  Ferdinando,  letterato,  deputato  al  Parlamento  nazionale 
italiano,  ex  governatore  dell'Eritrea,  ex  ministro  della  Pubblica 
Istruzione,  ex  ministro  delle  Colonie: 

Pregiatissimo  Sig.  Carnovale:  Ho  ricevuto  il  suo  bel  volume  e  ne  la 
ringrazio. 

Le  dolorose  pagine  della  prefazione  dicono  di  per  se  quanto  buona  e 
utile  opera  Ella  faccia  con  instancato  vigore. 

II  problema  degl'Italiani  all'Estero  e  dei  piu  gravi  fra  quanti  la  madre 
patria  ha  da  risolvere,  e  quello  che  vuol  essere  risoluto  con  studio  pacato  e 
intelletto  d'amore  sopra  ogni  altra  cosa.  L'Istituto  Coloniale,  del  cui 
Consiglio  mi  onoro  far  parte,  sta  ora  occupandosene:  e  del  lavoro  suo  si 
avranno,  confido,  pratici  e  solleciti  effetti. 

Bene  sta  che  a  questo  lavoro  venga  aiuto  dagl'Italiani  stessi  che 
dimorano  nelle  Colonie;  ed  Ella  lo  porge  validissimo,  mantenendovi  il 
culto  della  patria,  della  sua  lingua,  delle  sue  tradizioni  gloriose. 

Grazie  di  nuovo  ed  Ella  mi  abbia  per 

devotissimo  suo 

Da  Roma.  Ferdinando  Martini. 


Mandarono  congratulazioni  al  Carnovale  per  il  suo  libro  //  Giomalismo 
degli  Emigrati  Italiani  nel  Nord  America: 

Caruso  Enrico,  tenore. 

Casolini  Antonio,  deputato  al  Parlamento  nazionale  italiano. 


GIUDIZI  DI  GIORNALI  E  DI  PERSONE  673 

CiccoTTi  Prof.  Ettore,   deputato  socialista  al   Parlamento  nazionale 

italiano. 
CiLEA  Francesco,  compositore  di  musica,  direttore  del  Conservatorio  di 

Palermo. 
Costa  Andrea,  leader  del   Partito   Socialista   italiano,  vice   presidente 

della  Camera  dei  deputati. 
CuNDARi  Prof.  Aw.  Antonio,  sindaco  di  Cosenza. 
D'Ancona    Prof.  Alessandro,  letterato,  critico,  senatore  del   Regno 

d'ltalia. 
Emanuele  Filiberto,  Duca  D'Aosta,  cugino  di  Vittorio  Emanuele  III 

re  d'ltalia. 
Fortunato  Giustino,  deputato  al  Parlamento  nazionale  italiano. 
Giunta  Municipale  Di  Milano. 
Nathan  Ernesto,  sindaco  di  Roma. 
PoMPiLj  GuiDO,    deputato    al    Parlamento    nazionale    italiano;    sotto- 

segretario  di  Stato  per  gli  AfFari  Esteri. 
Rapisardi  Mario,  poeta. 
Rava  Luigi,  deputato  al  Parlamento  nazionale  italiano,  ministro  della 

Pubblica  Istruzione. 
Rossi  Prof.  Luigi,  Commissario  Generale  dell'Emigrazione. 
SoNNiNO   Sidney,  deputato  al  Parlamento  nazionale,  ex   ministro,  ex 

presidente   dei  ministri  e  presente  ministro  degli  AfFari  Esteri. 
Vittorio  Emanuele  III,  re  d'ltalia. 
ZuMBiNi  Prof.  Bonaventura,  letterato,  critico,  senatore   del    Regno 

d'ltalia. 
E  molti  altri. 


In  preparazione: 
Gli  Onnipotenti 
ToMMAso   Campanella 


DATE  DUE 

rp^'  1 

L    ki'-ji. 

CAYLORO 

PRINTED  INU.S  A. 

3520    I7C3 
Carnoval e,  . ^ ■ . 

Wny    Italy    entered    into    the 
great    war. 


AA    001310  921 


